Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I

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H, BLOCHMANN, M. A.

CALCUTTA MADRASAH.

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PREFACE,

“OQ Qeee

The At 1 Axparr is the third volume of the AKBAR- na’MAH, by Shaikh Abulfazl, and is by farthe greatest work in

he whole series of Muhammadan histories of India. The first family as far as it is of interest for the Indian reader, and the reigns of Babar, the Stir kings, and Humaytin, whilst the second volume is devoted to the detailed history of nearly forty-six years of the reign of the Great Emperor. The con- ludine volunie; the A’in i Akbarf, contains that information regarding Akbar’s reign which, though not strictly historical, is yet essential to a correct understanding of the times, and embodies, therefore, those facts for which; in modern times, we would turn to Administration Reports, Statistical com- pilations, or Gazetteers. It contains the dim (¢. ¢., mode of governing) of Akbar, and is, in fact, the Administration Report and Statistical Return of his government, as it was about 1590 A.D. The contents, therefore, of the A‘in are naturally varied and detailed. The first of its five books treats of Akbar’s household and court, and of the emperor himself, the soul of every department, who looks upon the per- formance of his duties as an act of divine worship, and who enters into tho details of government, in order to create a harmonious whole. Vouchsafed as king with a peculiar light from on high, his person is prominently put forward as the guide of the people in all matters temporal and spiritual ; inf

{

the different ranks and mixed races of his subjects. Whilst

‘minded of the existence of a people when authors make a@ , passing allusion to famines and similar calamities, we have

iv whose character and temper the governed find that rest x peace which no constitution can give, and in whom, as the author of a new and advanced creed, the dust of intoleration is for ever allayed.

The second book treats of the servants of the throne, the military and civil services, and the attendants at court , whose literary genius or musical skill receives a lustre from the encouragement of the emperor, and -who in their turn reflect a brilliant light on the government.

The third book is entirely devoted to regulations for the judicial and executive departments, the establishment of a new and more practical era, the survey of the land, the tri- bal divisions, and the rent-roll of the great Finance minister whose name has become proverbial in India.

The fourth book treats of the social condition and liter- ary activity, especially in philosophy and law, of the Hindus, who form the bulk of the population, and in whose politic advancement the emperor saw the guarantee of the stability of his realm. There are also a few chapters ou the foreigt. invaders of India, on distinguished travellers, and on Muham- madan saints and the sects to which they respectively belong. °

The fifth book contains the moral sentences and epigram- matical sayings, observations, and rules of wisdom of the em- peror, which Abulfazl has gathered as the disciple gathers the sayings of the master.

In the A’{n, therefore, we have a picture of Akbar’s go- vernment in its several departments, and of its relations to

in most Muhammadan histories we hear of the endless tur- moil of war and dynastical’ changes, and are only re-

4’in the governed classes brought to the foreground : id move before us, and the great questions of the , Pe cesates * daadihseatbediaasaamietel. | )

_ time, axioms then believed in and principles then followed phantoms then chased after, ideas-then prevailing, and guc-, cesses then obtained, are placed before our eyes in cmc and therefore vivid, colours.

It is for this reason that the A‘fn stands so unique among the Muhammadan histories of India, and we need not wonder that long before curious eyes turned to other native sour- ces of history and systematically examincd their contents, the A‘in was laid under contribution. Le Ptre Ticffentaller, in 1776, published in his ‘ Description Géographique de | PIndostan’ long extracts froti the rent-roll given in the- Third Book; Chicf Sarishtahdar Grant used it Jarecly ‘for his Report on Indian Finances ; and as early as 1783, Francis Gladwin, a thorough Oricntal scholar, dedicated to Warren Hastings his ‘‘ Ayeen Akberi,” of which in 1800 he issued a printed cdition in London. In his translation, Glad- win has given tho greater part of the First Book, moro.than one-half of the Second and Third ‘Books, wid about one- Tosti of the Fourth Book; and although in wedern times inaccuracies have been discovered in tho portions translated by him- chiefly duo, no doubt, to the fact that he translated fro} MSS., in every way a dificult undortaking—his translatio has always ocoupied a deservedly high placo, and it may con fidently be asserted that no similar work has for the las soventy years been so oxtensively quoted as his. The mag! nitude of the task of translating the Am from uncollatedY ’ MSS. will especially becomo apparent, when we remember that, oven in the opinion of native writers, its style is “not intelligible to the generality of readers without great dift- culty.”

But it is not merely tho varigd information of the A’in that renders the book so valuablo, but also the trustworthi- ness of the author himself. Abulfazl’s high official position — gave him access to any document ho wished to consult, and hia Jong career and training in various departments of the

im

vi

State, and his marvellous powers of expression, fitted him enpinently for the composition of a work like the Akbar- nainah and the A‘in: Tis love of truth and his correctness of: _ iiilor mation are apparent on every page of the book, which be

• srished to leave to future ages as a memorial of the Great Emperor and as a guide for enquiring minds ; and his wishes for the stability of the throne and the welfare of the people, his principles of toleration, his noble sentiments on the rights of man, the total absence of personal grievances and of expres- sions of ill-will towards encompassing encmies, shew that the lL. expanse of his large heart stretched to the clear offing of sterling wisdom. Abulfazl has far too often been accused by European writers of flattery and even of wilful concoal- ment of facts damaging to the reputation of his master. A. stady, though perhaps nota hasty perusal, of the Akbar- namah will show that the charge is absolutely unfounded ; ¢ and if wo compate, his works with other historical aspeidiie: tions of the Knst, we ‘shall find that while he praises, he does 80 infinite ‘ly less and with much more graco and dignity than ny other, Indian historian or pool: No native writor Jias ver accused him of flattery 5 and if wo bear in mind that all Fastern works on Ethies recommend unconditional assont to ‘he opinion of the king, whether correct or al sur, is tho duty f man, and that the whole poetry of tho Mast is a rank mass f Nattery, at tho sido of which modern encomiums look 4 fliko withered leaves,–wo miy pardon Abulfazl when ho i praises because he finds a trac hero. The issue of the several fisiculi of this translation has _ extended over a longer time than 1 at first oxpocted. °‘Tho simultancous publication of my odition of tho Persian Test, from which the translation is made, the geographical diffi- culties of the Third Book, tho nnsutistuctory state of tho MSS., the notes added to tho transhition from varions Muliammadan historians aud works on the history of literature, have ren- dered the progress of the work wiutvoidubly slow.

—.

Vil

I am deeply indebted tothe Counciland the Phi lological Committee of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for placing at my disposal a full critical apparatus of the A’in and entrusting me with the edition of the text, for

• which the Indian Government had most liberally sanctioned the sum of five thousand Rupees. My grateful acknowledg- ments are also due to Dr. Thomas Oldham, Superin- tendent of the Geological Survey of India and late President of the Asiatic Society, for valuable advice and ever ready — ‘assistance in the execution of the work; and to Col. H. Yule, C. B., and to H. Roberts Esq., of the Doveton ‘College, for asetul hints and corrections.

Ihave thought it advisable to issue the first volume with a few additional notes, and two indexes, one of persons and things, and the. other’ of geographical names, without waiting for the completion of the whole work. I have thus had an opportunity of correcting some of the errors and inconsistencies in the spelling of names, and supplying other deficiencies. That defects will still be found, notwithstand- ing my endeavours to remove them, none of my readers’ and critics can be more sensible than I myself am.

H. BLOCHMANN.

Caleutta Madrasah, 23rd September, 1873,

CONTENTS.

—_—o— XN 3 RaAPHy OF ABUL Fazn BY THE TRANSLATOR.

DL Faz'8 PREFACE, ….0c..c.ssceeseecoscneersosanennnsesceenen cescaenee sas eee

BOOK FIRST.

1.—THEe HOUSEHOLD, ……….ccccececsencecseececceesesvecceecercesesees ie” 2.—Taor [nrrertab TREASURIES,…… 0.2.0. cc0cecceeees 3.—Tue Treasury For Precious StongEs, ..”

Core eererenecerces

fee cee cee ceae ee eee ceccene

tee cee crerecneeeaseeeoes

4.—Tar ImpertaL Mint, ……. sdapeease oe dewses §.—Trr WorKMEN OF THE MINT,……….c.cceccececceccecceeceesecses

—~F,—-TiHE METHOD OF REFINING GOLD, …….sscsecoecesssseeecosenseesces

The method of refining silver, ….sssecserceecesceesseceeesenes The process of Bukerah,……cscceccecseecsscsscseessesceseeenes The process of Bugrdwwal,…….ccccccccceevsesscsonsencssseeees

8.—TIlE METHOD OF SEPARATING TILE SILVER FROM THE GOLD, … 9,—T¥E METHOD OF EXTRACTING TUE SILVER FROM THESE ASIIES,.. 10,—TureE CoINS OF THIS GLORIOUS EMPIRE,.,……….-0.

OLE: COINS, ows vindvcs seb Teeed ee uedeee eeeicVeuss vaxiets seseeeaee Silver coins, .. eats Copper COIs, … 0.600620

11.—Tre Dinan AND THE DINAR,…… cece ceeseeeeeceeeeeceeseenes 12.—Tue Prorrr OF THE DEALERS IN GOLD AND SILVER, ……..0…

. oeeee ere oe ee ey

13.—-Tiri ORIGIN OF METALS, ……cescccsescevees

Cob ewrees

14:.—ON SPECIFIC GRAVITY, ……..ec ee ceeseecee ces cee

eee eee eee ee ees

15.—Te IMPERIAL HAREM)… … cee ccs ceecescwesoes 16.—THEe ENCAMPMENT ON JOURNEYS, :…..c0ccescececscecees ronceccesces 17.—T we ENCAMPMENT OF THE ARMY, …….ccccececseececsececscecces

18.—On LLLUMINATIONS, |… cccsccecessecorcsccseceececscsopenecessee cesses

Page

i to x

Ain 19.—Tire ENSIGNS OF ROYALTY, …..ccecsecoescececncos tesaseteccaeceeess 97 BO LE ROYAL: SEALS), <5 5ccscesesedsscsdesaisisessenseatasdsssecsdecdeeses yy 21—THe Famra’sh KGAa’‘NAdy.,…. 0… ccceecccccscee cer cen sec ceeceesen eas

M4, 22.—THEe ABDA’R KHA’NAG,……….cccceceecceceeeescns see caseac ces ceveee

Oar eg ecvcc cence sess niackoniaidscugeient eee

9 23.—Trre IMPERIAL KIroueEn, …………ccccescocccssencceccesescaneenees ° 37 24.—RECIPES FOR DISHES,………0cesesceccosccscseccsseecncees seseeeesees

go DO = OP BREAD, os sd0 ss caesncvcoessvetaceaese ccdsceedtenssececvaeseeseeoseeses 9 26.—THE DAYS OF ABSTINENCE, ….cscsscceccssoncsscoseenccssenceaceseee

» 27,—STATISTICS OF THE PRICES OF CERTAIN ARTICLES, ………….. Phe spring Naveed, «aie covesves sueagebiansssaveahedssonvsede sins The autumnal harvest, 0.200 .ccccccsccevcescee ses sesseetovscsees Vegetables, 2.0 ccoscucscaes cacessecusocsesessecsascereoscensasteeces Living animals and meats, .ircoccsscesecssecsernnccanseeseenes Butter, Sugar, J… .0cccceccccrecsccccsvcveesssene SPICES; 6 da obs o00’s 86686558 ¥ eC ee Mace eeteeete

’ Pickles, eee eee eee ee ee

” 28.—Tue Frouirery, Ceo re cree rer ce rece seccerersereesessret Trini fruits, .occccavcesseccceccesesercccece need The sweet fruits of Hindiistén,….cacccssccccscecves Dried frutts, cececcverccccvcsccvecscvcsresccccece Vagetables, .cccerssvcccccsasccanecsascscscsesecees

SOUr fruitsy, cceceecccccvecacccssccccces reveseccee Sour fruits somewhat acid, …ccccccccvecccesccsece

p» 29,—-ON FLAVOURS, , occ ecca sc ccecccccocsceaeececees veuseeet y 80.—ON PERFUMES, 1.055 cecccccccccncenereceserssscncess

A list of Perfumes and their prices,….cscccceecssce? A list of fine smelling Flowers, …cocsseceouscenes? A list of Flowers notable for their beauty, ….0+.02008 On the preparation of some Perfumes,..csccsseccvese®

A 31.—Tub WarvDROBE AND THE STORES FOR MATTRESSES, ….0+°° 32.~-On SHAWLS, STUFFS, &C., . ccc cccceencenccccccnssvoeeer®

Gold stuffs… ccccccncccvcccsaccccenceccscesesoee® Silks, &§c., plainy. ..cccvcccccsencecccumecsseseeeet® Cotton cloths, ..ccesccvcccccvvsccccconeseserserer® Woollen stuffs, Peeve eereccersovecsvensensesererrr®

» 93.—ON THE NATURE OF COLOURS, veccccesccacccesveeereree” » 84-—THE ARTS OF WRITING AND PAINTING. ……00000 007999”? e The Art of Painting, .cocccrccoarvcnceseeserrrr en”

eee

‘in 35.—Tue ARSENAL, i

”

”

”

B6,—ON GUNS, soicee dene Gendaseevevdess dobeessodedesocis B7.—ON MATCHLOCKS, &C., 200 .sececevsecccscssececcccccc 38.—THE MANNER OF CLEANING GUNS, osccccccsecseecc cecuce 39.—TiTE RANKS OF THE GUNS, .eccccecccccsccccccsscocmmece dooce ote hata Niet cists oc 41.—T HE IMPERIAL ELEPHANT STABLES, 2… cceeseccccersccce 42,.—Tue CLASSIFICATION OF THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANTS, …..004 43.—TiE FooD ALLOWED TO THE ELEPIIANTS, …ccseecccesseece 44,—Te SERVANTS OF THE ELEPIIANT STABLES, ..e00+ seccceces

The Haujddr, occervecreccccccassccccssccsceseceves

¥ 45.—Ture HAmNEss OF ELEPHANTS, ….eeseseeeeecesecceeeees

46.—Tie ELEPHANTS FOR WIS MAJESTY’S USE, ..sececccvcceees 4'7.—T WE MANNER OF RIDING EMASAH ELEPIUANTS, 6.4… ee00005. 48.—On FINEs, Desert meee e eee n emer eer sree nce eneeeerenntag 49.—Tte IMPERIAL HORSE STABLES,…. ,eaccecesceccerecccocs 50.–Tie RANK OF THE HORSES, ….ceceecccecsccceeeucoues 51.—Tie FopDER ALLOWED IN THE IMPERIAL STABLES,……0008 52.—ON HARNESS &0.y ….cecsecsevecceceaeececececeavens 53.—TuE OFFICERS AND SERVANTS ATTACHED TO THE JacPERTAL

BTABLES, Jc ce screpecccccccrcccccsccccsscscecvasvecs 54.—Tuz Barov, saveiea G.e’sis- aie eles aieieie Wb .clgd swine ofa ’ee seeieeae 55.—REGULATIONS FOR BRANDING HORSES, ….–seecseecesccce 56.— REGULATIONS FOR KEEPING UP THE FULL COMPLESfENT OF

HORSES, é Seawaoe ka Veku de deny saceowerean wens doness

57,—ON FINES, Cede cence reraraccceseristvereeseseseveste

58.—On HOnSES KEPT IN READINESS, occ. cc cccceccccccccoase 59.—On DONATIONS, …066 Tec neceeveeee echataleeseedentes 60.—REGULATIONS FOR TYE JILAWANALTL,. 1… cece ces recsacves G1—THE CAMEL STABLES,. 6. cece ecco cc cee eet eeereseececeess 62,—Tie Food OF CAMELS, «ccccceec cer escescccverssseccees 63.—THE HARNESS OF CAMELS, coccccscecscccrcososvscesses

Page 109 112 113 115

ab, 116 117 124 2b.

Ain 64.—REGULATIONS FOR OILING CAMELS, AND INJECTING OTL INTO

»

”

»”

?

”?

TITETR NOSTRILS, 0… cece cece cece sec ccean etree tees 65.—THE RaNKS OF .NE CAMELS AND THER BERVANTS,.. 4440605.

RADETT 06 -sis6 PG b8 Woo 18a 88.10 Wsiale Weis 9 Wie BOSH 66.— ge Gaoxmanan on Cow STABLES) 10 5 cosbic ones o.2 wie gre. niese wie 67.—THe DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD,….0+eeseeeceseeeeerees

68.—Tue SERVANTS EMPLOYED DIN THE COW STABLES,……-. eae G9.—THE MULE STABLES, .. ccc cece e cece cer cc ccescaceeeern

e

70.—THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD FOR MULES, …….0c00008 71.—THE FURNITURE OF MULES,…. ccc cece cee en cccccecce

72.—THE MANNER IN wich His MasEstTy sPENDS HIS TIME, …. 73.—REGULATIONS FOR ADMISSION TO COURT,…….cccceccsees 74.— REGULATIONS REGARDING THE Koryisi AND THE Tasti’M, .. T5.—ON ETIQUETTE, ..cccccc cece ccc cevcesceseessscoesecene 7G6.—THE MUSTER OF MEN, secccccccccsccccccesccsccscesese 77’—His MasnstY A$ THE SPIRITUAL GUIDE OF THE PEOPLE, ……

Ordinances of the Divine Faith, …cccveccscaccevens

Notes BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF TILE

EEMPEROR AKBAR, …0.:ccecccncccnsenscscesvecteced

73.—THE MUSTER OF ELEPHANTS, ..ccccccccececcesccccosectes 79,—THE MUSTER OF HORSES, .eecececcecsecceccesccsvvenecs 80.—THE MUSTER OF CAMELS, ..cceccccccccccccccesscrovcecs 81.—Te MUSTER OF CATTLE, cecscscnccccceccsceessessecens 82.—THE MUSTER OF MULES,… cece cece ccc c cece teense sssune 83.—THE PaGosnHr REGULATION, cc cccscccccccccssssevetsuece 84.——-ON ANIMAL FIGHTS. REGULATIONS FoR BETTING, os scensees , Deer fights… ccccocrvcsvrceseccesssvevscseserees 85.—ON BULLDINGS, «ss eersesesseceerecencceeeeerescetenes 86.—THE PRICES OF BUILDING MATERIAL, &C.,,…ccceeceechecne 87,—ON TITE WAGES OF LABOURERS, esse. osstcccrcccccetsccece 88.—ON ESTIMATES OF HOUSE BUILDING, ..cccceccevovccrescvees 89.—RULES FOR ESTIMATING THE LOSS IN WooD CIUIPS, wecacceese

90..—-THE WEIGHT OF DIFFERENT KINDS OF WOOD, ….+,

Ocerreas

Page

146 147 ab.

Pags BOOK SECOND.

Ain 1.—Twe DIvisions OF THE ARMY, .. cee ececeeccececececccecs

~

2 IN TICE ANIMALS OF THE ARMY, wccacccccesccsereccseces

231 233

”» » 8.—THE MANSABDARS,…ccccererrecccesrecsceceescerccece 236 NovE BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE MANSABS, ….ec00e @–. 238 » 4.—Tue ABADIS, CHHHTTOCHCCEE FRO DH SOSEMME OHHH REO HO ROHOe: OF oe 249 » - &.– OTHER KINDS OF TROOPERS, 2.452.006 scceee coececcscse 250 vy G THE INFANTRY, «0. cere cc ces cece ec ctcenccecverecesess 251 The Bandigcehis or matchlock bearers,..04bevccesecces ib. Lhe Darbans or porters, …..-06 Jace Wee bested ccas~ 2Oe P The Khidmatiyans,…ccvscgoss eos eses i eet sweaees: ib. TRO: MAUPIN. ives de ctasne saad eieoviaeawecee. | UO The Shamsherbéz or gladiators,…sceees seve coceee tb, The Pahluwans or wrestlers,,..cccceucccccsvecscesse 200 The Chelihs or slaves, ….ccnaccccccecccccessseeee tb. The Kahdrs or Palhi bearers, ..seseceeeveseccccvens 254 ; DEKE troops, wo cccecveccccecs erence: seston seceees id. » %7.—REGULATIONS REGARDING THE BRANDING OF ANIMALS, 1.0… 255 » 8.—ON THE REPETITION OF THE MARK, ….scccscccccecsceeve 256 » ~=—-«s 9. —- RULES ABOUT MOUNTING GUARDS,,..ccsceccscoerervccsees 257 » 10.—REGULATIONS REGARDING THE WAQUATINAWIS, ..eeeeeeees 258

259 260 263

” 11.—ON SANADS,. ce vccuscecccccpececceasccteeeses pee oovoas ee The Farmdn t sabté, esscccccccccccesvcvvecsecccees

12.—TUE ORDER OF THE SEALS,…..cceresccrsvececcscecccese

te)

oy 18.—Tre Farman t BAYAagt,…….sccecccrecccscccncccsecee 264 » 14,—ON THE MANNER IN WHICH SALARIES ARE PAID, …..ece0000 26, » 15.—MUsA’ADAT, OR LOANS TO OFFICERS,,….ccceccscccceccee, 265 3 16.—On Donatrons, SceielaeuiSiale lore o’s exeis erieie # orale ec Brersrs leo aa ees 2b. yy) L7.—ON ALMS, ceccccccccesccccssreresesssesensenecssesss 266 » 18.—THE CEREMONY OF WEIGHING HIS MAJESTY, ….eseseceeve ab. py 19.—ON SAVURGHALS, occcccccevrorcccesecesecsessssessese 268

Note BY THE TRANSLATOR ON THE GapEs oF AKBAR’S REIGN, 270 x 20.—ON THE CaRRIAGES, &C., INVENTED BY 1S Magesty, …… 275 » 21.—Toe Ten Ser Tax (DAWSERT),… 2… ccc e vec ecececcucncs ab.-

J» 22,.—ON FEASTS, oe creccvcescnncs eect sncsceeseeseesereesess 276

» 23.——Tim KHUSHROZ OR DAY OF FANCY BAZARS,.. 0000 :cscconees ab. e

Ain 24,—-REGULATIONS REGARDING MARRIAGES, ….csecceeeeesceees » 25.—REGULATIONS REGARDING EDUCATION, .ccocsecceoscsvcoees ” 26.—Tne Ap woRaLry, speoeerees Si ae es ca a

» 27.—ON HUNTING, ha Pag CEG RON REUSED OREOEESRTS OX Sin

Tiger humting, PEE ee eT Cee ee he eT ee Elephant hats, .cecscececcvcesccsvsscccssevcenees Leopard hunting, ..ccccsvocvcccvccesse evcvcasece

» 28.—TILE FOOD ALLOWED TO LEOPARDS. THE WAGES OF THE KEEPERS,

. Skill exhibited by hunting leopards, ….ccccesecvevece _ The Siyahgosh, speveeeeseoCeoeeeeseeeesteeeneeeseenesseseaee Dogs, eeeereoeeeeeeesseeeseeeeeeeeteeereaenreeeeoenoees Hunting Deer with Deer, ..cccercscosecevevcscceces Buffalo Huts, 2… ccccccrccaccnccssccsescenceees On Humting with Hawks,..,.ccccevecccecavecsecees Allowance Of food, .cecsecccccscccccvecveseccsecees Prices of Hawlts, ciccsccvcnccccccessessccsevececs Waterfowl, occccccccaccvcvecsssrcccsscscvsssevses

F0q8, oo cccccscccccccccccevecscscsssvesvessvencs

9» 29:—ON AMUSEMENTS, co cccscccvesvccpeccsccncctsscceevens

“Ishqbdzt (pigeon flying), Sooners eee eeeteotoeveseoenHne The Colowrs of khdgah Pigeons, ..ssecsecscevscveces The game of Chaupar, sccccccesvvecccasccesacecoes The game of Chandal Mandal, ….0.sccscccceeeeeces

Cards, ..cescsscccescces eee eer essere ese nvereeeres

_» 80.—Toe Graxpues or THE Empme (with biographical notices by

the Translator) ,..cccsccccccccsccsesecscsccsecsesves

Note on the title of Tarkhdn;’…cccevcvevevceevcees Note on the title of Agaf Khan, ..sccccsecccvevccees Note on the battle of Mughulmari im Orisd, vceeveeses Note on the Sayyids of Barha (Sadat i Barha),……., Note on the Nugtawiyah Sect, …..csccecesccceeenes

Note on the Death of ’ Vsman Lohéni,. Creer hHereeee ee Conrcrupine Nore By tHE Transistor ON AKBAR’S MANSABDARS,..,,

Ain 30 (CONTINUED). THE LEARNED MEN OF THE TIME, «+s.+eeeoe.,

Tar Ports oF THE AGE,

eo

Tue Iywrentan Musictans,

eee eee ore evraransys

ADDITIONAL NOTES, 2… secre cece ececnscceeeeerecseeeteepnaees INDEX OF PERSONS AND THINGS,,.csccreecseccceesceneseuccseeses GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX, o..5.ssseceecereeeeerereusecereensenceas

GENEALOGICAL TaBLe oF THE House oF Timur.

seenedenseynonsbresdertecetanssorngenessstonsnanem

LIST OF PLATES

IN THE FIRST VOLUME OF ‘THE .

AIN I AKBARL.

Prates I ro III. Time workmen oF THE Mint, pp. 20 to 27.

1, 2.

Preparation of acids.—3. Washing of ashes.—4, 9, 10, 12, melting and refining. —5. Weighing.—6, 8. Making of plates. Work of the zarrdb, p. 21.—11. Engraving.—12. The Sikkach?, p. 22. *

Prare lV. Tse Inrertan Came, (p. 47).

ad

a, b, ¢, d, f, g, roads and bazirs. “ The principal bizir is laid out into “the form of a wide street, running through the whole extent of the army, “now on the right, now on the left, of the Diwan i khé¢.”’ Bernier.

The Imperial Harem (shabistdn i igbd?), At the right hand side is the

Didshydnah Manszil ; vide p, 64, 3.

Open space with a canopy (skhdmydnah).

Private Audience Hall (daulat-khdnah it khd¢), p. 46.

The great camp light (dkdsdiah), pp. 47, 50. *

“The aguacy-die resembles a lofty mast of a ship, but is very slender, “and takes down in three pieces. It is fixed towards the king’s quarters, “ near the tent called Nagar-kane, and during the night a lightéd lantern “is suspended from thetop. This light is very useful, for it may be seen “when every object is enveloped in impenetrable darkness. ‘lo this spot “ persons who lose their way resort, either to pass the night secure from all danger of robbers, or to resume their search after their own lodgings. “ The name ‘ Aquacy-die’ may be translated ‘Light of Heaven,’ the lantern “when at a distance appearing like a star.” Bérnier.

The Naggdrah-khdnah, pp. 47, 50. - AB, or distance from the Harem to the Camp Light, = 1530 yards; AC == 360 yards; p. 47.

The house where the saddles were kept (zatnkhdnah).

The Imperial stables (¢gtabal).

Tents of the superintendents and overseers of the stables.

Tents of the clerk of the elephant stables.

The Imperial Office (dqjtar).

il 12. 13. 14.

20 21. 22. 23. " 24, 25. 26. 27, 28. 29. 30. 3l. 32. 33, 34,

Vill

‘Tent for palkis and carts. Artillery tent (topkhdnah). Tent where the huftting leopards were kept (chétah-khdnah).

The Tents of Maryam Makani (Akbar’s mother), Gulbutlan Begum (Hu- °

mayiin’s sister, p. 615), and Prince. Danyal; p. 40.

The tents of Sultan Salim (Jahangir), to the right of the Imperial -Harem. The tents of Sultan Mur&d, to the left of the Imperial Harem ; D- 48.

Store rooms and workshops (buy2tidt),

Tent for keeping basins (d/tdbcht-khdnah).

Tent for the perfumes (Khushbid-khdnah).

Tent for storing mattress (toshak-khdnah).

Tent for the tailors, &c.

Wardrobe (kurkyardg-khdnah), pp. 87, 616.

Tent for the lamps, candles, oil, &c. (chirdgh-khdnah).

Tents for keeping fresh Ganges water (dbddr-khdnah), p. 56.

Tent for making sharbat and other drinks.

Tent for storing pdz leaves.

Tent for storing fruit (mewah-khdnah).

Tent for the Imper ial plate (vikdb-khdnah).

The Imperial kitchen (mathakh).

The Imperial bakery ( ndnbd-khdnalt),

Storeroom for spices (hawej-khdnah), *

The Imperial guard.

The Arsenal (qur-khdnah).

Women’s apartments,

35 to 41. Guard houses.

Prats V. CanpiEsticxs, p. 49. 1

Round about the whole the nobles and Mangabdérs with their contin- gents pitched theiy tents.

" «The king’s private tents are surrounded by small kanats (gandis, stand- “ing screens), of the height ofa man, some lined with Masulipatam chintz, “ worked over with flowers of a hundred differents kinds, and others with “figured satin, decorated with deep silken fringes.” Bernier. Bernier’s description of the Imperial camp, (second-letter, dated Léhor, 25th Febru- ary, 1665) agrees in minute details with the above.

4

Double candlestick (déshdkhah)—2. Fancy candlestick with pigeons.— 3. Single candlestick (yakshdkhah). The Akdsdiah, or Camp-light; vide Pl. IV, No. 4.

Prats Vi. Tur Experor AkBaRn WORSHIPS FIRE.

In frpnt of Akbar twelves candles are placed, ‘and the singer of sweet melo-

dies sings to the praise of God, as mentioned on p. 49, 1. 10 ff.

The faces of the emperor and the singer are left blank, in accordance with

4he Muhammadan dislike to paint likenesses of anything on, below, or above tke earth. The emperor sits in the position called dézdnd.

Prare VII. Troves. 5

1,2. Different kinds of thrones (axrazg) with pillows (musnud) to lean against, the royal umbrella (chaér), and the footstool (gandalz).

Prave VIII. Tae Nagea’ran Kua’van, pp. 50, 51.

1. Cymbals. (sanj).—2. The large drum (Luwargah or damdmah),—3, 4, 5. The Karanéd.—6. The Surnd.—7. The Hindi Surnd.—8. The Nafir.—9. The Singh, or horn.—10. The Naggdrahs,

Puate IX. Toe Ensiens or Royarry, p. 50.

1. The Jhanda, or Indian flag. “ The Royal standard of the great Mogul is a Couchant Lion shadowing part of the body of a sun.” Terry.

2. The Kaukabah.

3. Sdibdy or Aftdbgir. ’ bd

4, The Lumantog (from the Turkish tog, or togh, a flag, and tuman or timdn, @ division of ten thousand).

5. The Chatyr, or (red) royal umbrella. +

6. A standard, or ‘alam.

7. The Chatrtog. As Abulfazl says that this standard is smadler than the preceding, it is possible that the word should be pronounced chuturtog, from the Turkish chutur, or chiiteéy, short. The flag is adorned with bunches of hair (gutds) taken from the tails and the sides of the Tibetan Yak.

.

s

Puates X & XI. Tue Inreertat Tents,

Plate X. The, three tents on the top, commencing with the left, are (1) the Shdmydnah ; (2) A yakdar¢ Khargdh, or tent of one door; (3) the Didari, or tent of two doors; p. 54, 8. Rolled up over the door is the chigh ; p- 226, Ain 88.

Below these three tents, is the Sardpardah and Guldibdy, p. 54. At the foot of the plate is the Namgtrah (pr. dew-catcher), with carpet and pillow (masnad); p. 46. *

Plate XL. On the top, the bdrgdh, p. 53. Below it, on the left, is the Diidshydnah Manzil, or two-storied house; vide P). IV, No.1. At the window of the upper story, the emperor shewed himself; wide Index, darsan and jharokah. To the right of this two-storied tent, is the Chobin Rdwatd (as the

word ought to be spelt, from chobzn, wooden, and rdwaté, a square tent), pp. 46, 53, Below it, the common conical tent, tied to pegs stuck in the ground ; hence it is called zamindoz, with one tent pole (yak-surughak, from the Turkish surugh, or surtigh, a tent pole).

Below is a Zamindoxw with two poles (diéisurzghah), At the bottom of the plate, to the left, is the Mandal, p, 54, 6; and to the right, the ’“Ajdibé, 54, 5.

x

Prats X11. Weavrons; pp. 110*to 112. The numbers in brackets refer to the numbers on pp. 110 to 119. The sword, shamsher (1). The straight sword, hdndak (2). The gupti ‘acd (8). The broad dagger, yamdhar (4). The bent dagger, khanjar (5). The jamk’hdk, or curved dagger (7). The bent knife, ddk (8). The jhanbwah, or hiltless dagger (9). The katdrah, a long and narrow dagger (10). 10. The narsinkmoth (narsing mot’h?), a short and narrow dagger (11). 11. The bow, kamdn (12). A2, 13. The small bow and arrow, taklsh kamdu and tir (13). l4g. Arrow. 140. The paikdnkash, or arrow-drawer (19). 15. The quiver, tarkash ( 16). 46. The lance, aaizah {20). 17. The Hindiistin{ lance, darchhch (21). 18. The sdénk, or broad-headed lance (22). 19,20. The sacnt’ht (23) and selarah (24). = 21. The shushbwr, or club. This I believe to be the correct naine (instead of shashpar, p. 111, No. 26), from shushk, lungs, and bur, tearing. 22. The axe, tadbar. 23. The club, geez (25). On p. 111, No. 29, the word piydzé has been translated " by club,’ and’ this seems to be the correct meaning ; but the plates in some MSS. call ‘ piyézi’ a long knife with straight back, ending in a point, 24. The pointed axe, zéghnob, +. e. crow-bill (30). 25. The chakar (wheel) and basolah (31), : 26. . The double axe, tabar-zdghnol (32). 27, The tarangdlak (33). 28. ‘The knife, kdad (34).

& SH wa WEP pe

Puare XIII. Wearoxs (contmven): 29. The guptt kérd, or knife coneesled in a stick (36). 30. .The whip, gamehé kdad (36). : 81. The clasp knife, chdgé (37).

32. A bow, unstrung.

33. ‘The bow for clay bullets, amt’ ha, ov kamdn t gurohah (38).

34. The tube, or pea-shooter, tufak 4 dwhdn (40).

35. The pushtkhdr (41).

36. A lance called girih-kushd, 4. ¢. lnot-unraveller (43).

37. The khér ¢ mahi, i. e. fish-spine (44).

38. The sling, gobhan (45).

89, The gajbdy’l, or dukus, for guiding elephants (48); vide p. 129, No, 27.

4). 42. 43. 44, 45. 46. 47, 48,

“4 male

The shield, stpar (47).

Another kind of shield, did? (48).

The plain cane shield, pahs?, or phart (50).

The helmet, dubalghah (52).

The g’hug’hwah, a mail coat for head and body, in one piece (55). The helmet, with protection for the neck, zirih-kuldh (54).

The mailed coat, zirih (57).

The mailed coat, with breast-plate, bagtar (58).

An armour for chest and body, joskan (59).

The breast and back-plates, chahdy-dinah (60).

Prats XIV. WEArons AND ARMOURS (CONTINUED).

52, 53. 54. 55. 56.

57, 58, 59. 60. 61. 62.

Puate XV. Axpan’s MACHINE FOR CLEANING euNS: vide p. 115, Ain 38, of

The coat with plates and helmet, kot’h? (61).

An armour of the kind called gédigé (62).

A long coat worn over the armour, angirk’hah (63). An iron mask, chihrah-zirth i dhané (66).

A doublet worn over the armour, chihil-gad (67). The long glove, dastwdénah (68).

The small one is the mosahk ¢ chant, or iron stocking (71); and the large one,

the rdk (69).

The kajem, or kejam, a mailed covering for the back of the horse (72).

The artak ¢ kajem, the quilt over which the preceding is put (73). The gashgah, or head protection for the horse (74).

The kapt’hah sobhd (07) : The rocket, bdn (77).

the Ist Book. ,

Prats XVI. Harness ror norses. Ain 52, p. 136. * Prate XVII. Games; pp. 303, 304.

The upper figure shews the board for Chaupar, p. 303, and the lower figure is the board for the Chandal Mandal game. Both boards were made of all sizes ; some were madé of inlaid stones on the ground in an open court yard, as in Fathpur Sikri, and slave girls were used instead of pieces. The players at Chandal Mandal sat on the ground, round the cixcumference, one player at the

end of each of the sixteen radii.

ERRATA.

—p—

Page 31, last line, for Bahra read Bahirah.

32, line 1, for Kalénwar vead Kalaimir. _34, note 2, add vide p. 354. 55, line 12, for woolen read woollen.

» line 24, for Sérin read Sortin, vide p. 615. 57, line 2 from below, for Bharéij read Bahréich. 63, line 5, for king vead kind.

» line 25, for heron ead crane.

73, line 15, for chalk vead slaked lime. 84, last line, for Marurdj (?) read Marargj. 85, line 1, for Indrakal read Indarkeol. 104, note 3, for III, p. 139 read II, p. 278. 129, line 22 Wf, vide p. 618. 167, kine 24, for is read ave. 174, line 4 from below, for Husain read Hasan. 176, line 26, for Nabatts read Nugtawis.

180, line 16, fo». Puzukhotam ead Purakhotam.

190, line 15, for the heretic of Jafrdin vead the heretical wizard. 22%, line 23, for bricklayers read diggers. : z 226, line 6, for p’ha read phari. 241, line 8 from below, for duashpah read duaspah. 273, line 21, for tyranical read tyrannical. 274, line 3, for p.38 read p. 33. 282, line 10 from below, for p. 225 read pr 252. 286, line 22, dele comma after Fathptr. 309, line 14, for Sémbbar vead Sanbhay. » line 15, dele Jodh Bai, and vide Additional Notes, p. 618. 810, line 23, for Das of read Das. » line 33, for Nisay read unvisa. 312, line 2, for Ma’Ani read Ma’Ali. 313, line 13, for Hasain read Husain, son of Sultin Husain Mirza. 318, line 4, for Mukram read Mukarram. » line 25, for Barhémpur read Burhénpiv. 318, lines 10 and 13, for “Abdul Fath ead Abulfath. » line 9 = below, for 981 read 975; vide Proceedings, A.S. Bengal, July, Fs \ 319, line 9, for at Jigir read as jagir. 322, Tine 11, for Abdul nead Abul. v2 line 16, for 981 read 980. » line 23, for Ahmaduagar read Ahmadabad. ’ 329, line 14, for 147 read 174, . 5.) 330, line 12, add “ General Cunningham tells me that the correct name is Bidbi (Sansk. Vriddhi), nop Budi.” Fide Index. » line 22, for Talbanah read Talambah. »» lines 2 and 7 from below, for Ak Mahall xead Ag Mahall, 331, note I, for cousin read uncle. 333, line 4, for Babi read Baba. 835, line 1, for Dost read Daulaé. » line 3, for Sarkij read Sarkich. 338, line 9 from below, for Mecenas read Meecenas. 340, line 49, for Sing Ram read Sangrém.

rt

Page 340, last line, dele younger son or. 344, line 18, et passim, for Waijur read Bajor. 345, line 17, for Bajgorah read Pajkorah (or Panjkorah). 351, line 13, for severally read several. y» line 20, et passim, for Gulabi read Kolabi. 357, line 7 from below, for 81 read 80. 358, note 2, dele and the latter… Editors. ee 367, line 17, for Chandr read Chand. » 9341, line 2, om nee. for Uymaq Kal read the Uymigs of Miyankal ide p. 620). 879, line 20, for B30 sci 333. 383, line 10, for 223 read 144. 386, line 22, for 362 read 361. 391, line 3 from below, for Jhaji read Chajhi. 395, line 9 and 17, for Targ’read Tisang. » line 17, for Tas-ha read Tis-ba. line 18, for Sirdhdoli, Kiléodah read Sandhéolf, Kailéodah. » line 27, for Bhasi read Bhainst. 400, line 26, for Bilkarf read Bilahri. 407, line 14, et passim, for Bandelah read Bundelah. 414, line 18, for salamdt read salémat. » note 2, et passim, for Rahtas read Rohtias. » _» for Tamkin read Namakin. 419, line 14,from below, for son of read son of Rajah Soj4, son of. »» note 2, add “Tod mentions a ‘Kandhar’ near Amber.” Vide Geogr. Index, Khandar. 425, line 11 from below, for Ciibah of Agrah, »ead near Dihli.

427, line 5 from below, for Mangald read the mangalé. 437, line 15 from below, for Jamal read Jalal. 440, line 11 from below, for tuqtl read tuyil. 441, line 11 from. below, for 185 read 186. 4A8, note, line 1, for political read poetical. 456, note 1, add wide p. 621. 472, note, last line, for WAli read Wala. 475, line 5 from below, for 5th read 7th. 478, line 8, for 5th read 6th. 498, note 1, for Biri read Bair. ». 601, line 6 from below, for 396 read 392. 508, line 13 from below, for Wagli read Hijri; vide p. 622. 514, line 17, for Kiugti read Kingri. 539, line 23, for Kapur regd Kipur. 6 546, line 6 from below, for Maléna read Maulana. 567, note, last line, for Shah read Khan.

2?

BIOGRAPHY

OF

SHAIKH ABULFAZL I ’ALLAMi{#)~

Saarxa Apot Fazt, Akbar’s minister and friend, was born at Agrah on the 6th Muharram, 958,* during the reign of Islam Shéh.

The family to which he belonged traced its descent from Shaikh Mids, Abul Fazl’s fifth ancestor, who lived in the 9th century of the Hijrah in Siwistén (Sindh), at a place called Rel (Jy)). In “ this pleasant village,” Shaikh Midsé’s children and grandchildren re- mained till the beginning of the 10th century, when Shaikh Khizr, the then head of the family, following the yearnings of a heart imbued with mystic lore, emigrated to Hinddstin. There he travelled about visiting those who, attracted by God, are known to the world for’ not

knowing it ; and after passing a short time in Hijéz with the Arabian _

tribe, to which the family had originally belonged, he returned to India, and settled at Nagor, N. W. of Ajmfr, where he lived in the company of the pious, enjoying the friendship of Mir Sayyid Yahy4 of Bukhara.

The title of Shaikh, which all the members of the family bore, was to keep up among them the remembrance of the home of the ancestors.

Not long afterwards, in 911, Shaikh Mubir ak, Abul Fazl’s father, was born. Mubdrak was not Shaikh Khizr’s eldest child: several children had been born before and had died, and Khizr rejoicing at the birth of another son, called him Mubarak, ce, the blessed, in allusion, no doubt, to the hope which Islim holds out to the believers, that children gone before bless those born after them, and pray to God for the continuance of their earthly life.

Shaikh Mubjrak, at the early age of four, gave abundant proofs of intellectual strength, and fashioned his character and leanings in the company of one Shaikh ’Atan (w+), who was of Turkish extraction and

nr i ee CA CE,

• 14th January, 1551.

|

a

had come during the reign of Sikandar Lodi to Nagor, where he lived in the service of Shaikh Sél4r, and died, it is said, at the advanced age of one hundred and twenty years. Shaikh Khizr had now resolved permanently to settle at Ndgor, and with the view of bringing a few relations to his adopted home, he returned once more to Siwistin. His sudden death during the journey left the family at Nagor in’ great dis- tress ; and a famine which broke out at the same time, stretched num- bers of the inhabitants on the barren sands of the surrounding desert, and of all the members of the family at Nagor only Mubarak and his mother survived.

Mubérak grew up progessing in knowledge and laying the founda- tion of those encyclopedial attainments, for which he afterwards became so famous. He soon felt the wish and the necessity to complete his education and visit the great teachers of other parts; but love to his mother kept him in his native town, where he continued his studies, guided by the teachings of the great saint Khwijah Ahrdr,* to which his attention had been directed. However, when his mother died, and when about the same time the Maldeo disturbances broke out, Mu- barak carried out his wish, and went to Ahmadabad in Gujarat, either attracted by the fame of the town itself, or by that of the shrine of his countryman Ahmad of Khattéi.t In Ahmadabad, he found a second father in the learned Shaikh Abul Fazl, a khatib, or preacher, from K4zarin in Persia, and made the acquaintance of several men of reputa- tion, as Shaikh ’Umar of Tattah and Shaikh Yusuf. After a stay of several years, he returned to Hindustan, and settled, on the 6th Muhar- ram, 950, on the left bank of the Jamund, opposite Agrah, near the Charbigh Villa,t which Babar had built, aud in the neighbourhood of the saintly Mir Rafiuddin Safawi of Inji (Shiréz), among whose dis- ciples Mubarak took a distinguished place. It was here that Mubarak’s two eldest sons, Shaikh Abul Faiz,§ and four years later, Shaikh Abul- Fazl, were born. Mub4rak had now reached the age of fifty, and resolv- ed to remain at Agrah, the capital of the empire; nor did the years

of extraordinary drought which preceded the first year of Akbar’s reign,

• Died at Samargand, 29th Rabi’ I, 895, or 20th February, 1490.

• Vide p. 507, note. Ahmad of Khattt is buried at Sark’hich near Ahmadabad. He died in 849 (A. D. 1448). t Later called Hasht Bihisht, or the Nurafshén Gardens. It is now called the Ram Bagh. § Born A.H. 954, or A.D. 1547. Vide p. 490. ¢

.

iil and the dreadful plague, which in 963 broke out in Agrah and caused a great dispersion among the population, incline him to settle elsewhere.

The universality of learning which distinguished Mubérak attracted a large number of disciples, and displayed itself in the education he gave his sons ; and the filial piety with which Abul Fazl in numerous passages of his works speaks of his father, and the testimony of hostile writers as Baddoni, leave no doubt that it was Mubarak’s comprehensive- ness that laid in Abu] Faiz and Abul Fazl the foundation of those cosmopolitan and, to a certain extent, anti-Islamitic views, for which both brothers have been branded by Muhammadan vriters as atheists, or.as Hindus, or as sunworshippers, and as the chief causes of Akbar’s apostacy from Islém.

A few years before 963 A. H., during the Afghdn rule, Shaikh Mubirak had, to his worldly disadvantage, attached himself to a reli- gious movement, which had first commenced about the year 900, and which continued under various phases during the whole of the tenth century. The movement was suggested by the approach of the first millennium of Islim. According to an often quoted prophecy, the latter days of Islim are to be marked by a general decadence in political power and in morals, which on reaching its climax is to be followed by the appearanee of Im4m Mahdi, ‘ the Lord of the period’,* who will re- store the sinking faith to its pristine freshness. Christ also is to appear ; and after all men, through his instrumentality, have been led to Islim, the day of judgment will commence. Regarding this promised per- sonage, the Rauzat ul-Aimmah, a Persian work on the lives of the twelve Iméms,t has the following passage—

Muslim, Abé Daid, Nisdi, Baihagi, andeother collectors of the tradi- tional sayings of the Prophet, state that the Prophet once said, “‘ Muhammad Mahdi shall be of my family and of the descendants of Fitimah [the Pro- phet’s daughter and wife of ’Ali].” And Ahmad, Aba Dadd, Tirmizi, and Ibn Majah state that the Prophet at some other time said, ‘“ When of time one day shall be left, God shall raise up a man from among my descendants, who sh shall fill the world with justice, just as before him the world was full of op f oppression 3? and again, ‘The world shall not come to

ae

i * Cahibi zaman, He is the 12th Imam. The first eleven succeeded the Prophet. ’ €Mahdi’ (which in India is wrongly pronounced Mehndi , ‘ myrtle’) means ‘ guided’; Hadi means ‘a guide’. ‘+ By Sayyid Izzat “Alf, son of Sayyid Pir Ali of Rasilpir. Lithographed at Lek’hnau, 1271, A. H., 144 pp., royal 8vo,

iv - an end till the King of the earth shall appear, who is a man of my family, and whose name is the same as mine.’”?’ Further, Ahmad and other collec- ’’ tors assert that the Prophet once said, “ Muhammad Mahdi belongs to my family, eight and nine years.” Accordiugly, people believe in the coming of Mahdi. But there is also a party in Islam who say that Imam Mahdi has already come into the world and exists at present : his patronymic is Abul Qasim, and his epithets are “ the elect, the stablisher, Mahdi, the expected, the Lord of the age.” In the opinion of this party, he was born at Surra- man-rad [near Baghdad] on-the 23rd Ramazan, 258, and in 265 he came to his Sardabah [prop. ‘ a cool place,’ ‘ a summer villa’], and disappeared whilst in his residence, In the book entitled ‘Shawdhid’ it is said that when he was born, he had on his right arm the words written, ‘Say, the truth has come and error has vanished, surely error is vanishing’ [Qoran, xvii, 83]. It is also related that when he was born into the world, he came on_ his knees, pointed with his fingers to heaven, sneezed, and said, “ Praise be to God, the Lord of the world.’? Some one also has lefé an account of a visit to Imém Hasan ’Askari [the eleventh Imam], whom he asked, “ O son of the Prophet, who will be Khalifah and Im4m after thee?” ’Askari thereupon went into his room, and after some time came back with a child on his shoul- ders, that had a face like the full moon and might have been three years old, and said to the man, “ If thou hadst not found fayour in the eyes of God, He would not have shewn you this child: his name is that of, the Prophet, and so is his patronymic.” The sect who believe Mahdi to be alive at present, say that he rules over cities in the far west, and he is even said to ‘have children. God alone knows the truth !

The alleged prophecies of the Founder regarding the advent of the Restorer of the Faith, assumed a peculiar importance when Islim entered on the century preceding the first millennium, and the learned everywhere agitated the question till at last the Mahdi movement assumed in India* a definite form through the teaching of Mir Sayyid Muhammad, son of Mir Sayyid Khdn, of Jaunpur. This man was a

• Bad4ont, in his ‘ Najaturrashfd,’ gives a few particulars regarding the same movement in Badakhshaa, from where the idea seems to have spread over Persia and Jn- dia. In Badakhshén, it was commenced by Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhsh, a pupil of Abd Is-héq Khatlani, who gained numerous adherents and created such disturbances, that troops were sent against him. He was defeated and fled to ‘Iréq, in the moun-’ tainous districts of which country he is said to have gained thirty thousand followers. He had often to fight with the governors, but defied them all. Badéoni has preserved a copy of the proclamation which Nurbakhsh sent unto all the saints. One of his disciples was Shaikh Muhammad Lahiji, the commentator of the ‘Gulshau i Raz.’

v

descendant of the Prophet, and bore his name; the fall of Jaunpir was to him a sign that the latter days had come ; extraordinary events which looked like miracles, marked his career; and a voice from heaven had whispered to him the words, “ Anta Mahdi,” ‘thou art Mahdi.’ Some people indeed say that Mir Sayyid Muhammad did not mean to declare that he was the promised Mahdi; but there is no doubt that he insisted on his mission as the Lord of the Age. He gained many ad- herents, chiefly through his great oratorical powers, but pressed by enemies he went to Gujarat, ‘where he found an adherent in Sultéu Mahmiid I. From Gujarat he proceeded; at the request of the king and to the joy of numerous enemies, on a pilgrimage to Makkah. From there also he seems to have been driven away. On his return, it was revealed to him that his teaching was vexatious, and he said to the disciples that accompanied him, “ God has removed from my heart the burden of Mahdi. IfT safely return, I shall recant all.” But when he reached the town of Farah in Balochistén, where his arrival had created a great sensation, he died (911, A. H.; 1505, A. D.). His tomb became a place of general pilgrimage, although Shih Isma‘il and Shah Tahmiasp tried to destroy it. The movement, however, continued. Some of his followers adhered to their belief that he was Mahdi; and even the historian Baddoni, who was strongly attached to the cause, speaks of him as of a great saint.

Other Mahdis appeared in various parts of India. -In 956 (A. D., 1549), a Mahdi of great pretensions arose in Bidnah, S.W. of Agrah, in the person of Shaikh ’Aldi. This man was a Bangali Musalmdén. His father had been looked upon in his country as a learned saint, and after visiting Makkah, he had settled, in 935, with his younger brother Nacrullah, likewise a learned man, at Bidnah, where they soon became respected and influential men. Shaikh ’Aldi had shewn from his youth the learning of the lawyer and the rigour of the saint ; and on the death of his father, he gathered numerous pupils around himself. ‘But the love of power issues at last from the heads of the just,’ and on the day of the Yd, he kicked an influential Shaikh from his Aaudah, and, supported by his brothers and elder relatives, he proclaimed that he alone was worthy of being the Shaikh of the town.

• About the same time, one Miydn Abdullah, a Niydzi Afghan and disciple of Mir Sayyid Muhammad of Jauupir, arrived from Makkah, and settled at a retired spot near Bidénah. Like his master, he was man of oratorical powers and was given to strect preaching ; and in §

vi

short time he gained numerous followers among the woodcutters and water-carriers. Shaikh ‘Ali also was overawed by the impressive addresses of Miyin ’Abdullah ; he gave up teaching and struggling for local influence, turned faqfr, told his wife either to follow him to the wilderness or to go, distributed his whole property, even, his books, among the poor adherents of the Niydzi, and joined thé fraternity which they had formed. The brethren had established among them- selves community of property, divided the earnings obtained by begging, and gave up all work, because it was said in the Qordn, ‘Let not men be allured by trade or selling to give up meditating on God.’ Religious meetings, the object of which was to prepare people for the advent: of the promised Mahdi, were daily held after the five prayers, which the brethren said together, and wherever they went they appeared armed to the teeth. They soon felt strong enough to interfere with municipal matters, and inspected the biz4rs and removed by force all articles forbidden in the law, defying the magistrates, if opposed to them, or assisting them, if of their opinion. Their ranks increased daily, and matters in Bidnah had come to such a pass, that.fathers separated them- selves from their children and husbands from-their wives. Shaikh *Alai’s former position and the thoroughness of his conversion had given him the rank of secord leader ; in fact, he soon outdid Miydn ’Abdullah in earnestness and successful conversions, and the latter at last tried to rid himself of his rival by sending him with six’ or seven hundred armed men towards Makkah. ’Aléi marched with his band over Basé- war to Khawdgpir, converting and preaching on the way, but on account of some obstacles they all returned to Bidnah.

Shaikh ’*Al4i’s fame at last reached the ear of Islém Shé&h, who summoned him to Agrah; and although the king was resolved to put him to death as a dangerous demagogue, aid was even offended at the rude way in which ’Aléi behaved in his presence, he was so charmed by an impromptu address which ’Alai delivered on the vanities of the world and the pharisaism of the learned, that he sent cooked provisions to ’Al4i’s men. To the amusement of the Afghan nobles and generals at court, ’Aléi on another occasion defeated the learned on questions connected with the advent of Mabdi, and Islam Shdb was day after day informed that another of his nobles had gone to *Aldi’s meetings and had joined the new sect.

It was at‘this time that Shaikh Mubarak also became a ‘ disciple,’ and professed Mahdawi ideas. It is not clear whether he joined the sect

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from religious or from political motives, inasmuch as one of the objects of the brethren was to break up the party of the learned at Court, at whose head Makhduim ul Mulk stood ; but whatever may have been his reason, the result was, that Makhduim became his inveterate enemy, deprived him of ‘granfs of land, made him flee for his life, and persecuted him for more than twenty years, till Mubdrak’s sons turned the tables on him and procured his banishment.*

The learned at Court, however, were not to be baffled by ’Alai’s success, and Makhddm’s influence was so great, that he at last prevailed on the king to banish the Shaikh. ’Aldf and his followers readily obeyed the command, and set out for the Dak’hin. Whilst at Handiah on the Narbada, the frontier of Islam Shah’s empire, they succeeded in convert- ing Bahér Khin A’zam Humiéyin and half his army, and the king on hearing of this last success cancelled his orders and recalled Shaikh “Aldi. .

• ‘Makhdim al-Mulk’ was the title of ‘Abdullah of Sulgdnptir, regarding whom the reader may consult the index for references. The following biographical notice from the Khazinatul Agfié (Lihor, pp. 443, 464) shews the opinion of good Sunnis regarding Makhdim.

‘Maulin& ‘Abdallah Ancari of Sulténpir belongs to the most distinguished learned men and saints of India. He was a Chishti in hisreligious opinions. From the time of Sher Shah till the reign of Akbar, he had the title of ‘ Makhdim-ul-Mulk’

(prop. served by the empire). He was learned in the law and austere in practice. He zealously persecuted heretics. When Akbar commenced his religious innovations and converted people to his ‘ Divine Faith’ and suuworship, ordering them to substitute for the creed the words ‘There is no God but Allah, and Akbar is the viceregent of God,’ Mauliné *Abdullah opposed the emperor. Driven at last from Court, he retired to a mosque; but Akbar said that the mosque belonged to his realm, and he should go to another country, Makhdim therefore went to Makkah. On his return to India, Akbar had him poisoned. He has written several works, as the Kt) aS, Kashf ul-ghummah ; the sas: dis, *Iffat wl-Anbdiyd, the wit cle Minhdj uddin, &. He was poisoned in A. H. 1006.

• His son Haji Abdul Karim went after the death of his father to Léhor, where he became a religious guide. He died in 1045, and lies buried at Lahor, near the Zib-unnisé Villa, at Mauza’ Kot. His sons were Shaikh Yahyé, Tl4b Nur, ’Abdul Haq and A’laé Huzir, Shaikh Yahy4, like his father, wrought miracles.’

In this account the date is wrong; for Makhdtim ul-Mulk died in 990, and as Bad&oni, MakhdGm’s supporter, says nothing of poison (Bad. II., 311), the statement of the Khazinat ul Acfid may be rejected. Badéonf also says that Makhdtim’s sons were worthless men. ;

The titles of Makhdtim ul-Mulk’s works ave not correctly given either; vide

p. 544.

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About the same time (955), Islim Shih left Agrah, in order to put down disturbances in the Panjab caused by certain Niydzi Afghans, and when he arrived in the neighbourhood of Bidénah, Makhdém wl-Mulk drew the king’s attention to Miyan Abdullah Niydzi, who after Shaikh Aladi’s departure for the Dak’hin roamed about in the hills of the’ Bidnah district with three or four hundred armed men, and was known to poss- ess great influence over men of his own clan, and consequently over the Niy4zi rebels in the Panjib. Islim Shah ordered the governor of Bid- nah, who had become a Mahdawi, to bring Miydén ’Abdullah to him. The governor advised his religious leader to conceal himself; but Miyan “Abdullah boldly appeared before the king, and so displeased him by his neglect of etiquette, that Islam Shab gave orders to beat him to death. The king watched on horseback for an hour the exe- cution of the punishment, and only left when Miyén ’Abdullah lay ap- parently lifeless on the’ ground. But he was with much care brought back to life. He concealed himself for a long time, renounced all Mah- dawi principles, and got as late as 993 [A. D., 1585] from Akbar a freehold, because he, too, had been one of Makhdim ul-Mulk’s victims. He died more than ninety years old, in 1000, at Sarhind.

Islam Shah after quelling the Niydzi disturbances, returned to Agrah, but almost immediately afterwards his presence was again required in the Paujib, and it was there that Shaikh ’Alai joined the royal camp. When Islém Shih saw the Shaikh, he said to hin in a, low voice, “ Whisper into my ear that you recant, and I will not trouble you.” But Shaikh ’Aléi would not do so, and Islam Shéh, to keep up the appearance of authority, ordered a menial .to give him by way of punishment a few cuts with the whip in his presence. Shaikh *Alaihad then scarcely recovered from an attack of the plague, which for several years had been raging in India, and had a few badly healed wounds: on his neck. Whilst he got the cuts, one of the wounds broke open, and Aldi fainted and died. His body ~was now thrown under the feet of an elephant, and orders were given that no one should bury him, when all at once, to the terror of the whole camp and the king who believed

• Badaoni visited him in Sarhind, and it was from “Abdullah that he heard of Mir Sayyid Muhammad’s repentance before death. Among other things, Abdullah also told him that after the Mir’s death in Farah, a well-known man of that town seized on lands belonging to Balochis and proclaimed himself Christ; and he added that he had known no less than thirteen men of respectable parentage, who had likewise claimed to be Christ.

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that the last day had dawned, a most destructive cyclone broke forth. When the storm abated, Al4i’s body was found literally buried among roses and other flowers, and an order was now forthcoming to have the corpse interred. This happened in 957 [A. D., 1550]. - People prophesied the quick end of Islim Shéh and the downfal of his house.

Makhdim ul-Mulk was never popular after that.

The features common to all Mahdawi movements, are (1) that the preachers of the latter days were men of education and of great oratorical powers, which gave them full sway over the multitudes; and (2) that the Mahdawis assumed a hostile position to the learned men who held office at Court. Islim has no state clergy; but we find a counterpart to our hierarchical bodies in the ’Ulamas about Court, from whom the Sadrs of the provinces, the Mir ’Adls, Muftis, and Q4zis were appointed. At Dihli and Agrah, the body of the learned had always consisted of stanch Sunnis, who believed it their duty to keep the kings straight. How great their influence was, may be seen from the fact that of all Mu- hammadan emperors only Akbar, and perhaps ’Aldéuddin Khilji, suc- ceeded in putting down this haughty set. |

The death of Shaikh ’Aldi was a great triumph for the Court ’Ula- mas, and a vigorous persecution of all Mahdawi disciples was the imme- diate result. The persecutions lasted far into Akbar’s reign. They abated only fora short time when the return of Humiaytin and the downfal of the Afghin power brought about a violent political crisis, during which the learned first thought of their own safety, well knowing that Huméydn was strongly in favour of Shi’ism; but when Akbar was firmly established, and the court at Agrah, after the fall of Bairim Khan, who was a Shi’ah, again teemed with Hinddsténi Sun- nis, the persecutions commenced. The hatred of the court party against Shaikh Mubérak especially rose to such a height, that Shaikh *Abdunnabi and Makhdém ul-Mulk represented ‘to the emperor that inasmuch as Mubarak also belonged to the Mahdawis and was, therefore, not only himself damned, but led also others into damnation, he deserved to be killed. They even obtained an order to bring him before the

• The circumstances connected with ‘Aldi’s death resemble the end of Sidi Mullah during the reign of Jalal-uddin Firiiz Shah. The place in the Panjab, where the scene took place, is called Ban, (Bad. I., 408.) The fact that Badéoni spent his youth at Basiwar near Bidénah, ¢.¢., in the very centre of the Mahdawi movement, accounts perhaps for his adherence, throughout his life, to Mahdawi principles. 2

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emperor. Mubérak wisely fled from Agrah, only leaving behind him some furniture for his enemies to reek their revenge on. Concealing himself for a time, he applied to Shaikh Salim Chishtt of Fathpur Sikri for intercession ; but being advised by him to withdraw to Gujarat, he implored the good offices of Akbat’s foster-brother, the generous Khan i A’zam Mirza Kokah, who succeeded in allaying all doubts in the mind of the emperor by dwelling on the poverty of the Shaikh and on the fact that, different from his covetous accusers, he Had not cost the state any- thing by way of freeholds, and thus obtained at least security for him and his family. Mubdrak some time afterwards applied indeed for a grant of land for his son Abul Faiz, who had already acquired literary fame, though he was only twenty years old, and waited personally with his son on Shaikh ’Abdunnabf. But the latter, in his theological pride, turned them out his office as men suspected of Mahdawf leanings and Shi’ah tendencies. Even in the 12th year of Akbar’s reign, when Faizt’s poems* had been noticed at court,—Akbar then lay before Chitor— and a summons had been sent to the young poet to present himself before his sovereign, the enemies at Agrah saw in the invitation a sign of ap- proaching doom, and prevailed on the governor to secure the victim this time. The governor thereupon sent a detachment of Mughul soldiers to surround Mubérak’s house. Faizi was accidentally away from home, and the soldiers suspecting a conspiracy, subjected Mubarak to various sorts of ill-treatment; and when Faizi at last came, he was carried off . by force to Chitor.f Nor did his fears for his father and his own life vanish, till his favourable reception at court convinced him both of Abkar’s good will and the blindness of his personal enemies.

Abul Fazl had in the meantime grown up zealously studying under the care of his father. The persecutions which Shaikh Mubarak had to suffer for his Mahdawi leanings at the hands of the learned at Court, did not fail to make ‘a lasting impression on bjs young mind. There is no doubt that it was in this school of misfortune that Abul Fazl learned the lesson of toleration, the practice of which in later years formed the basis of Akbar’s friendship for him ; while, on the other hand, the same pressure of circumstances stimulated him to unusual exertions in study- ing, which subsequently enabled him during the religious discussions at Court to lead the opposition and overthrow by superior learning and

• Abul Faiz wrote under the nom-de-plume of Faizi.

• 20th Rabf I, 975, or 24th September, 1567, The ode which Faizi presented will be found in the Akbarnamah. ‘

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broader sentiments the clique of the “Ulamdés, whom Akbar hated 50 much. ‘

At the age of fifteen, he showed the mental precocity so often obser- ved in Indian boys ; he had read works on all branches of those sciences which go by the name of hitamt and naglt, or ma’gil and mangil.* Following the footsteps of his father, he commenced to teach long before he had reached the age of twenty. An incident is related to shew how extensive even at that time his reading was. A manuscript of the rare: work of Igfahén{ happened to fall into his hands. Unfortunately, how- ever, one half of each page, vertically downwards from top to bottom, was rendered illegible, or was altogether destroyed, by fire. Abul Fazl, determined to restore so rare a book, cut away the burnt portions, pasted new paper to each page, and then commenced to restore the missing halves of each line, in which attempt after repeated thoughtful pernsals he succeeded. Some time afterwards, a complete copy of the same work turned up, and on comparison it was found that in many places there were indeed different words, and in a few passages new proofs even had been adduced ; but on the whole the restored portion presented so many points of extraordinary coincidence, that bis friends were nota little. astonished at the thoroughness with which Abul Fazl had worked himself- into the style and mode of thinking of a difficult author.

Abul Fazl was so completely taken up with study that he pre- ferred the life of a recluse to the unstable patronage of the great and to the bondage which attendance at courtin those days rendered inevita- ble. But from the time Faizi had been asked by Akbar to attend the court, hopes of a brighter future dawned, and Abul Fazl, who had then completed his seventeenth year, saw in the encouragement held out by the emperor, in spite of Mubarak’s numerous enemies at court, a guarantee that patient toil, on his part, too, would not remain without fruit. The skill with which Faizf in the meantime acquired and retained Akbar’s friendship, prepared the way for Abul Faz] ; and when the latter, in the very end of 981 (beginning of 1574, A. D.), was presented to Akbar as Faizi’s brother, the reception was so favorable that he gave up all thoughts of leading a life among manuscripts. “As fortune did not at first assist me,” says Abul I"azl in the Akbarnémah, “I almost became selfish and conceited, and resolved to tread the path of proud retirement. The number of pupils that I had gathered around

et a co Me a il a ee oe ea ec ae

• Page 540, note.

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me, served but to increase my pedantry. In fact, the pride of learning had made my brain drunk with the idea of seclusion. Happily for myself, when I passed the nights in lonely spots with true seekers after truth, and enjoyed the society of such as are empty-handed, but rich in mind and heart, my eyes were opened and I saw the selfishness and covetousness of the so-called learned. The advice of my father with difficulty kept me back from outbreaks of folly; my mind had no rest, and my heart felt itself drawn to the sages of Mongolia or to the hermits on Lebanon ; I longed for interviews with the lamas of Tibet or with the pddris of Portugal, and I would gladly sit with the priests of the Parsis and the learned of the Zendavesta. I was sick of the learned of my own land. My brother and other relatives then advised me to attend the Court, hoping that I would find in the emperor a leader to the sublime world of thought. In vain did L at first resist their ad- monitions. Happy, indeed, am I now that I have found in my sovereign a guide to the world of action and a comforter in lonely retirement ; in him meet my longing after faith and my desire todo my appointed work in the world; he is the orient where the light of form and ideal dawns ; and it is he who has taught me that the work of the world, multifarious as it is, may yet harmonize with the spiritual unity of truth. T was:thus presented at Court. AsIhad no worldly treasures to lay. at the feet of his Majesty, I wrote a commentary to the Ayat ul-Iurst,* and presented it when the emperor was at Agrah. I was favourably received, and his Majesty graciously accepted my offering.”

Akbar was at that time busily engaged with his preparations for the conquest of Bibér and Bengal. Faizi accompanied the expedition ; but Abul Fazl naturally stayed in Agrah, But as Faizi wrote to hig brother that Akbar had enquired after him, Abul Fazl attended Court immediately on the emperor’s return to Fathpir Sikri, where Akbar happened to notice him first in the Jami’? Mosque. Abul Fazl, as before, presented a commentary written by him on the opening of a chapter in the Qordn, entitled ‘Strat ul Fath,’ ‘the Chapter of Victory.’+

The party of the learned and bigoted Sunnis at Court, headed by Makhdim ul-Mulk and Shaikh ’Abdunnabi, had every cause to feel sorry

• Name of the 256th verse of the second chapter of the Qoran.

• The details of Abul Fazl’s introduction at Court given in Baddoni differ slightly from Abul Fazl’s own account. 4

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at Faizi’s and Abul Fazl’s successes ;* for it was now, after Akbar’s return from Bihar, that the memorable Thursday evening discussions commenced, of which the historian Badéoni has left us so vivid an account. Akbar at first was merely annoyed at the “Pharaoh-like pride” of the _ learned at court ; stories of the endless squabbles of these pious casuits had reached his ear; religious persecutions and a few sentences of death passed by his Chief-Justice on Shf’ahs and “ others heretics” affected him most deeply ; and he now for the first time realized the idea that the scribes and the pharisees formed a power of their own in his kingdom, “at the construction of which he had for twenty years been working. Impressed with a favourable idea of the value of his Hindd subjects, he had resolved when pensively sitting in the mornings on the solitary stone at Fathpur Sikri, to rule with even hand men of all creeds in his dominions; but as the extreme views of the learned and the lawyers continually urged him to persecute instead of to heal, he instituted the discussions, because, believing himself to be in error, he thought it his duty as ruler to ‘enquire.’ It is not necessary to repeat here the course which these: discussions took.t The unity that had existed among the learned disappeared in the very beginning ; abuse took the place of argu- ment, and the plainest rules of etiquette were, even in the presence of the emperor, forgotten. Akbar’s doubts instead of being cleared up only increased ; certain points of the Hanafi law, to which most Sunnis cling, were found to be better established by the dicta of lawyers be- longing to the other three sects ; and the moral character of the Prophet was next scrutinized and was found wanting. Makhdim ul-Mulk wrote a spiteful pamphlet against Shaikh ’Abdunnabi, the Sadr of the empire, and the latter retorted by calling Makhdim a fool and cursing him. Abul Fazl, upon whom Akbar from the beginning had fixed as the leader of his

’ party, fanned the quarrels by skilfully shifting the disputes from one point to another, and at last persuaded the emperor that a subject ought to look upon the king not only as the temporal, but al also as the only spiritual guide, The promulgation of this new doctrine was the making of Abul Fazl’s fortune. Both he and Akbar held to it to the end of their lives. But the new idea was in opposition to Islim, the law of which stands above every king, rendering what we call a constitution

• Badéoni ascribes to Makhdtim ul-Mulk an almost prophetic insight into Abul Fazl’s character; for the first time he saw Abul Fazl, le said to his disciples, “ What religious mischief is there of which that man is not capable?” Bad. III, 72.

t Vide pp. 1707.

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impossible ; and though headstrong kings as ’Aléuddin Khilji had before tried to raise the law of expediency (<3 ealan, maclahat ¢ wagt) above the law of the Qoran, they never fairly succeeded in separating religion from law or in rendering the administration of the empire independent of the Mull&. Hence when Abul Fazl four years later, in 986, brought up the question at the Thursday evening meetings, he raised a perfect storm; and while the disputations, bitter as they were, had hitherto dwelt on single points connected with the life of the Prophet, or with sectarian differences, they henceforth turned on the very principles of Islim. It was only now that the Sunnis at Court saw how wide during the last: four years. the breach had become; that ‘‘ the strong ¢ embank- ment of the clearest law.and the most excellent faith . “had been broken throug ” ; +’ and that Akbar believed. that there were sensible men in a Vin all religions, and a abstemious thinkers and men endowed with miraculous power among. yall nati nations, Islam, therefore, possessed in his opinion .no superiority over other_ ‘forms. of f worship.” The learned party seeing their official position endangered, now shewed signs of readiness to yield, but it was too late. They even signed the remarkable document which Shaikh Mubdrak in conjunction with his sons had drafted, a document which I believe stands unique in the whole Church History of slam. Baddéonf has happily preserved a complete copy of it.t The emperor was certified to be a just ruler, and was as such assigned the rank of a ‘ Mujtahid’, 7. e. an infallible authority in all matters relating to. Islam. The ‘intellect of the just king’ thus became the only source of legislation, and the whole body of the learned and the lawyers bound themselves to abide by Akbar’s decrees in religious matters. Shaikh ’Abdunnabi and Makhdim ul-Mulk signed indeed the document against their will, but sign they did ; whilst Shaikh Mubérak added to his signa- ture the words that he had most willingly subscribed his name, and that for several years he had been anxiously looking forward to the reali- zation of the progressive movement, ‘The document, % says Abul Fazl in the Akbarndmah, “ brought about excellent results —(1) The Court became a gathering place of the sages and learned of all creeds ; the good doctrines of all religious systems were recognized, and their defects were not allowed to obscure their good features ; (2) perfect toleration (¢uch-i- kul, or ‘ peace with all’) was established ; and (3) the perverse and evil- minded were covered with shame on seeing the disinterested motives of I a ete Ste ee

• Pages 178, 179, J + Fide p. 186, C.

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his Majesty, and thus stood in the pillory of disgrace.’ The copy of the

• draft which was handed to the emperor, was in Shaikh Mubirak’s own handwriting, and was dated Rajab, 987 (September, 1579). A few weeks afterwards, Shaikh ’Abdunuabi and Makhdtim ul-Mulk _were sent to Makkah, and Shaikh Mubdrak and his two sons triumphed over their enemies. How magnanimous Abul Fazl was, may be seen from the manner in which he chronicles in the Akbarnémah the banish- ment of these men. Nota sentence, not a word, is added indicative of his personal grievances against either of them, though they had persecuted and all but killed his father and ruined his family ; the narrative proceeds as calm and statesmanlike as ‘in every other part of his great work, and justifies the high praise which historians have bestowed upon his character that “ neither abuse nor harsh words were ever found in his household.” ;

The disputations had now come to an end (A. D. 1579), and Faizi and Abul Fazl had gained the lasting friendship of the emperor. Of the confidence which Akbar placed in Faizi, no better proof can be cited than his appoiutment, in the same year, as tutor to Prince Murad; and as both brothers had entered the military, then the only, service and had received mansabs, or commissions, their employment in various depart- ments gave them repeated opportunities to gain fresh distinctions. Enjoying Akbar’s personal friendship, both remained at court in Fath- pur Sikri, or accompanied the emperor on his expeditions. Two years later, Faizf was appointed Sadr of Agrah, Kalpi, and Kalinjar, in which capacity he had to enquire into the possibility of resuming free tenures (sayurghdl), which in consequence of fraudulent practices on the part of government officers and the rapaciousness of the holders them-

_8elves had so much increased as seriously to lessen the land revenue ; and Abul Fazl, in the very beginning of 1585,* was promoted to the man- | , sab of Hazari, or the post of a commander of one thousand horse, and | was in the following year appointed Diwan of the Province of Dibli. Faizi’s rank was much lower; he was only @ commander of Four Hun- dred, But he did not care for further promotion. Devoted to the muse, he found in the appointment as Poet Laureate, with which Akbar honored him in the end of 1588, that satisfaction’ which no political Office, however high, would have given him. Though the emperor did hot pay much attention to poetry, his appreciation of Faizi’s genius was

• Akbarnamah, ITI, 463.

~~

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but just ; for after Amfr Khusrau of Dihli, Muhammadan India has seen no greater poet than Faizi.*

In the end of 1589, Abul Fazl lost his mother, to whose memory he has devoted a page in the Akbarnémah. The emperor, in order to console him, paid him a visit, and said to him, “If the people of this world lived for ever and did not only once die, kind friends would not be required to direct their hearts to trust in God and resignation to His will; but no one lives long in the caravanserai of the world, and hence the afflicted do well to accept consolation.” +

Religious matters had in the meantime rapidly advanced. Akbar had founded a new religion, the Din i Iléhi, or ‘the Divine Faith,’ the chief feature of which, in accordance with Shaikh Mubarak’s document mentioned above, consisted in belief in one God and in Akbar as His viceregent (khalifah) on earth. The Islamitic prayers were abolished at court, and the worship of the ‘elect’ was based on that of the Pfrsis and - partly on the ceremonial of the Hindts. The new era (¢arékh 1 tléhi), which was introduced in all government records, as also the feasts ob- served by the emperor, were entirely Parsi. The Muhammadan grandees at court shewed but little resistance : they looked with more anxiety on the elevation of Hindt courtiers than on Akbar’s religious innovations, which after all affected but a few. But their feeling against Abul Faz] was very marked, and they often advised the emperor to send him to the Dak’hin, hoping that some mismanagement in war or in administration would lessen his influence at court. Prince Salim [Jahangir] also be- longed to the dissatisfied, and his dislike to- Abul Fazl, as we shall see below, became gradually so deep-rooted, that he looked upon him as the chief obstacle to the execution of his wild plans. An unexpected visit to Abul Fazl gave him an excellent opportunity to charge him with dupli- city. On entering the house, he found forty writers busy in copying commentaries to the Qoraén. Ordering them to follow him at once, he took them to the emperor, and shewing him the copies, he said, ““ What Abul Faz] teaches me is very different from what he practises. in his house.” The incident is said to have produced a temporary estrange- ment between Akbar and Abul Fazl. A similar, but less credible, story is told by the author of the Zakhtrat-ul Khawdnin. He says that

• For his works, vide p. 548. Ft Salad Gags copped shes ah Lge 9 Sto Soils jhb yliler 5 esiinssab HAS Dl p29 pSat? Npmoto’ extsa SE ;® - ays 256 pated 9 bey N35 1,3 sy0i) LF ty

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Abul Fazl repented of his apostacy from Islam, and used at night to visit tncognito the houses of dervishes, and, giving them gold muhurs, request- ed them “to pray for the stability of Abul Fazl’s faith,” sighing at the same time and striking his knees and exclaiming, ‘“ What shall I do!” And just as writers on the history of literature have tried to save Faizi from apostacy and consequent damnation, by representing that before his death he had praised the Prophet, so have other authors suc- ceeded in finding for Abul Faz] a place in Paradise; for it is related in several books that Shah Abul Ma’4li Qédiri of Lahor, a man of saintly renown,* once expressed his disapproval of Abul Fazl’s words and deeds. Butat night, so runs the story, he saw in his dream that . Abul Fazl came to a meeting held by the Prophet in Paradise ; and when the Prophet saw him enter, he asked him to sit down, and said, “ This man did for some time during his life evil deeds, butone of his books com- thences with the words, ‘O God, reward the good for the sake of ,their righteousness, and help the wicked for the sake of Thy love,’ and these words have saved him,” The Jast two stories flatter, in all probability, the consciences of pious Sunnis ; but the first, if true, detracts in no way from that consistency of opinion and uniform philosophic conviction which pervades Abul Fazl’s works ; and though his heart found in pure deism and religious philosophy more comfort and more elements of harmony than in the casuistry of the Mullas, his mind from early youth had been so accustomed to hard literary work, that it was perfectly natural for him, even after his rejection of Islam, to continue his studies of the Qoran, because the highest dialectical lore and the deepest phi- lological research of Muhammadan literature have for centuries been

concentrated on the explanation of the holy book. _ To this period also belong the literary undertakings which were commenced under the auspices of the Emperor himself. Abul Fazl, Faizi, and scholars as Baddoni, Naqib Khan, Shaikh Sult4n, Haji Ibrahim, Shaikh Munawwar and others, were engaged in historical and scientific compilations and in translations from the Sanskrit or Hindi into Persian.f Faizi took the Lilawati, a well-known book on mathematics, and Abul Faz] translated the Kalilah Damnah under the title of “Aydr Danish from Arabic into Persian. He also took a part in the translation of the Mahabharat and in the composition of the Térékh i Alfi, the ‘ History of the Millennium.’ The lastmentioned work, curious to say, has an a ec A A I a eG

• Born A. H. 960; died at Lahor, 1024. Khuztnut ul-dgfd, p. 139.

{ Vide pp. 104, 105. 3

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intimate connection with the Mahdawi movement, of which particulars have been given above. Although from the time of Shaikh ’Aldfs death the disciples of the millennium had to suffer persecution, and the movement to all appearances had died out, the idea of a restorer of the millennium was revived during the discussions in Fathpir Sikri and by the teachings of men of Sharif i Amuli’s stamp,* with this iin- portant modification that Akbar himself was pointed to as the ‘ Lord of the Age,’ through whom faded Islim was‘to come to anend. This new feature had Akbar’s full approval, and exercised the greatest influ- ence on the progress of his religious opinions, The Térikh i Alfi, therefore, was to represent Islim as a thing of the past; it had existed thousand (aif) years and had done its work. The early history, to the vexation of the Sunnis, was related froma Shi’ah point of view, and worse still, the. chronology had been changed, inasmuch as the death of the Prophet had been made the starting point, not the hijrah, of flight, of the Prophet from Makkah to Madinah.

Towards the middle of A.H. 10Q0 (begining of 1592, AD.), Akbar promoted Abul Fazl to the post of Duhaz4ri, or commander of two thousand horse. Abul Fazl now belonged to the great Amirs (umardé i kibdv) at court. As before, he remained in immediate at- tendance on the emperor. In the same year, Faizi was seut to the. Dak’hin as Akbar’s ambassador to-Burhan ul-Mulk and to Rajah ’Ali Khan of Khandesh, who had sent his daughter to Prince Salim. Faizi returned after an absence of more than sixteen months.

Shaikh Mubarak, who after the publication of his famous document had all but retired from the world, died in the following year at Léhor, (Sunday, 17th Zi Qa’dah, 1001, or 4th September, 1593). He had reached the age of ninety, and had occupied himself in the last years of his life with the compilation in four volumes of a gigantic commentary to the Qoran, to which he had given the.,title of Hanba’u Nafiis ul’ Vyun, He completed it, in spite of failing eyesight, a short time before his death.

• Page 452. We hear the last of the Mahdawi movement in 1628, at the acces- sion of Shabjahan. Akbar was dead and had not restored the Millennium ; during Jahingir’s reign, especially in the beginning , the court was indifferent to religion, and the king retained the ceremony of sijduh, or prostration, which Muhammadans believe to be due to God alone. But Shabjaban, on his accession, restored many Muham- madan rites that had fallen in abeyance at court; and as he was born in 1000 A. H., he was now pointed to as the real restorer. Since that time the movement has found no disciples,

xix

-The historian Baddoni speaks of him as follows :—

Shaikh Mubarak belonged to the most distinguished men of learning of the present age. In practical wisdom, piety, and trust in God, he stood high among the people of his time. In early life he practised rigorous asieticism ; ‘in fact, he was so strict in his views regarding what is lawful and unlawful, that if any one, for example, came to a prayermeeting with a gold ring on his finger, or dressed in silk, or with red stockings on his feet, or red or yellow coloured clothes on him, he would order the offending articles to be removed. In legal decisions he was so severe as’to maintain that for every hurt exceeding a simple kick, death was the proper punish- ment. If he accidentally heard music while walking on the street, he ran away, but in course of time he became, from divine zeal, so enamoured of music, that he could not exist without listening to some voice or melody. In short, he passed through rather opposite modes of thought and ways of life. At the time of the Afghan rule, he frequented Shaikh ’Alai’s frater- nity; in the beginning of his Majesty’s reign, when the Naqshbandis had the upper hand, he settled matters with that sect; afterwards he was attached to thesHamadaui school; and lastly, when the Shi’ahs monopolized the court, he talked according to their fashion. ‘Men speak accord ng to the measuro of their understanding’—to change was his way, and the: rest you know. But withal he was constantly engaged in teaching the religi- ous sciences. Prosody also, the art of composing riddles, and other branches, he understood well; and in mystic philosophy he was, unlike the learned of Hindustan, a perfect master. He knew Shatibi* by heart, explained him properly, and also knew how to read the Qordn in the ten different modes. He did not go tothe palaces of the kings, but he was a most agreeable companion and full of anecdote. Towards the end of his life, when his eyesight was impaired, he gave up reading and lived in seclusion. The commentary to the Qorén which he composed, resembles the Tafsir ¢ Kabir [the “ Great Commentary’’], and consists of four thick volumes, and is entitled Manba’u Nafais ul’ Uyin. It is rather extraordinary that there is a passage in the preface in which he seems to point to himself as the renovator of the new century.,| We know what this ‘renovating’ means. About the time he finished his work, he wisely committed the Firizi Ode (in £) which consists of seven hundred verses, and the Ode Bardah, the Ode by Ka’b ibn Zubair, and other Odes to memory, and recited them as daily homilies, till on the 17th Zi Qa’dah, 1001, he left thig world at Lahor for the judgment-seat of God.

• A writer on ‘ Tajwid,’ ‘ the art of reading the Qoran correctly’. t+ Badéoni says in his ‘Najét urrashid’ that Jalaluddin Suyiiti, in his time the most universal scholar of all Arabia, pointed likewise to himself as the renovator of the

10th century.

xX

I have known no man of more comprehensive learning; but alas ! under the mantle of the dervish there was such a wicked love of worldly preferment, that he left no tittle of our religion in peace. When I was young, I studied at Agrah for several years in his company. He is indeed a man of merit; but he committed worldly and irreligiousdeeds, plunged into Just of possession - and rank, was timeserving, practised deceit and falsehood, and went so far in twisting religious truth, that nothing of his former ‘merit remains. “ Say, either I am in tho correct path or in clear error, or you” [Qoran, xxxiv, 231. Further, it isa common saying that the son brings the curse on the head of his father ; hence people have gone beyond Yazid and say, ‘ Curse on Yazid,* and on his father, too.’ _

Two years after Shaikh Mubérak’s death, Abul Fazl also lost his brother Faizi, who died at the age of fifty after an illness of six months on the 10th Safar, 1004 (5th October, 1595). When in his last moments, Akbar visited him at midnight, and seeing that he could no longer speak, he gently raised his head and said to him, “ Shaikh Jio, I have brought Hakim ’Ali with me, will you not speak to me?’? But getting no reply, the emperor in his ‘grief threw his turban to the ground, and wept loud; and after trying to console Abul Fazl, he went away.f How deeply Abul Fazl loved his elder brother, is evident from the numerous passages in the Akbarnémah and the Ain in which he speaks of him, and nothing is more touching than the lines with which he pre- faces the selections in the Ain made by him from his brother’s poems. “ The gems of thought in his poems will never be forgotten. Should leisure permit and my heart turn to worldly occupations, I would collect some of the excellent writings of this unrivalled author of the age, and gather, with the eye of a jealous critic, yet with the hand of a friend, some of his poems. But now it is brotherly love alone, which doés not travel along the road of critical nicety, that commands me to write down some of his verses.”+ Abul Fazl, notwithstanding his onerous duties, kept his promise, and two years after the death of*his brother, he collect- ed the stray leaves of Faizi’s Darkis ul-Adwdr, not to mention the numerous extracts which he has preserved in the Akbarnémah,

• Husain, in whose remembrance the Muharram lamentations are chanted, was murdered by Yazid; hence the latter is generally called Yazid i mal’dn, ‘ Yazid, the accursed.’ Badéoni here calls Abul Fazl Yazid. Poor Badaoni had only the thousand big’hahs which Akbar had given him rent-free, but his school follow, Yazid Abul Fazl, was a commander of two thousand and the friend of the emperor,

{ Badéoni, I, 406. Tt Page 549.

Xx1

-It was about the same time that Abul Fazl was promoted to the post of a Commander of two thousand and five hundred horse. Under this rank he has entered his own name in the list of grandees in the ivi Akbari, which work he completed in the same year when he collected his brother’s literary remains (1596-97).

In the following year, the forty-third of Akbar’s reign, Abul Fazl went for the first time on active service. Sultan Murdd* had not man- aged matters well in the D.k’hin, and Akbar now despatched Abul Fazl with orders to return with the Prince, whose excessive drinking caused

the emperor much ansiety, provided the officers of the imperial *

camp made themselves responsible to guard the conquered territory. Tf the officers were disinclined to guarantee a faithful conduct of the war, he was to see the Prince off, and take command with Shahrukh Mirzé.¢ The wars in the Dak’hin, from their first com- mencement under Prince Murad and the Khan Khanfn, are marked by a most astounding duplicity on the part of the imperial officers, and thou- sands of men and immense stores were sacrificed, especially during the reign of Jahangir, by treacherous and intriguing generals. In fact, the Khan Khéndn himself was the most’ untrustworthy imperial officer. Abul Fazl’s successes, therefore, were chiefly due to the honesty and loyalty with which he conducted operations. When he arrived at Bur- hanpir, he received an invitation from Bahddur Khan, king of Khandesh, whose brother had married Abul Fazl’s sister. He consented to come on one condition, namely, that Bah&dur Khan should vigorously assist him and thus aid the cause of the emperor. Bahdédur was not inclined to aid the imperialists in their wars with the Dak’hin, but he sent Abul Fazl rich presents, hoping that by this means he would escape the penal- ty of his refusal. Abul Fazl, however, was not the man to be bribed. “Thave made a vow,” said he in returning the presents, “ not to accept presents till four conditions are fulfilled—(1) friendship ;. (2) that I should not value the gift too high; (3) that I should not have been anxious to get a present; and (4) necessity to accept it. Now supposing that the first three are applicable to the present case, the favour of the emperor has extinguished every desire in me of accepting gifts from others.”

Prince Murad had in the meantime retreated from Ahmadnagar to Vlichpdr, and as the death of his infant son Mirzi Rustam made. him

• Page 335. t Page 312.

—

xxii

melancholy, he continued to drink, though dangerously ill with delirium tremens. When informed of Abul Fazl’s mission, he returned at once towards Ahmadnagar, in order to have a pretext for not going back to his father, and he had come to the banks of the Pdrn4,* twenty kos from Dau- Jatébid, when death overtook him. Abul Fazl arrived the same day, and — found the camp in the utmost confusion, Each commander reccmmen- ded immediate return; but Abul Fazl said that he was determined to march on: the enemy was near, the country was foreign ground, and this was no time for returning, but for fighting. Several of the com- manders refused to march on, and returned; but Abul Fazl, nothing daunted, after a delay of afew days, moved forward, humoured the officers, and supplied in a short time all wants. Carefully garrisoning the country, he managed to occnpy and guard the conquered districts with the exception of Nasik, which lay too far to the west. But he sent detachments against several forts, and conquered Baitdélah, Taltum, and Satonda. His headquarters were on the Godawari. He next entered into an agreement with Chand Bibi, that, after punishing Abhang Khan Habshi, who was at war with her, she should accept Janir as fief and give up the fort of Ahmadnayar.

Akbar had in the meantime gone to Ujjain. The Dak’hin opera- tions had also become more complicated by the refusal of Bahadur: Khan to pay his respects to Prince Dényél, and war with Khandesh had been determined on. Akbar resolved to march on Asir, Bahadur Khan’s stronghold, and appointed Prince Diny4l to take command at Ahmadnagar. Danydl sent immediate instructions to Abul Fazl to cease all operations, as he wished to take Ahmadnagar personally. When the Prince therefore left Burhdnptr, Abul Fazl, at Akbar’s re- gest, left Mirzi Shahrukh, Mir Murtazi, and Khwajah Abul Hasan in charge of his corps, and hastened to meet the emperor. - On the 14th Ramazén, 1008 (beginning of the 44th year of Akbar’s reign), he met Akbar at K’hargon, near Bijégarh. ‘The emperor teceived him with the following verse—

dy yt it aif ela FUG gligen tyd 5 duly Ad soidyd

Serene is the night and pleasant is the moonlight, I wishto talk to thee on

many a subject.

• The southern Purné is meant. The northern Ptrné flows into the Tapti io Khandesh ; whilst the southern Pirna, with the Didnd, flows into the Godadwari. Prince Murad had gone from Ilichpér to Narnalah, and from there to Shabpiir, which he had built about eight miles south of Balapar. It is now in ruins.

XXiil

and promoted him for his excellent management to a command y of four thousand. The imperial army now marched on Asir and commenced the siege.* One day, Abul Fazl inspected some of his tren- ches, when one of the besieged, who had deserted to Akbar’s camp, offered, to shew him a way by which the Imperialists might get over the wall of the Malai Fort, an important fortification below Asirgarh itself. Half way up the mountain, to the west and slightly to the north, were two renowned outworks, called the Malai and Antar Malai, which had to be conquered before Asir itself could be reached ; and between the north-west and north, there was another bastion called Chinah Malai. A portion of its wall was not finished. From east to south-west there were hills, and in the south was a high mountain called Korhiah. A hill in the south-west, called Saipan, was occupied by the Imperialists. Abul Fazl determined on availing himself of the information given by the deserter, and selected a detachment to follow him. Giving orders to the officer commanding the trench to watch for the sound of the trum- pets and bugles, when he was to hasten to his assistance with ladders, he went in the dark of night, whilst it was raining, with his selected ,men on Mount Saipan, and sent a few of his men under Qaré Beg along the road that had been pointed out to him.’ They advanced, broke open a gate of Malai Fort, and sounded the bugle. The besieged rose up to

• “ Akbar had no‘sooner crossed the Nerebada {Narbad4], when Radzia Bador- xa [Rajah Bahadur Shah], who had possession of the fortress of Hasser (Asir], forti- fied the same against the king, and collected provisions from the neighbourhood. The king, thinking it dangerous to leave this fortress in his rear, considered how it might be captured. This fortress has three castles, of which the firstis called Cho-Tzanin, the second Commerghar : and the third is placed on the very summit of the hill, so that it is a conspicuous object at the distance of six coss. The king with no delay surrounded it on all sides; and so energetically pressed the siege night and day, that at the end of six months it was on the point of being captured. Bador-xa how- ever perceiving his danger, having obtained a pledge that his life and property should be safe, came as suppliant to the king and surrendered himself¥***, Whilst the king was at this place, Abdul Fazel [Abul Fazl] came to him, and so worked upon his mind, that he fully determined to set out for the war in’ the Deccan.” From Prof, Lethbridge’s ‘ Fragment of Indian History,’ translated from De Laét’s ‘ India Vera,’ and published in the Calcutta. Review for 1873.

De Laét’is wrong in a few minor details. I cannot identify the name Cho- Tzanin. ‘Commerghar’ is the Persian ‘ Kamargih’, ‘ the middle of a mountain.’ The names of Fort Chiinah Malai and of Mount Korhiah are doubtful, the MSS, hav- ing Khwdjah Malai and Korthah, Kortah, Kodhiah, and similar variations.

Vide also Gazetteer, Central Provinces, p. 8.

XXIV :

oppose them, and Abul Faz] hastened to his men and joined them at break of day when the besieged withdrew in confusion to Asir. On the same day, other detachments of the army occupied Chiinab Malai and Mount Korhiah, and Bahadur Khan, unable to resist longer, sued for pardon (1009). Prince Daénydl, who had in the meantime conquered Ahmadnagar,* now joined his father at Asir. ns

About this time disturbances broke out in the Dak’hin, caused by Raji Manné, and a party set up the son of ’Ali Shih asking. As the latter found numerous adherents, the Khan Khanén was ordered to march against him, and Abul Fazl was sent to Nasik; but a short time afterwards, he was told to join the KhanKhdnan. Akbar returned, in the 46th year, to Agrah, leaving Prince Danydl in Burhdnpér. Abul Fazl had no easy lifein the Dak’hin. The Khin Khaindn stood idle at Ahmad- nagar, because he was disinclined to fight, and left the operations to Abul Fazl, who looked upon him asa traitor. Abul Fazl vigorously pushed on operations, ably assisted by his son ’Abdurrahmdn. After coming to terms with the son of ’Ali Shih, he attacked Raji Manné, recovered Jalnahpiir and the surrounding district, and inflicted several defeats on him. Manné found a temporary asylum in Daulatdbad, and in a subsequent engagement he ‘was nearly captured. ~

As early as during the siege of Asir, Prince Salim, who had been sent avainst the Rina of Udaipir, had rebelled against his father, and had moved to [lihabad, where he had assumed the title of king. Though on Akbar’s return from Burhanpir a reconciliation had been effected, the prince, in the forty-seventh year, shewed again signs of rebellion, and as many of Akbar’s best officers appeared to favour Salim, the em- peror recalled Abul Fazl, the only trustworthy servant he had. As his presence at Court was urgently required, Akbar sent hint orders to leave the troops of his contingent in the Dak’hin. ‘Putting his son ’Abdur- rahmén in charge of his corps, Abul Fazl set out for Agrah, only ac- companied by afew men. Salim, who looked upon him with little concealed hatred, thought Abul Fazl’s journey, unprotected as he was, an excellent opportunity to get rid of him. He, therefore, persuaded’ Rajah Bir Singh, a Bundelé chief of Urchah (U’ndchha),t through whose territory Abul Fazl was likely to pass, to lay in wait for him and kill

• Among the plunder taken at Ahmadnagar was a splendid library, Faizf’s library, having on his death lapsed to the state, had been incorporated with the Imperial Library.

Tt Vide p. 488.

XXV

phim. Bir Singh, who was in disgrace at Court, eagerly seized the opport- .

unity of pleasing the Prince, who no doubt would substantially reward him on his accession, and posted a large body of horse and foot near Nar- war. When arrived at Ujjain, Abul Fazl was warned of Salim’s inten- tion, and his men tried to persuade him to go vid Ghati Chindé; but Abul Faz) said that thieves and robbers had no power to stop him on his way to Court. Te, thereforé, continued his journey towards Narwar. On Friday, the 4th Rabi’ I, 1011 (12th August, 1602), at a distance of about half a kos from Sardi Bar, which lies six fos from Narwar, Bir Singh’s men came in sight. The few men that Abul Fazl had with him, strongly advised him to avoid a fight, and an old servant, Gadai Kbén Af- ghan, told him quickly to retreat to Antri, which was three kos distant, as Rai Raydn and Stiraj Singh were stationed there with three thousand Im- perial horse : he might first join them, and then punish Bir Singh. But Abul Faz] thought it a disgrace to fly. He defended himself bravely ; but in a short time he was surrounded, and, pierced by the “lance of a trooper, he fell dead to the ground. Bir Singh cut off Abul Fazl’s head, and sent it to Salim in [lthabad, who, it is said, had it thrown “ into an unworthy place,” where it lay for a long time.

The Dutch traveller De Laét gives the following account of Abul

Fazl’s death.”

Salim returned to Halebassa [Tihbés, the old form of Tinabsay, and began to coin gold and silver money in his own name, which he even sent to his father, to irritate him the more. The king, enraged at this, wrote an account of all that had- happened to Abul Fazl, who bade the king be of good courage, for he would come to him as quickly as possible ; and added that his son should be brought bound to him, either by fair means or by foul. Accordingly, a little afterwards, having obtained leave of absence from Daniel Xa [Danyal Shah], he took to the road with about two or three hundred horsemen, leaving orders for his baggage to follow him. Xa- Selim, to whom all these things were known, recalling how hostile Fazl had always been towards him, and hence justly fearing that his father would be more exasperated than ever against him, judged it best to intercopt him on his journey. So he begged Radzia Bertzingh Bondela, who lived in his

~

• From Prof. E. Lethbridge’s ‘ Fragment of Indian History’, Caleuita Review,

The place near which Abul Fazl was killed, is called in the MSS. sls Sardi Bar. De Laét’s Soor appears to be a bad reading for Narwar.

4

=~

XXvl

province of Osseen [Ujjain], to lie in wait for Fazl near Soor [Narwar ?] and Gualer [Gwaliar], and to send his head to him, promising that he would be mindful of so great a benefit, and would give him the command of five thou- sand cavalry. The Radzia consented, and waited with a thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry about three or four coss from Gualer, having sent out scouts into the neighbouring villages, to give him early warning of the approach of Fazl. Accordingly when the latter, ignorant of the ambuscade, had come as far as Collebaga [Kilabagh], and was going towards Soor, Radzia Bertzingh and his followers fell upon him on all sides. Fazl and his horsemen fought bravely, but being overpowered by numbers, they were gradually worn out. F’azl himself, having received twelve wounds in the fight, was pointed out by a captive slave under a neighbouring tree, and was taken and beheaded. His head was sent to the prince, who was greatly pleased.”

Prince Salim, with that selfish nonchalance and utter indifference that distinguishedhim throughout life, openly confesses in his ‘ Me- moirs’ that he brought about Abul Fazl’g murder, because he was his enemy, and, with a naiveté exclusively his own, represents himself as a.dutiful son who through the wickedness of others had been de- prived of his father’s love. He says—

“Qn my accession, I promoted Rajah Bir Singh, a Bundelé Rajpat, to a command of three thousand. He is one of my favourites, and he is certainly distinguished among his equals for his bravery, good character, and straightforwardness, My reason for promoting him was this. To- wards the end of my father’s reign, Shaikh Abul Fazl, a Hindistani Shaikh by birth, who was well known for his learning and wisdom, and who had externally ornamented himself with the jewel of loyalty, though he sold himself ata high price to my father, had been called from the Dak’hin, He was no friend of mine, and damaged openly and secretly my reputation. Now about that time, evil-minded and mischievous men had made my father very angry with me, and I knew that, if Abul Fazl were to come back to Court, I would have been deprived of every chance to effect a reconciliation. As he had to pass on his way through the territory of BirSingh Bundela, who at that time had rebelled against the emperor, I sent a message to the lattor to say that, if he would waylay Abul Fazl and kill him, I wauld richly roward him. Teaven favoured him, and when Abul Fazl passed through his land, he stopped him on his way, dispersed after a short fight his men, and killed him, and sent his head to me at Tahabad. Although my father was at first much vexed, Abul Fazl’s death produced one good result: Icould now without further annoyance go to my father, and his bad opinion of me gra- dually wore away.”

XXVi ;

At another place in his ‘Memoirs’, when alluding to the murder, he, says, as if an afterthought had occurred to him, that he ordered Bir Singh to kill Abul Fazl, because ‘he had been the enemy of the Prophet.’

When the news of Abul Fazl’s death reached court, no one had m thé courage to break it to the emperor. According td an old custom observed by Timur’s descendants, the death of a prince was not in plain words mentioned to the reigning emperor, but the prince’s vakil pre- sented himself before the throne with a blue handkerchief round his wrist ; and as no one else would come forward to inform Akbar of the death of his friend, Abul Fazl’s vakil presented himself with a blue handkerchief before the throne. Akbar bewailed Abul Fazl’s death more than that of his son; for’several days he would see no one, and after en- quiring into the circumstances he exclaimed, “ If Salim wished to be emperor, he might have killed me and spared Abul Fazl,” and then . recited the following verse—

BF Ly 5 yd esate ly GUIS 5 BT bo Ese wg OEY Gyo jf Lo gv My Shaikh in his zeal hastened to meet me, He wished to kiss my feet, and gave up his life.

Akbar, in order to punish Bir Singh, sent a detachment under Patr ‘Das and Raj Singh* to U’ndché. They defeated the Bundelé chief in several éngagements, drove him from Bhander and shut him up in Yrich. . When the siege had progressed, and a breach was made in the wall, Bir Singh escaped by one of Rij Singh’s trenches, and withdrew to the jungles closely pursued by Patr Dads, As it seemed hopeless to catch him, Akbar called Patr Das to Court; but ordered the officers stationed about Wndcha to kill the rebel wherever he shewed himself. In the beginning of the last year of Akbar’s reign, Bir Singh was once surprised by Rajah Raj Singh, who cut down a good number of his followers, Bir Singh himself was wounded and had a narrow escape. But the emperor’s death, which not long afterwards took place, relieved Bir Singh of all fears. He boldly presented himself at Jahdngtr’s Court, and received U’ndch4 and acommand of three thousand horse as his reward.

‘Tt has often been asserted,”’ says the author of the Madsir ul- Umard, “that Abul Fazl was an infidel. Some say, he was a Hindd, or 2 firé-worshipper, or a free-thinker, and some go still further and

• Pages 469 and 458.

XXViii

. “call him an atheist ; but others pass a juster’sentence, and any that he was a pantheist, and that, like other Stuffs, he claimed for himself a position above the law of the Prophet. There is no doubt that he was a man of lofty character,* ‘and desired to live at peace with all men. He never said anything improper. Abuse, stoppages of wages, fines, absence on the patt of his servants, did not exist in his household. If he appointed a man, whom he afterwards found to be useless, he did not remove him, but kept him on as long as he could; for he used to say that, if he dismissed him, people would accuse him of want of penetra- tion in having appointed an unsuitable agent. On the day when the sun entered Aries, he inspected his whole household and took stock, keeping the inventory with himself, and burning last year’s books. He also gave his whole wardrobe to his servants, with the exception of his

trowsers, which were burnt in his presence.

“He had an extraordinary appetite. It is said that, exclusive of

water and fuel, he consumed daily twenty-two sers of food. His son ’Abdurrahm4n used to sit at table as safurcht (head butler) ; the super- intendent of the kitchen, who was a Muhammadan, was also in at- tendance, and both watched to see whether Abul Fazl would eat twice of one and the same dish. If he did, the dish was sent up again the next day. If anything appeared tasteless, Abul Fazl gave it to his son to taste, and he to the superintendent, but no word was said about it. When Abul Fazl was in the Dak’hin, his table luxury exceeded all belief. In an immense tent (chihilrdwatt) one thousand rich dishes were daily served up and distributed among the Amirs ; and near it another large tent was pitched for all-comers to dine, whether rich or poor, and i’hichré was cooked all day and was served out to any one that applied for it.”

“ Asawriter, Abul Fazl stands unrivalled. Itis style is grand and is free from the technicalities and flimsy prettiness of other Munsais ;+ and the force of his words, the structure of his sentences, the suitableness of his compounds, and the elegance of his periods, are such that it would be

| difficult for any one to imitate them.”

It is almost useless to add to this encomium bestowed on Abul Fazl’s style. ’Abdullah, king of Bukhara, said that he was more afraid

J of Abul Fazl’s pen than of Akbar’s arrow. Everywhere in India he is known as ‘the great Munshi,’ His letters are studied in all Madrasahs,

• T may remark here that Abul Fazl never accepted a title. { This is also the opinion of the author of the Haft Iglim (vide p. 508).

XXIX

and though a beginner may find them difficult and perplesing, they are perfect models. But a great familiarity, not only with the Persian lan- guage, but also with Abul Fazl’s style, is required to make the reading of any of his works a pleasure. His composition stands unique, and though everywhere studied, he cannot be, and has not been, imitated. The writers after him write in the style of the Padishthnémah, the ’Alamérdi Sikandarf, or in the still more turgid manner of the ’Alamgirnémah, the Ruq’dt Bedil, and other standard works on Inshé.

A praiseworthy feature. of Abul Fazl’s works lies in the purity of their contents. ‘Those who are acquainted with Eastern literature will know what this means. I have come across no passage where woman is lightly spoken of, or where immorality is passed over with indifference. Of his love of truth and the nobility of his sentiments* I have spoken in the Preface.

Abul Fazl’s influence on his age was immense. It may be that’ he and Faizf led Akbar’s mind away from Islim and the Prophet— this charge is brought against them by every Muhammadan writer ; but Abul Fazl also led his sovereign to a true appreciation of his duties, and from the moment that he entered Court, the problem of success-— fully ruling over mixed races, which Islam in but few other countries “had to solve, was carefully considered, and the policy of toleration was the result. If Akbar felt the necessity of this new law, Abul Fazl enunciated it and fought for it with his pen, and if the Khain Khandns gained the victories, the new policy reconciled the people to the foreign rule ; and whilst Akbar’s apostacy from Islim is all but forgotten, no emperor of the Mughul dynasty has come nearer to the ideal of a father of the people than he. The reversion, on the other hand, in later times to the policy of religious intoleration, whilst it has surrounded in the eyes of the Moslems the.memory of Aurangzib with the halo of sanctity and still inclines the pious to utter a rahimahu-llahu (May God have mercy on him!) when his name is mentioned, was also the beginning of the breaking up of the empire.

Having elsewhere given numerous extracts from Badéoni to shew that Akbar’s . courtiers ascribed his apostacy from Islim to Faizi and Abul Fazl, I need not quote other works, and will merely allude to a couplet by ’Urfif from one of his Odes in which he praises the Prophet—

• Let the reader consult Gladwin’s rendering of Abul Fazl’s introduction to the fourth book of the Ain. Gladwin’s A‘in, II, pp. 285 to 291. The passage is anti- Islamitic.

{ For Urfi vide p. 569. The metro of the couplet is Long Ramal.

d

XXX

[Se rt & foe ery? who WE so 199 wht Het 5 Le? nD Gey J tle Shy 9 HjLG FT ob5 & syle sty 9 Soljoe ye Sy? & O Prophet, protect the Joseph of my soul (é. e. my soul) from the harm of the brothers ; for they are ,yngenerous and envious, and deceive me like evil sprites and lead me wolf-like to the well (of unbelief).

The commentators unanimously explain this passage as an allusion to the brothers Faizi and Abul Fazl. I may also cite the Tarikh of Abul Fazl’s death, which the KhiniA’zam Mirza Kokah is said to have

| made— Sap) (ofl poo AU) gai jleFl OS The wonderful sword of God’s Prophet cut off the head of the rebel.*

But Abul Faz] appeared to him it in a dream and said, “The date of my death liesin the words U2 91 03, ‘The slave Abul Fazl’—which ‘likewise gives 1011 A. H.

‘Abul Fazl’s works are the following—

(1) The Akbarn4mah withthe Ain i,Akbari, its third volume. ‘ The Ain i Akbarf was completed in the 42nd year of Akbar’s reign; only a slight addition to it was made in the 43rd year on account of the conquest of Barar (1596-97, A. D.). The contents of the Akbarnémah have been detailed in the Preface. The second volume contains an account of the first forty-six years of Akbar’s reign.t There exists a continuation up to the end of Akbar’s reign by *Indyatullah Muhibb ’Ali. Thus at least the continuator is called in two MSS. that I have seen. Elphinstone says that the name of the continuator is Muhammad Salia, which seems to be a corruption of Mubammad Salih.

(2) TheMaktéb4t i ’Al14 mi, also called Lash4iAbul Fazlk. This book contains letters written by Abul Fazl to kings and chiefs. Among them are the iuteresting letters written to the Portu- guese priests, and to “Abdullah of Bukhard, in reply to his question whether Akbar had renounced Islim. Besides, there are prefaces and reviews, a valuable essay on the progress of the art of writing, portions of which are given in the Ain, &c. The collection was made after Abul

• The word , 5b bdghé, a rebel, has the numerical value of 10I3 ; but the head (of the word, the sleltae w) is cut off; hence 1013—2 = 1011, the year ‘of the Hijrah in which Abul Fazl was murdered. The metre of the hemistich is Long Ramal.

• The 46th year lasted from the 15th Ramazan, 1009, to 26th Ramazia, 1010,

2. e. to about five months before Abul Iazl’s death. ’

XXX1

Fazl’s death by ’Abduccamad, son of Afzal Muhammad, who says that he was a son of Abul Fazl’s sister and also his son-in-law. The book, ag above remarked, is frequently read in Madrasahs, and there exist many lithographed editions. In all of them, the contents constitute three books; but Amir Haidar Husaini of Bilgrim says in the preface to his ‘Sawdnih i Akbari’* that he had a collection of four books, remarking at the same time that MSS. of the fourth are very rare. It looks, indeed, as if Amir Haidar’s copy was unique. ~(3) The Ay4r Danish,f which is mentioned on p. 106.

Besides, I have seen in different books that Abul Fazl also wrote a Risélah i Mun4jiat, or ‘Treatise on Prayers’; a Jami’ullu- ghat, a lexicographical work; anda ‘Kashkol’. The last word means a ‘ beggar’s cup,’ or rather the small basket or bowl in which beg- gars in the East collect rice, dates, &c., given as alms, and hence the term is often applied to collections of anecdotes or short stories. But I have seen no copies of these works. It was also mentioned above that Abul Fazl presented, on his introduction at Court, two commentaries, of which no MSS. seem to exist at present. Nor need I again refer to the part which he took in the translations from Sanskrit and the com- ‘pilation of the Tarikh i Alfi.

The ‘Durar ul Manshir’,a modern Tazkirah by Muhammad ’Askari Husainf of Bilgrém, selects the following inscription written by Abul Fazl for a temple in Kashmir as a specimen both of Abul Fazl’s writing and of his religious belief. It is certainly very characteristic, and is easily recognized as Abul Fazl’s composition.

• Regarding this valuable work, vide p. 316, note.

{ As the word is pronounced in India, instead of ‘ Iyér i Danish,’ ‘ the test of wisdom.’ The author of the Haft Iqlim seems. to allude to this work; for he says that Abul Fazl, when he saw him in 1000 A. H., was engaged in re-writing the Nawd- dir i Hikdydt. .

{Abul Fazl says im the fourth book of the Ain—‘ The best people in Kashmir are the Brahmans. Although they have not yet freed themselves from the fetters of blind belief and adherence to custom, they yet worship God without affectation, They do not sneer at people of other religions, utter no desires, and do not run after lucre. They plant fruit trees and thus contribute to the welfare of their fellow-creatures. They abstain from meat, and live in celibacy. There are about two thousand of them im Kashmir.”

Akbar seems to have looked upon these Kashmiri Rishis as model mon.

XXxli

Mo $ ou; Os} oT ch pod ge 8 DG TE MNT Chem A Gre ce as ala, by J As

rn # : 5 ou 6

8D san . os LEGS A - ~) why Cty 59 allel 5 6 F Gp cele 1 9 Sik adh Bal 3 oly eseme ews oe ihe oe 3G “fos A ve ad 5 cast gF pled Boyz 9) 29? yalemnns 6 pill y 8G 15 uote. of) Vly be Jo ody §3 I ylang eA 2 by p56 85 tdanpgdypre epatiy Uae gldm x0 ol 3) oaks ails op! yl se biz] ele til 5 ee ad weds pase J? gipiel Jos yore nd Jldicl pai nrancts 06 ay oho Gl> J) Ald gal sbdlors gee phi as p> ae” By ME fe Tavs A caw) phic lw dod YW corm!) Sd pe hi pl fe sldigs 1) pe dyavo ess es pp 6 ldo gdld JB old ga laijlos ewegllt age WT ew il » 33 O God, in every temple I see people that seek Thee, and in every lan- guage I hear spoken, people praise Thee ! Polytheism and Islam feel after Thee, . Each religion says, ‘Thou art one, without equal.’ If it be a mosque, people murmur the holy prayer, and if it be a Christian Church, people ring the bell from love to Thee. Sometimes I frequent the Christian cloister, and sometimes the mosque, But it is Thou whom I search from temple to temple. ot Thy elect have no dealings with either heresy or orthodoxy ; for neithor of them stands behind the screen of Thy truth. Heresy to the heretic, and religion to the orthodox,

But the dust of the rosepetal* belongs to the heart of the porfume- seller.

et ey

• This line is Sifistic. The longing of the heart after God is compared to the perfume which rises from the rose petals, The perfume-seller, z. ¢. the Unitarian, is truly religious, and is equally removed from heresy and orthodoxy.

EXXIUL

’

This temple was erected for the purpose of binding together the hearts of the Unitarians in Hinddstan, and especially mae ef His worshippers that live in the province of Kashmir,

By order of the Lord of the throne and the crown, the lamp of creation, Shah Akbar, ‘‘Tn whom the seven minerals find uniformity, in whom the four elements attain perfect mixture.*

He who from insincere motives destroys this temple, should first destroy his own place of worship ; for if we follow the dictates of the heart, we must bear up with all men, but if we look to the external, we find everything proper to be destroyed.

O God, Thou art just and judgest an action by the motive ;

Thou knowest whether a motive is sublime, and tellest the king

.What motives a king should have.

I have a few nots on Abul Fazl’s family, which may form the con- clusion of this biographical notice. The Ain gives the following list of Shaikh Mubarak’s sons.

1, Shaikh Abul Faiz, better known under his poetical name of Faizi, He was bornin A. H. 954 (A. D. 1547), and seems to have died childless.

2. Shaikh Abul Fazl, born 14th January, 1551, murdered 12th August, 1602.

3. ShaikhAbul Ba rak 4t, born 17th Shawwal, 960 (1552). “ Though he has not reached a high degree of learning, he knows much, is a practical man, and well versed in fencing. He is good-natured and fond of dervishes.”’ He served under Abul Fazl in Khandesh.

4. Shaikh Abul Khair, born 22ud Jumida I, 967. “ He is a well informed young man, of a regulated mind.” He, too,. must have entered the Imperial service; for he is mentioned in the Akbar- nfmah as having been sent by the emperor to the Dak’hin to fetch Prince Danyal.

5. Shaikh Abul Makarim, born 28rd Shawwil,976. He was wild at first, but guided by his father he learned a good deal. He also studied under Shih Abul Fath Shirazi.

The above five sons were all by the same mother, who, as remarked above, died in 998.

6. ShaikhAbu Turi b, born 23rd Zil Hijjah, 988. “ Though

enn

• T ¢, Akbar is the insdn ¢ kdmél, or perfect man.

5

XXXIV

his mother is another one, he is admitted ‘at Court, and is engaged in self-improvement.”

Besides the above, Abul Fazl mentions two posthumous sons by gummed, or concubines, viz) Shaikh Abul H Amid, born 3rd Rabi’ II, 1002, and Shaikh Ab&é Rashid, born 1st Jumidal, 1002, “ They resemble their father.” .

Of Mubdrak’s daughters, I find four mentioned in the histories—

1. One married to Khudawand Khan Dak’hint; cide p. 442. Badaoni calls her husband a Rdfizé, ¢. e., a Shi’ah, and says he died in Kari in Gujarat.

2. One married to Husimuddin ; vide p. 441..

3. One married to a son of Rajah ’Ali Khan of Khiéndesh. Their son Safdar Khain* was made, in the 45th year of Akbar’s reign, a com- mander of one thousand.

4, Ladli Begum, married to Islim Khan; vide p. 493, note 1. Mr. T. W. Beale of Agrah, the learned author of the Miftdh uttawdrékh, informs me that Lédli Begum died in 1017, or five years before the death of her husband. Her mausoleum, called the ‘ Rauzah i Ladli Be-

gum,’ is about two miles to the east of Akbar’s mausoleum at Sikandrah, near Xgrah. ‘The interior* was built of marble, and the whole was sur- rounded by a wall of red Fathpir sandstone. It was completed in 1004. In 1843, Mr. Beale saw in the Rauzah several tombs without inscriptions, and a few years ago the place was sold by government to a wealthy Hindd. The new owner dug up the marble stones, sold them, and destroyed the tombs, so that of the old Rauzah nothing exists now-a-days but the surrounding wall. Mr. Beale thinks that the bodies of Shaikh Mubarak, Faizi, and Abul Fazl were likewise buried there, be- cause’ over the entrance the following sa in Tughra characters may still be seen— ayes) De a gate Loyd) soo # Add bo y io crys] LUT pany ityled] ys? BS BS, JF 8 au yd AL) shave get pyle wis sg ee py ds] auth, Jota} Les) do UB O65 ged Al glu Saag; it glad ad} ola ay Le sla uy, +5) ae 3 Lai] ia ar! 5) ‘oo H} wnb!] ey) diay ar cob wll us?! Cd gledaly Adib

In the name of God the merciful, the clement, in whom I trust!

This mausoleum was erected for the divine, scholar, the sage of the

• The Lak’hnau edition of the Akbarnémah (III, 830) calls hint Sundar Khén.

XIXXV

eternal, the gathorer of knowledgo, Shaikh Mubarak ullah (may his secret be sanctified !), in filial piety by the ocean of sciences, Shaikh Abul Fazl—may God Almighty preserve himi—in the shadow of the

majesty of the just king, whom power, auspiciousness, and generosity follow,

Jalaluddunyé waddin Akbar Padishéh i Ghazi,—may God Almighty per- petuate the foundations of his kingdom !—under the superintendence of Abul BarakAt, in 1004 [A. D. 1595-96].

Thus it will appear that the Rauzah was built in the year in which Faizi died. Shaikh Mubarak, as was mentioned above, died in 1593 A. D. It seems, however, as if Shaikh Mubdrak and Faizi had been buried at a place opposite to Xgrah, on the left bank of the Jamuna, where he first settled in 1551; for Abul Fazl says in his description of Agrah in the Ain*—“ On the other side of the river is the Char Bagh Villa, built by Firdaus Makani [the emperor Babar]. There the author was born, and there are the resting places of his father and his elder brother. Shaikh *Alfuddin Majzttb and Mir Raffuddin Safawi and other worthies are also buried there.” We have no information regarding a removal of the bodies to the other side of the Jamund, though Abul Fazl’s inscription no doubt shews that such a removal was intended. It is a pity, how- ever, that the Rauzah was sold and destroyed. .

Abul Fazl’s son is the wellknown

Suaike ’AppurranMan ArzaL Kua’y.

He was born on the 12th Sha’ban, 979, and received from his grand- father the Sunni name of ’Abdurrahmain. In the 35th year of Akbar’s reign, when twenty years of age, Akbar married him to the daughter of Sa’ddat Yar Kokah’s brother. By her Abdurrahman had a son, to whom Akbar gave the name of Bishotan.+

When Abul Faz] was in command of ‘the army in the Dak’hin, ’Abdurrahmdn was, what the Persians call, the éér 7 ru tarkash i a, ‘ the arrow at hand at the top of the quiver’, ever ready to perform duties from which others shrank, and wisely and courageously settling matters of importance, Ile especially distinguished himself in Talinganah. When Malik ’Ambar, in the 46th year, had caught ’Ali Mardin Bahadur (p. 496) and had taken possession of the country, Abul Fazl despatched *Abdurrahmén and Sher Khwéjah (p. 459) to oppose the enemy. ‘They

• My text edition, p. 441. Vide also p. 639; Keene’s Agra Guide, p.47, and regarding Lédli Begum, p. 45. ‘Ladi’ means in Hind6sténi ‘a pet.’

• Which name was borne by the brother of Isfandiyér, who is so often mentioned in Firdausi’s Shabndmah.

XXXVI

crossed the Godawart neat Nander, and defeated ’Amber at the Manjara.

Jahangir did not transfer to the son the hatred which he had felt for the father, nade’him a commander of tivo thousand"horse, gave him the title of Afzal Khén, and appointed him, in the third year of his: reign, governor of Bihar, vice Islam Khan (the husband of Abul Fazl’s sister), who was sent to Bengal. ’Abdurrahman also received Gordk’h- pur as jigir, As governor of Bihar, he had his head-quarters at Patna. Once during his absence from Patna, a dervish of the name of Qutbuddin appeared in the district of Bhojpdr, which belonged to the then very troublesome Ujjainiyah Rajahs (p. 513, note), and gave out that he was Prince Khusrau, whom his ciienpeeesta: rebellion and im- prisonment by Jahangir had made the favorite of the people. Collecting a large number of men, he marched on Patna, occupied the fort which Shaikh Bandrasi and Ghiyds, ’Abdurrahman’s officers, cowardly gave up, and plundered Afzal Khan’s property and the Imperial treasury. ’Abdurrahmin returned from Gordk’hptr as soon as he heard of the re- bellion. ~The pretender fortified Patna, and drew up his army at the Pun Pun River. ’Abdurrahmén charged at once, and after a short ficht dispersed the enemy. Qutb now retreated to the fort, followed by. ’Abdurrahmén, who succeeded in capturing him. He executed the . man at once, and sent his head to Court, together with the two coward- ly officers. Jahangir, who was always minute in his punishments, had their heads shaved and women’s veils put over the faces; they were then tied to donkeys, with their heads to the tails, and paraded through _ the towns (tashhir) as a warning to others.

Not long after this affair, “Abdurrahman took ill, and went to Court, where he was well received. He lingered for a time, and died of an abscess, in the 8th year of Jahdngir’s reign (A. H. 1022), or eleven years after his father’s murder.

BIsHOTAN, SON OF ’ABDURRAHMAN, SON or SHAIKH ABuL Fazt,

He was born on the 3rd Zi Qa’dah, 999. In the 14th year of Jahangir’s reign, he was a commander of seven hundred, with three hun- dred horse. Inthe 10th year of Shah Jahdn’s reign, he i is mentioned as a commander of five hundred horse, which rank he held when he died in the 15th year of the same reign.

. Py a

The translation will be accompanied by a preface, a biographical account of Abul Fadl, and several plates. The work, it is hoped, will be completed by the end of next year.

CORRECTIONS.

Page 32, note, like 2, Read : ;

He be deste to have entered Akbar’s service in the sighth year of the emperor’s reign (vide Badéoni IT., p. 80), and held first important post ih the eighteenth year, when he was employed to settle the affairs of Gujrat. Page 48,.note.

Gulbadan Begun was Humfy tn’ s sister and Alcbar’s aunt,

H. Bl.

ABULFAZL’S PREFACE.

ALLAHU AKBAR!

© Lord, whose seerets are for ever veiled.’ And whose perfection knows not a beginning, End and beginning, both are lost in Thee, No trace of them is found in Thy eternal realm. My words ave hme; my tongue, a stony tract ; Slow wings. my foot, and wide is the expanse. ”, ; Oonfused ave my thouglits ; but this is Thy best praiso, ~ In ecstasy ‘alone I see Thee face to face ! ;

Ir is proper for a man of true knowledge to praise God not only in words, but also in deeds, and to endeavour to obtain everlasting happiness, by putting the window of his heart opposite ‘the slit of his pen, and describing some of the wondrous works of the Creator. Perhaps the lustre of royalty may shine upon him, and its light enable him to ’ gather a few drops from the ocean, and a few atoms from’ the endless field of God’s works. Hoe will thus obtain everlasting felicity, and vender fertile the dreary expanse of words and deeds.

I, Abulfazt, son of Mubarik, return thanksgiving to God: by singing the praises of royalty, and by stringing its kingly pearls ‘upon the thread of description ; but it is not my intention to make mankind, for the first time, acquainted with the glorious deeds and excellent virtues of that .remarkeble man,’ who clothes our wonderful world in new colours, and is an ornament te Ged’s noble creation. It would be absurd on my part to speak about that which is known ; I should make

myself the butt of the learned. It is only my personal knowledge of 2 Adbar. - 1

ce

him, a priceless jewel, which’I send to the market place of the world, and my heart feels proud of being engaged in such an undertaking. But it could not have been from self-laudation that r have taken upon myself to carry out so great a task—a work which even heavenly beings would find beset with difficulties ; for such a motive would expose my inability 4nd shortsightedness. My sole object in writing this work was, first, to impart to all that take an interest in this auspicious century, a knowledge of the wisdom, magnanimity, and energy of him who understands the minutest indications of all things, created and’ divine, striding as he does over the field of knowledge ; and, secondly, to leave future generations a noble legacy. The payment of a debt of gratitude is an ornament of life, and a provision for man’s last journey. There may be some in this world of ambitious strife, where natures are 80 different, desires so numerous, equity so rare, and guidance so scarce, who, by making use of this source of wisdom, will escape from the perplexities. of the endless chaos of knowledge and deeds. It is with this aim that I describe some of the regulations of the great king, thus leaving for far and near, a, standard work of wisdom. In doing so, I have of course, to speak of the exalted position of a king, and also to describe the condition of those who are assistants in this great office.

No dignity is higher in the eyes of God than royalty; and those who are wise, drink from its auspicious fountain. A. sufficient proof @ of this, for those who require one, is the fact that royalty is a remedy for the spirit of rebellion, and the reason wliy ‘subjects obey. Even the meaning of the word Pédish4h shews this; for pdd signifies stability and possession, and skdh means origin, lord. A king is therefore the ‘origin of stability and possession. If royalty did not exist, the storm of strife would never subside, nor selfish ambition disappear. Mankind, being under the burden of lawlessness and lust, would sink into the pit of destruction ; the world, this great, market place, would lose its pros- perity, and the whole earth become a barren waste. But by the light of imperial justice, some follow with cheerfulness the road’ of obedience, whilst others abstain from violence through fear of punishment ; and out of necessity make choice of the path of rectitude. Shdh is also a name given to one who surpasses his fellows, as you may see from words like shah-suwdr, shdh-radh ; it is also a term applied to a. bridegroom—the world, as the bride, betrothes Saas to the king, anid becomes his worshipper,

iii

Silly and shortsighted men cannot distinguish a we king from a selfish ruler. Nor is this remarkable, as both have in common a large treasury, a numerous army, clever servants, obedient subjects, an abun- dance of wise men, a multitude of skilful workmen, and a superfluity. of

_, means of enjoyment. But men of deeper insight remark a difference. In the case of the former, the things just now,enumerated, are lasting ; but in that of the latter, of short duration. The former does not attach himself to these things, as his object is to remove oppression, and provide for every thing which is good. Security, health, chastity, justice, polite manners, faithfulness, truth, an increase of sincerity, &c., are the result. The latter is kept in bonds by the external forms of royal power, by vanity, the slavishness of men, and the desire of enjoyment ; hence every- where there is insecurity, unsettledness, strife, oppression, faithlessness, robbery.

Royalty is a light sinner from God, and a ray from the sun, the illuminator of the universe, ’ the argument of the book of perfection, the receptacle of all virtues. Modern language calls this light farr 7 isidt (the divine light), and the tongue of antiquity called it kiydn khirarah

__ (the sublime halo). It iscommunicated by God to kings without the intermediate assistance of any one, and mei, in the presence of it, bend the forehead of praise towards the ground of submission. Again, many excellent qualities flow from the possession of this light. 1. A paternal love towards the subjects. Thousands find rest in the love of’ the king ; and sectarian differences do not raise the dust of strife. In his wisdom, the king will understand the spirit of the age, and shape his plans accordingly. 2. A largeheart. Thesight of anything disagreeable does not unsettle him; nor is want of discrimination for him a source of’

-disappointment. His courage steps in. His divine firmness gives him the power of requital, nor does the high position of an‘ offender interfere with it. The wishes of great and small are attended to, and their claims meet with no delay at his hands. 3. A daily increasing trust in God. When he performs an action, he considers God as the real doer of it, (and himself as the medium,) so that a conflict of motives can produce no disturbance. 4. Prayer and devotion. The success of his plans will not lead him to neglect; nor will adversity cause him to forget God, and madly trust in man. He puts the reins of desire

——

mediate source of life. Regarding his form of worship, vide below.

2 Akbar worshipped the ‘sun as the visible representative of God, and the im-

iv

into the -hands of reason ; in the wide field of his desires he does not permit himself to be trodden down by restlessness, nor will he waste his precious time in seeking after that which is improper. [Tle makes wrath, the tyrant, pay homage to wisdom, so that blind rage may not get the upper hand, and inconsiderateness overstep the proper limits. He sits on the eminence of propriety, so that those who have gone astray have a way left to return, without.exposing their bad deeds to the public gaze. When he sits in judgment, the petitioner seems to be the judge, and he himself, on account of his mildness, the suitor for justice. He does not permit petitioners to be delayed on the path of hope; he endeavours to promote the happiness of the creatures in obedience to _ the will of the Creator, and never seeks to please the people in contra- diction to reason. He is for ever searching after those who speak the truth, and is not displeased with words that seem bitter, but are in reality sweet. He considers the nature of the words and the rank of the speaker. He is not content with not committing violence, but he must see that no injustice is done within his realm.

He ‘is continually attentive to the health of the body politic, and applies remedies to the several diseases thereof. And in the same manner that the equilibrium of the animal constitution depends upon an equal mixture of the elements,’ so also does the political constitution ‘become well ‘tempered by a proper division of ranks; and by means of the warmth of the ray of unanimity and concord, a multitude of people become fused into one bedy.

The people of the world may be divided into four classes.?—

1. Warriors, who in the political body have the nature of fire. Their flames, directed by understanding, consume the straw and rubbish of rebellion and strife, but kindle also the lamp of rest in this world of distur- bances. 2. Artificers and merchants, who hold the place of air. From their labours and travels, God’s gifts become ‘universal, and the breeze of contentment nourishes the rose-tree of life.* 3. Zhe learned, such as the philosopher, the physician, the arithmetician, the geometrician, the

2 Thus, according to the medical theo- s. kdtdzt. It is also found in the ries of the middle ages. Akhldg i Muhsint, chapter XV., dar

• This passage resembles one in ‘adl, in the Akhldgi Jaldlt, and the Firdaus{’s Shdhnfmah, in the chapter | AkhIdéq i Négirt, the oldest of the three entitled dar ddstén i Jamshéd; vide Akhblags mentioned. also Vullers’ Persian Dictionary, IT., 756, :

Vv

astronomer, who resemble water. From their pen and their wisdom, a river rises in the drought of the world, and the garden of the creation receives from their irrigating powers a peculiar freshness. 4. Husbandmen and Jabourers, who may be compared to earth. By their exertions, the staple of life is brought to perfection, and strength and happiness flow from their. work.

It is therefore obligatory for a king to put each of these in its proper place, and by uniting personal ability with a due respect for others, to cause the world to flourish. *

And as the grand political body maintains its equilibrium by the above four ranks of men, so does royalty receive its final tint from a similar fourfold division.

1. The nobles of the state, who in reliance on their position lead everything to a happy issue. Iuminating the battle-field with the halo of devotedness, they make no account of their lives. These fortunate courtiers resemble fire, being ardent in devotion, and consuming in dealing with foes. At the head of this class is the Vaktl, who from his having attained by his wisdom the four degrees of perfection,’ is the emperor’s lieutenant in all matters connected with the realm and the household. He graces the Council by his wisdom, and settles with penetration the great affairs of the realm. Promotion and degradation, appointment and dismissal, depend on his insight. It requires therefore an experien- ced man, who possesses wisdom, nobility of mind, affability, firmness, _Magnanimity, a man able to be at peace with any one, who is frank, single-minded towards relations and strangers, impartial to friends .and enemies, who weighs his words, is skilful in business, well-bred, esteemed, known to be trustworthy, sharp and farsighted, acquainted with the ceremonies of the court, cognizant of the State secrets, prompt in transacting business, unaffected by the multiplicity of his duties. He shofild consider it his duty to promote the wishes of others, and base his actions on a due regard to the different ranks of men, treating even his inferiors with respect, from the desire of attaching to

2 Akbar said that perfect devotedness Akbar much coveted—promised to shew

consisted in the readiness of sacrificing this devotedness, and then belonged to four things,—jdz (life), mdZ (property), the din i ildhd, or the Divine Faith, din (religion), ndms (personal honour). the articles of which Akbar had laid

Those who looked upon Akbar as a guide down, as may be seen below. in spiritual matters (pé7’)—an honour which ;

Vi

himself the hearts of all. He takes care not to commit improprieties in conversation, and guards himself from bad actions. Although the financial offices are not under his immediate superintendence, yet he

_ receives the returns from the heads of all financial offices, and meely keeps abstracts of their returns.

The Mir-mil,’ the Keeper of the seal, the Mir-bakhshi,? the Bar- bégi,® the Qurbégi,* the Mir-tézak,® the Mir-bahri,° the Mir-barr,’ the ‘Mir-Manzil,* the KhwAnsalar,° the Munshi,” the Qush-bégi,” the Akhtah- bégi’’, belong to this class. Every one of them ought to be sufficiently acquainted with the work of the others.

2. The assistants of victory, the collectors and those entrusted with income’ and expenditure, who in the administration resemble wind, at times a heart-rejoicing breeze, at other times a hot, pestilential blast. The head of this division is the Vizier, also called Diwdén. He is the lieutenant of the Emperor in financial matters, superintends the imperial treasuries, and checks all accounts. He is the banker of the cash of the revenue, the cultivator of the wilderness of the® world. He must be a member of the Divine Faith, a skilful arithmetician, free from avarice, circumspect, warm-hearted, abstinent, active in business, pleasing in his style, clear in his writings, truthful, a man of integrity, condescending, zealous in his work, Hoe is in reality a book-keeper. He explains all matters which appear too intricate for the Mustaufi ; and whatever is beyond his own ability he refers to the Vakil. The Mustaufi, the Séhib, i Taujih,* the Aw4rjah Nawis,’* the Mir-S4man,” the Nazir i Buydtat,” the Diwin i Buyitat,”” the Mushrif” of ’ the Treasury, the W4qi’ah

© Private Secretary.

» Superintendent of the aviavries (fal- cons, pigeons).

22 Superintendent ef the Stud.

*8 Deputy Diwan.

“ The Accountant of the Army.

** The Accountant of the daily ex- penditure at Court.

16 The officer in charge of the Court-

• Perhaps an officer in charge of the Emperor’s Private purse.

2 Paymaster of the Court.

® An officer who presents people: at Court, their petitions, &c. He is also called Mir ’Arz. :

• Bearer of the Imperial insignia.

§ Master of Ceremonies.

® Harbour Master General and Admiral.

• Superintendent of the Impcrial For- ests. ® Quarter Master General of the Court.

Akbar’s court was frequently travelling.

® Superintendent of the Imperial

Kitchen.

furniture, stores, &c.

17 Superintendent of the workshops.

** The Accountant of the Imperial workshops.

© Clerk,

Imperial

vil Nawis,’ the ’Amil? of the domains, are under his orders, and act by the force of his wisdom.

Some princes consider the office of the Vizier as a part of that of the Vakil, and are anxious to find in their realm a man who . possesses the excellent qualities of these two pillars of the edifice of the

" “State. But as they are not always able to find a person qualified for the office of a Vakil, they make choice of a man who has some of his qualities, and appoint him as Mushrif i Dicdn, which office is higher in rank than that of the Diwén, but lower than that‘of the Vakil.

3. The companions of the king, who are the ornaments of the court by the light of their wisdom, the ray of their sharpsightedness, their know- ledge of the times, their intimate acquaintance with human nature, their frankness and polite address. Through the excellence of their religious faith and good will, thousands open in the market place of the world the stores of virtue. Wisely fettering ambition on the battle-field of the world, they extinguish the sparks of wrath by the rain of their wisdom ; whence they resemble water in the affairs of the body political. When they are of a mild temperament, they remove the dust of affliction from the hearts of men, and bestow freshness upon the meadow of the nation; but if they depart from moderation, they inundate the world with a deluge of calamity, so that numbers are driven by the flood of misfortunes into the current of utter extinction.

At the head of this class stands the philosopher, who with the assistance of his wisdom and example purifies the morals of the nation, and girds himself with the noble aim of putting the welfare of mankind upon a sound basis: The Sadr,’ the Mir-’Adl, the Qazi,* the physician, the astronomer, the poet, the soothsayer, belong to this class.

4. The servants who at court perform the duties about the king. They occupy in the system of the State the position of earth. As such, they lie on the high road of submission, and in dust beforé the majesty of the king. If free from chaff and dross, they are like an elixir for the body; otherwise they are dust and’ dirt upon the face of success. The table servant, the armour bearer, the servants in charge of the sharbat and the water, the servant in charge of the mattresses and the | -wardrobe, belong to this class.

• The Recorder. * Collector. empire. ® Also called Sadr i Jahda, the Chief- * The Qazi hears the case: the Mir Justice and Administrator General of the | ’Adl passes the sentence.

viii

If the king be waited on by servants to whom good fortune has given excellent qualities, there arises sometimes a harmony, which is like a nosegay from the flower-bed of auspiciousness.

Just as the welfare.of the whole world depends upon the successful working of the above mentioned four classes, as settled by kings, so does the body politic depend upon the proper formation of the latter four divisions.

The sages of antiquity mention the following four persons as the chief supports of the State—l. An upright collector ; who protects the husbandman, watches over the subjects, develops the country, and improves the revenues. 2° ‘A conscientious commander of the army, active and strict. 3. A chief justice, free from avarice and selfishness, who sits on the eminence of circumspection and insight, and obtains his ends by putting various questions, without exclusively relying on witnesses and oaths. 4. An intelligencer, who transmits the events of the time without addition or diminution, always keeping to the thread of truth and penetration.

It is moreover incumbent on a just king to make himself acquainted with the characters of the following five kinds’ of men of whom the world is composed, and act accordingly. 1. The most commendable person is the sagacious man who prudently does that which is proper and absolutely necessary. The fountain of his virtues does not only run along his channel, but renders verdant the fields of other men. Such a one is the fittest person for a king to consultin State affairs. After him comes, secondly, the man of good intentions. The river of his virtues does not flow over its bed, and does not therefore become an irrigating source for others. Although it may be proper to shew him kindness’ and respect, yet he does not merit so high a degree of confidetice. Inferior to him is, thirdly, the simple’ man, who does not wear the badge of excellence upon the sleeve of his action, yet keeps the hem of his garment free from the dust of wicked deeds. He dtts not deserve any distinction ; but ought to be allowed to live at his ease. Worse than he is, fourthly, the inconsiderate man, who fills his house with furniture for his own mischief, without, however, doing harm to others. Him the king should keep in the hot place of disappointment, and bring him into the road of virtue by good advice and severe reprehension. The last of all is the

? The following is a free paraphrase of a XXXIL, entitled dar siydsat. passage in the Akhlaq i Muhsini, Chapter

ix vicious man, whoso black.deeds alarm others and throw, on account of their viciousness, a whole world into grief. If the remedies employed in the case of men of the preceding class, do not amend him, the king should consider him asa leper, and confine him scparate from-mankind ; and provided this harsh trentment does not awaken him from his sleep of error, he “should feel the torture of grief, and be banished from his dwelling ; and if this remedy produce no effect either, he should bo driven out of the kingdom, to wander in the wilderness of disappointment; and if even this should not improve his vicious nature, he should be deprived of the

• instruments of his wickedness, and lose his sight, or his hand, or his foot. ‘But the king ought not to go so far as to cut the thread of his existence ; for enquiring sages consider the human form as an edifice made by God, and do not permit its destruction.

It is therefore necessary for just kings, to make themselves first acquainted with the rank and character of men, by the light of insight and penetration, and then to regulate business accordingly. And hence it is that the sages of ancient times have said that princes who wear the jewel of wisdom, do not appoint evory low man to their service ; that they do ndt consider every one who has been appointed, to be deserving

• of daily admittance ; that those who are thus favoured, are not therefore deemed worthy to sit with them on the carpet of intercourse ; that those who are worthy of this station, are not necessarily, admitted to the pavilion of familiar address; that those who have this privilege, are not therefore allowed to sit in the august assembly ; that those upon whom this ray of good fortune falls, are not therefore let into their secrets ; and that those who enjoy the happiness of this station, are not therefore fit for admission into the Cabinet Council.

Praise be to God, the Giver of every good gift! The exalted

• monarch of our time is so endowed with these laudable dispositions, that it is no exaggeration to call him their exordium. From the light of his wisdom, he discerns the worth of men, and kindles the lamp of their energy ; whilst ever clear to himself, and without an effort, he adorns ‘his wisdom with the beauty of practice. Who can measure, by the rules of speech, his power as a spiritual leader, and his works in the wide ficld of holiness ;’ and even if it were possible to give a description of it,

• Akbar as the spivitual leader of the are related in the seyenty-seventh Ain of members belonging to the Divine Faith, this book. wrought many miracles, of which some .

2

x

who would be able to: hear and comprehend it? The best thing I can do is to abstain from such an attempt, and to confine myself to the

• description, of such of his wonderful doings as illustrate the worldly side of his nature, and his greatness as a king. I shall speak—

First, of his regulations concerning the household ; secondly, of the regulations concerning the army ; thirdly, of the regulations concerning the empire, as these three contain the whole duty of aking. In doing so, I shall leave practical enquirers a present, which may seem difficult to understand, but whidh is easy ; or rather, which may seem easy, but is in reality difficult. :

. Experienced men who are acquainted with the art of governing, and versed in the history of the past, cannot comprehend, how monarchs have hitherto governed without these wise regulations, and how the garden of royalty could have been fresh and verdant, wunont being irrigated by this fountain of wisdom.

This sublime volume then, is arranged under three heads : it enables me, in some measure, to express my feelings of gratitude for favours received.

Remark by the Author. As Thad sometimes to use Hindi words, I have carefully described the consonants and vowels. Enquirers will therefore have no difficulty in reading ; nor will any confusion arise from mistakes in copying. Letters like alzf, lém, and a few more, are sufficiently clear from their names. Some letters I have distinguished as mangttah, and letters similar in form, without such a limitation. Letters which are purely Persian, have been distinguished as such ; thus the p in padid, the ché in chaman, the gf in nigdr, the zh in muzhdah. Sometimes I have added to the names of these letters, the phrase having three points. Letters peculiar to the Hindi language I have distinguished as Hindi. The letter yd, as in ry, I have called ¢ahtdni, and the ¢é, as in dast, faugdni, The bin adub, [have merely called bé. Similarly, the letters azz, waw, yd, and hé, when clearly sounded, have been merely described as nin, wiéw, &c. The nasal nan I have called nin i khaft, or niin 1 pinkdn. Thé final and silent 4, as in farkhundah, I have called maktib, 4. ¢., written, but not pronounced. The 7 and w, when modified to é or 6, I have called majhail. As consonants followed by an alif have the vowel a, it was not necessary to specify their vowels.

BOOK FIRST. THE IMPERIAL HOUSEHOLD,

. AYN 1. THE HOUSEHOLD.

Ho is a man of high understanding and noble aspirations who, without ° the help of others, recognizes a ray of the Divine power in the smallest things of the world ; who shapes his inward and outward character accordingly, and shews due respect to himself and to others. He who does not possess these qualifications, ought not to engage in the struggle of the world, but observe a peaceable conduct. ‘ If the former be given to retirement, he will cultivate noble virtues ; and if his position be a depertlent one, he will put his whole heart in the management of his affairs, and lead a life free from distressing cares. ;

True greatness, in spiritual and in worldly matters, does not shrink from the minutia of business, but regards their performance as an act of Divine worship.”

‘ If he cannot perform every thing himself, he ought to select, guided by insight and practical wisdom, one or two men of sagacity and understand- ing, of. liberal views in religious matters, possessing diligence and a . knowledge of the human heart, and be guided by their advice.

The wise esteem him not a king who confines his attention to great ’ matters only, although some impartial judges excuse a king that does so, because avaricious sycophants who endeavour by cunning to obtain the position of the virtuous, often remind him of the difference of ranks, and succeed in lulling asleep such kings as are fond of external greatness, their only object being to make a trade of the revenues of the country, and to promote their own interests. But good princes make no-difference between great and small matters ; they take, with the assistance of God, the burden of this world and the rosponsibility of the world to come on the shoulder of resolution, and are yet free and independent, as is the case with the king of

A phrase which Akbar often used.

12

our time. In his wisdom, he makes himself acquainted with the successful _ working of every department, which, although former monarchs have thought it derogatory to their greatness, is yot the first step towards the establish- ‘ ment of a good government. For evory branch he has mado proper regula- tions, and he sees in the performance of his duty a. means of obtaining God’s favour.

The success of this vast undertaking depends upon two “things : first, wisdom and insight, to call into existence suitable regulations ; secondly, a watchful eye, to see them carried out by men of integrity and diligence.

Although many servants of the household receive their salaries on the list of the army, there was paid for the household in the thirty-ninth year of the Divine era, the sum of 309,186,795 dims.’ The expenses on this account, as also the revenues, are daily increasing. There are more than one hundred

• offices. anil workshops, each resembling a city, or rather a little kingdom ; _and by the unremitting attention of his Majesty, they are all conducted with regularity, and are .constantly increasing, their improvement being accom- panicd by additional care and supervision on the part-of his Majesty.

Some of the regulations I shall transmit, as a presont, to future enquirers, and thus kindle in others the lamp of wisdom and cnorgy.

‘As regards those ‘regulations which are of a general nature, and which from their subject matter, belong to each of the three divisions of the work, I have put them among the regulations of the Household.

ATN 2. THE IMPERIAL TREASURIES.

_ Every man of sense and understanding knows that the best way. of worshipping God, consists in allaying the distress of the times, and jn improving tho condition of than. This depends, however, on the ;dvancement of agriculture, on the order kept in the king’s household, on the readiness of : the champions of the empire, and the discipline of tho army. All this again is connected with the exercise of proper care on the part of the monarch, his love for the people, and with an intelligent management of the revenues and the public expenditure. Itis only when cared for, that the inhabitants of the towns, and those of the rural districts, are able to satisfy their wants, and to enjoy prosperity. Hence itis incumbent on just kings, -to care for the former, and to protect the latter class of mon. If some say. that to collect

1 Or, 7,729,6692 Rupees. One rupee | the commencement of which falls on the (of Akbar) = 40 dims. The Divine era, 10th February 1556; hence the thirty- or Tarikh i Uahi,*is Akbar’s solar era, | ninth year corresponds to A.D. 1595.

13

wealth, and to ask for more than is absolutely necessary, is looked ‘upon as contemptible by people given to retirement and seclusion, whilst the opposite is tho case with tho inhabitants of the towns, who live in a dependent position, I would answer that it is after all only shortsighted men who make this assertion ; for in reality both classes of men try to obtain that which they think necessary. Poor, but abstemious people take a sufficient quantity of food and raiment, so as to keep up the strength necessary for the pursuit of their enquiries, and to protect them against the influence of the weather ; whilst the other class think to have just sufficient, when they fill their troasuries, gather armies, and reflect on other -means of increasing their power. : P

’ It was from such views, when lifting the veil and begining to pay attention to these weighty concerns, that his Majesty entrusted his inmost secrets to the Khajah sarai I’timid Khan,’ a name which his Majesty had: bestowed upon him as a fitting title. On account of the experience of the Khajah, the reflections of his Majesty took a practical turn, widened by dogrees, and shone at last forth in excellent regulations. An enquiry regarding the income of. the different kinds of land was set on foot, and succossfully concluded by the wisdom of upright and experienced men. With

“a comprehensiveness which knew no difference between friends and strangers,

the lands which paid rents into the imperial exchequer were soparated from tho Jaigir lands; and zealous and upright men were put in charge of the revenues, each over one krér of dams. Incorruptible ditakchis? were selected to assist them, and intelligent treasurers were appointed, one for each. And from kindness and care-for the agricultural classes, it was commanded that the collectors should not insist wpon the husbandman paying coin of full weight, but to give him a receipt for whatever species of money he might bring. This

‘to Akbar’s satisfaction. In 1565, he conveyed the daughter of Mirin Mubi- rik, king of KhAndésh (1535 to 1566), to

» Ptindd means trustworthiness. Khi-

eh saraiis the title of the chief eunuch. is real name was Phil Malik. After

serving Salim Shah (1545 to 1553)’ who bestowed upon him the title of Afuham- mad Khdn, he entered Akbar’s service. ‘Akbar, after the death of Shamsuddin Muhammed Atgah Kh4n, his’ foster father, commenced to look into matters of finance, and finding the Revenue De- partment aden of thieves, he appointed

*timfid Khan, to remodel the finances, making hima commandet of One Thou- sand (wide Abutlaal’s listfof Akbar’s gran- dees, in. part second, No. 119), and couter- ring upon him the title of Ltiindd Adin. He appears to have performed his duties

Akbar’s harem, took afterwards a part in the conquest of Bengal, where he dis- tinguished himself, and was, in 1876, appointed governor of Bhakkar. When in 1578 Akbar’s presence was required in the Panjib, I’timéd Khan desired to jom him. In order to equip his contin- gent, he ecdllected his rents and out- standings, as it appears, with much harsh- ness. This led to a conspiracy against his life. In the same year he was mur- dered by “a mati named Maggiid ‘All. Madsiv ul umard. 2 Writers.

14

laudable regulation removed the rust of uncertainty from the minds of the collectors, and relieved the subjocts from a variety of oppressions, whilst the income became larger, and the state flourished. The fountain of the revenues having thus been tpurified, a zealous and honest man was selected for the general treasurership, and a dirégah and a clerk were appointed to assist him. - Vigilance was established, and a standard laid down for this department.

Whenever a (provincial) treasurer had collected the sum of two lakhs of ddms, he had to send it to the Treasurer General at the Court, together with a memorandum specifying the quality of the sum.

A separate treasurer was appointed for the péskkash’ receipts, another for receiving heirless property, another for xazar receipts,? and another for the monies expended in weighing the royal person,® and for charitable donations. Proper regulations were also made for the disbursements ; and honest superintendents, dérégahs and clerks were appointed. The sums required for the annual expenditure, are paid at the General Treasury to each cashkeeper of the disbursements, and correct receipts granted for them. A proper system of accounts having thus been inaugurated, the empire began to flourish. In a short time the treasuries were full, the army was augmented, and refractory rebels led to the path of obedience. _

In Irén and Turan, where only one treasurer is appointed, the accounts are in a confused state; but here in India, the amount of the revenues is s0 great, and the business so multifarious that twelve treasuries are necessary for storing the money, nine for ‘the different kinds of cash-payments, and three for precious stones, gold, and inlaid jewellery. The extent of the treasuries is too great to admit of my giving a proper description with other matters before me. From his knowledge of the work, and as a reward for labour, his Majesty very often expresses his satisfaction, or conveys repri- mands ; hence everything is in a flourishing condition.

Soparate treasurers were also appointed for each of the Imperial workshops, the number of which is nearly one hundred. Daily, monthly, quarterly, and yearly accounts are kept of the receipts and disbursements, so that in this branch also the market-place of the world is in a flourishing condition. ig

Again, by the order of his Majesty, a person of known integrity keeps in the public audience hall some gold and silver for the needy, who have their wants relieved without delay. Moreover a kror of dims is kept in readiness within the palace, every thousand of which is kept in bags made

of a coarse material. Such a bag is called in Hindi saksah, and many of

• Tributes. | * Fide the eighteenth Ain of the 2 Presents, vows, &c. 1 second book. e

e

15

thom put up in a lieap, ganj. Besides, his Majesty entrusts to one of the nobility a large sum of money, part of which is carried in a purse.’ This is the reason, why such disbursements are called in the language of the country

“kharj ¢ baklah. °

_, All these benefits flow from the wonderful liberality of his Majesty, and from his unremitting care for the subjects of the empire. Would to God that he might live a thousand years !

AIN 8. THE TREASURY FOR PRECIOUS STONES.

If I were to speak about the quantity and quality of the stones, it would take me an age. I shall therefore give a few particulars, “ gathering an ear from every sheaf.”

His Majesty appointed for this office an intelligent, trustworthy, clever treasurer, and as his assistants,.an experienced clerk, a zealous dérégah, and also skilful jewellers. The foundation therefore of this important department rests upon those four pillars. They classified the jewels, and thus removed the rust of confusion.

Rubies.—1st class rubies, not less than 1000 muhurs in value ; 2nd class, from 999 to 500 muhurs; 3rd class, from 499 to 300; 4th class, from 299 to 200 ; 5th class, from 199 to 100; 6th class, from 99 to 60; 7th class, from 59 to 40; 8th class, from 39 to 30; 9th class, from 29’to 10; 10th class, from 92 to 5; 11th class, from 43 to 1 muhur; 12th class, from ? muhur to } rupee. They made no account of rubies of less value.

Diamonds, emeralds, and the red and blie ydgits, were classified as follows : 1st class, from 30 muhurs upwards; 2nd class, from 293 to 15 muhurs; 3rd class, from 142 to 12; 4th class, from 11} to 10; 5th class, from 93 to 7; 6th

class, from 62 to 5; 7th class, from 43 to 3; 8th class, from 23 to 2; 9th class,

from 1? to 1 muhuwr; 10th class, from 82 rupees to 5 rupees; 11th class, from 43 to 2 rupees; 12th class, from 12 to $ rupee.

The Pearls were divided into 16 classes, and strung by scores. The first string contained twenty pearls, each of a value of 30 muhurs and upwards ; 2nd class pearls varied from 293 to 15 muhurs; 8rd class, from 143 to 12; 4th class, from 11} to 10; 5th class, from 92 to 7; 6th class, from 63 to 5; 7th class, from 42 to 3; 8th class, from 2? to 2; 9th class, from 12 to 1; 10th class, less than a muhur, down to 5 rupovs; 11th class, less than 5, to 2 rupees; 12th class, less than 2 rupees, to 1} rupees; 13th class, loss than 1¢

vei Soe Es PCE I ee oe ee Se

A purse in Hindi is called bakdah,

16 rupees, to 30 dims ; 14th class, less than 30 dims, to 20 dims; 15th class, less than 20 dams, to 10, dims; 16th class, less than 10 dims, to 5 dims. The pearls are strung upon a iumbor of strings’ indicating their class, so that those of the 16th class are strung upoy 16 strings. At the end of cach bundlo of strings the imperial seal is affixed, -to avoid losses arising from unsorting, whilst a description is attached to each pearl, to provent disorder.

The following are the charges for boring pearls, independent of the daily and monthly wages of the workmen. For a pearl of the Ist class, } rupee ; 2nd class, %; 3rd class, ~5 rupee; 4th class, 3 dams; bth class, 1 suki; 6th uae 1 dim ; 7th class, } dims; 8th class, dam; 9th class, } dam; 10th class, #; 11th class, 4; 12th class, }; 13th class, £;-14th class, }; 15th class, 5), ; 16th class, ,4, dim, and less. ‘

The sali .of jewels is so well known that it is useless to say anything about it; but those whith are at present in the treasury of His Majesty may be detailed as follows :— :

Rubies weighing 11 tanks, 20 surkhs,* and diamonds of 5} tinks, 4

surkhs, oach one lakh of rupees; emeralds weighing 172 tanks, 3 surkhs,

52,000 rupecs; yayits of 4 tanks, 72 surkhs, and pearls of 5 téuks, cach 60,000

rupoes.

AIN 4. THE IMPERIAL MINT. =

As the successful working of the mint increases the treasure, and is the source of despatch for every department, I shall mention a few details.

The inhabitants of the towns and the country perform their transactions by means of money. Every man uses it according to the extent of his necessities; the man whose heart is free from worldly desires sustains by it his life, and the worldly man considers it the final stage of his objects—the wants of all are satisfied by it. The wise man looks upon it as the founda- ‘tion, from which the fulfilment of his worldly and roligious wishes flows. It is absolutely necessary for the continuance of*the human race, as men obtain by moncy their food and clothing. You may indeed gain these two things by undergoing some labour, as sowing, rearing, reaping, cleaning, kneading,

2 Surkh means red ; also, a little seed 1l mashah ; 12 mashahs = 1 tolah, and 80 with a black dot on it, called in Mind. télahs == 1 sér. A tink is valued at 4 ghungchi, Abrus pr ecatorins. The Per- mishahs ; but it must have weighed a sinus called it chashm i khuris, cock’s little more, as in the tenth Ain, Abulfizl eye. The seeds are often used for states that the weight of 1. dim was: children’s bracelets. | Abulfnzl means 5 tanks, o7 1 idlah, 8 mashahs, Zsurkhs ; here the weight called in Hind. radi, % ey. 1 tink = 497 madshahs = 4

vulgo ruttee, 8 surkhs, or 8 ratis, = - mashahs, 12 surkhs,

17,

cooking; twisting, spinning,. wearing, &c.; but these actions cannot well be performed without several helpers; for the strength of a single man is not sufficient, and to do so day after day would be difficult, if not impos- sible. Again, man requives a dwelling, for “keeeping his provisions, ‘This he calls his home, whether it be a tent, or a cave.- Man’s exist- ence, and the continuance of his life, depend on five things—a father, a mother, children, servants, food, the last of which is required by all.

Moreover, monvy is required, “as our farniture.and-utensils break; they last “in no case vory long. But money does last long, on .account of the strength and compactness of its material, and even a little of it may produce much

It also enables men to travel. -How difficult would it be to carry provisions for soveral days, let alone for several months or years !

• By the help of God’s goodness this excellont precious metal (gold) has como to the shore: of existence, and filled the store of life without much labour on the part of man. - By means of gold, man carries out ‘noble plans, and even performs Diviue worship in a proper manner’ Gold has.many valuable qualities: it possesses ‘softness, a good taste, and smell: Its component parts- aro nearly oyual’ in weight ; and the marks of the four elements are visible in ,its properties: Its colour reminds us of fire, its ‘purity of air, its ‘softness of water, its heaviness of earth; hence’ gold ‘possesses’ many life-giving rays. Nor can any ofthe four elements injure it; for it does not burn in the fire ; it remains unaffected by air; retains for ages its appearance although kept in water ; and does not get altered when buried in the ground, whereby gold i is s distinguished from the other metals. It is for this reason that in old books on ‘philosophy i in which man’s intellect is termed the greater pr inciple, gold is called the lesser principle,” as the things required for human life depend upon it. Among its epithets I may mention ‘the guardian of justice ;? ‘the universal adjuster ; and indeed -the adjustment of things depends on‘gold, and the basis of justice rests upon it. _To vender it ser- yiee, God. has ,allowod. silver and bréss to come into’ ‘use, thus creating additional means for the. welfare of: man. Hence just kings and enerecti¢ rulers have paid mitch -attention ‘to these metals, and erectéd mints, where their propertios may-be thor oughly studied. The success of this department lies in the appointment of. intelligent, zealons and upright workmen, and the edifice of the world is built upon their attontion and carefilness.

,

? According to the chemists of the ing properties. Vide the thirteenth fn. middles ages, told consists of quicksilver’ .# «Were it not for piety, I would and sulphin-taken in equal proportions ; bow down 7 gold aud say, ‘ Hallowed _ the Jatter snust, however, possess colour- be thy pame ! Hariri,

eal

18

THE WORKMEN OF THE MINT. ATIN 5.

1. The Dadgah. Hemust be a circumspect and intelligent man, of

“broad principles, who takes the cumbrous burden of his colleagues upon the

shoulder of despatch. He must keep every one to his work, aud shew zeal and integrity. i

2. The Sairafi. The success of this important department depends: upon his experience, as he determines the degrees of purity of thecoins. On account of the prosperity of the present age, there are now numbers of skilful sarrafs ;* and by the attention of his Majesty, gold and silver are refined to the highest degree of purity. The highest degree of purity is called in Persia dahdaht, but they do not know above ten degrees of fineness ; whilst

in India it is called bdérahbdnt, as they have twelve degrees, Formerly the old

hun, which is a gold coin current in the Deccan, was thought to be pure, and

‘reckoned at ten degrees ; but his Majesty has now fixed it at 8}: and the

“round, ‘small gold dinér of ’Aléuddim, which was considered to be 12 degrees, now turns out to be 104.

Those who are experienced in this business have related wonderful stories of the purity of gold at the present time, and referred it to witcheraft and alchemy ; for they maintain, that gold ore does not come up to this fineness. But by the attention of his Majesty, it has come up to this degree ; hence the astonishment of people acquainted with this branch. It is, however, certain, that gold cannot be made finer, and of a higher degree. Honest describers and truthful travellers have indeed never mentioned this degree ; but, when gold is put into fusion, small particles separate from, it, and mix

‘ with the ashes, which ignorant men look upon as useless dross, whilst the skilful recover the metal from it. Although malleable gold ore be calcined aud reduced to ashes, yet by a certain operation, itis brought back to its original state ; but a part of it is lost. Through the wisdom of his Majesty, the real circumstances connected with this loss, were brought to light, and the fraudulent practices of the workmen thus put to the test.

oo

AIN 6. BANWARYI.? An abbreviation for bdnwart. Although in this country clever Sairafis are able from experience to tell the degroe of fineness by the colour and the

» The same as Sairafi; hence a shrof ? This Hind. word which is not given a mouey lender, in the dictionaries, means the testing of gold.

19

eet

brightness of the metal, the following admirable rule has been introduced, for the satisfaction of others.

To the ends of a few long needles, made of brass or such like metal, small pieces of gold are affixed, having their degree of fineness written on them. When the workmen wish to assay a new piece of gold, they first

‘dyaw with it a few lines on a touchstone, and some other lines with the needles. By comparing both sets of lines, they discover the degree of fineness of the gold. It is, however, necessary that the lines be drawn in the same manner, and with the same force, so as to avoid deception.

To apply this rule, it is necessary to have gold of various degrees of fineness. This is obtained as follows. They melt together one mishah of pure silver with the same quantity of the best copper ; and let it get solid. This mixture they again melt with 6 mashahs of pure gold of 104 degrees of fineness. Of this composition one m4shah’ is taken, and divided into sixteen parts of half a surkh each. If now 7} surkhs of pwe gold (of 10$ degrees) are mixed with one of the sixteen parts of the composition, the- touch of the new mixture will only be 10} ddn.? Similarly, 7 surkhs pure gold and 2 parts of the composition melted together, will give gold of 10 ban; 64 s. pure gold.and 3’ parts composition, 9} bin; 6s. gold and 4 parts composition, 93 bin; 5} s. gold and 5 parts composition, 9} bin; 5 s. gold and 6 parts composition, 9 bin ; 44s. gold and 7 patts composition, 8} bén; 4s. gold and 8 parts composition, 83 bin ; 34s. gold and 9 parts composition, 8} bin; 3s. gold and 10 parts composition, 8 ban; 24s. gold and 11 parts composition, 7? bin; 2s. gold and 12 parts composition, 74 bin; 14s. gold and 18 parts composition, 74 ban ; 1s. gold and 14 parts composition, 7 ban ; and lastly, $ ‘s:, gold and 15 parts composition, 6} bin. Or generally, every additional half surkh (or one part) of the composition diminishes the fineness of the gold by a quarter ban, the touch of the composition itself being 63 ban.

If it be required to have a degree less than 64 bin, they mix together 4 surkh of the first mixture which consisted, as I said, of silver and copper, with 74 surkhs of the sccond composition (consisting of gold, copper and silver), which, when melted together, gives gold of 6} bin; and if 1 surkh of the first mixture be melted together with 7 surkhs of the second composition, the result will be 6 bin ; and if they require still baser composi- tions, they increase the mixtures by half surkhs. But in tho Banwari, they reckon to 6 bans only, rejecting all baser compositions.

All this is performed by a man who understands the tests.

3. The Amin. He must possess impartiality and integrity, so that

• This mashah contains 6 parts gold, 2 The Hind. term ddn means temper, 1 part silver, and 1 part copper, z. e., degree. 2 gold and } alloy.

20

friends and enemies can be sure of him. Should there be any differences, he assists the darégah and the other workmen, maintains that which is right, and prevents quarrels.

4. The Ifushrif. He writes down the daily expenditure in an pen and practical manner, and keeps a systematic day-book.

5. The Merchant. He buys up gold, silver and copper, by which he gains a profit for himself, assists the department, and benefits the devenues of the State. Trade will flourish, when justice js everywhere to be had, and when rulers are not avaricious.

6. The Treasurer who watches over the profits, and is upright in all his dealings. .

” The salaries of the first four and the sixth officers differ from each other, the lowest of them holding the rank of an Ahadi.*

7: The Weighman, who weighs the coins. For weighing 100 jaldli gold- muhurs,-he gets 13 déms; for woighing 1000 rupees, 632 dims; and for , weighing 1000 copper dams, }4 of a dim; and, after this rate, according to the quantity.

8. The Melter of tes ore. He makes.small and large trenches in a tablot of clay which he besmears with grease, and pours into them the melted gold and silver, to cast them into ingots. In the case of copper, instead of using grease, it is sufficient to sprinkle ashes. For the above mentioned quantity of gold, he gets 23 dims; for the same quantity of silver, 5 déms and 188 jétals ;? for the same quantity of copper, 4 dims and 213 jétals. P

9. The Platemaker. He makes the adulterated gold into plates of six or seven méshahs each, six fingers in length and breadth; these he carries to the assay master, who measures them in a mould made of copper, and stamps such as aro suitable, in order to prevent alterations, and to shew the work done. He receives as wages for the akove mentioned quantity of gold, 424 dims.

AIN 7. | THE MANNER OF REFINING GOLD.

‘When the abovementioned plates have been stamped, the owner of the gold, for the weight of every 100 jalali goldmuhurs, must furnish 4 sérs of

• The Ahadfs correspond to our War- ranted officers. Most clerks ot the Im- perial oflices, the painters of the court, the foremen in Alcbar’s workshops, &e., belonged to this corps. They were called Ahadis, or single men, because they stood under Akbar’s immediate orders. ‘Phe

word Ahadi, the hk of whichis the Arabic T Was spelt in official retyrns with the Persian 3. So deep-rooted, says Badaont, was Akbar’s hatred for every thing which

was Arabic. 2 Twenty-five jélals make one dam,

Vide the 10th Ain.

21

saltpetre, and 4 sérs of brickdust of raw bricks. The plates after having been washed in clean water, are stratified with the above mixture (of the saltpetre and brickdust), and put one above the other, the whole being covered with cowdung, which in Hindi is called uplah. It is the dry dung of the JFild Cow. Then they set fire to it, and let it gently burn, till the dung is reduced tb’ashes, when they leave it to cool; then these ashes being removed from the sides; are preserved. They are called in Persian khdk i khaldg, and in Hind{ saléni. By a process to be mentioned hereafter, they recover silver from it. The plates, and the ashes below them, are left as they are. This process of setting fire to the dung, and removing the ashes at the sides, is twice repeated. When three fires have been applied, they call the plates sitdt. They are then again washed in clean water, and stratified three times with the above mixture, the ashes of the sides being removed.

This operation must be repeated, till six mixtures and eighteen fires have been applied, when the plates are again washed. Then the assay master breaks one of them; and if there comes out a soft and mild sound, it is a sign of its being sufficiently pure; but if the sound is harsh, the plates must undergo three more fires. Then from each of the plates one miashah is taken away, of which aggregate a plate is made. This is tried on the touchstone ; if it is not sufficiently fine, the gold has again to pass through one or two fires. . In– most cases, however, the desired effect is obtained by three or four fires.

The following mothod of assaying is also used. They take two télahs of pure gold, and two tdlahs of the gold which passed through the fire, and make twenty plates of each, of equal weight. They then spread the above mixture, apply the fire, wash them, and weigh them with an exact balance. If both kinds are found to be equal in weight, it is a proof of pureness.

10. Zhe Melter of the refined metal. He melts the refined plates of gold, and casts them, as described above, into ingots. His feo for 100 gold muhurs is three dims. ;

11. The Zarrdb. He cuts off the gold, silver and copper ingots, as exactly as he can, round picces of the size of coined money. His fees are, for 100 gold muhurs, 21 dims, 1} jétals; for the weight of 1000 rupees (53 dims, 8} jétals, if he cuts rupees; and 28 dims in addition, if he cuts the same weight of silver into quarter rupees. For 1000 copper dams his fee is 20 dams; for the same weight of half and quarter dams, 25 dams; and for half quarter dams, which are called dumris, 69 dans.

Tn Iran and Tian they cannot cut these pieces without a proper anvil; but Hindustani workmen cut them without such an instrument, so exactly, that there is not the diffrence of a single hair, which is remarkable enough.

12. The Engraver. He engraves the dies of the coins on steel, and such like metals. Coins are then stamped with these dies. At this day, Mauldnd

22

Ali Ahmad of Delhi, who’ has not his equal in any country, cuts different kinds of letters in steel, in such a manner as equals the copyslips of the most skilful caligraphers. He holds the rank ofa yizbdshi ;* and two of his men serve in the mint. Both have a monthly salary of 600 dams.

13. The S:kkacht. He places the round picces of metal between two dies; and by the strength of the hammerer (putkcht) both sides are stamped. His fees are for 100 goldmuhurs, 12 dams; for 1000 rupees, 5 déms,’9} jétals ; and for the weight of 1000 rupees of small silver picces, 1 dim, 3 jétals in addition; for 1000 copper dims, 3 ddms; for 2000 half dims, and 4000 quarter dims, 3 dims, 182 jétals; and for 8000 half-quarter dims, 10} dims. Out of these fees the sikkachi has to give one-sixth to the hammerer, for whom there is no soparate allowance. ;

14. The Sabbak makes the refined silver into round plates. For every 1000 rupees weight, he receives 54 dams.

The discovery of alloy in silver. Silver may be alloyed with lead, tin and copper. In Iran and Turan, they also call the highest degree of fineness of silver dahdahi ; in Hindustan, the sairafis use for it the term bist biswah. Accord- ing to the quantity of the alloy, it descends in degree; but it is not made less than five, and no one would care for silver baser than ten degrees. Practical men can discover from the colour of the compound, which of the alloys is pre- vailing, whilst by filing and boring it, the quality of the inside is ascertained. They also try it by beating it when hot, and then throwing it into water, when blackness denotes lead, redness copper, a white greyish colour tin, and whitoness a large proportion of silver.

THE METHOD OF REFINING SILVER.

They dig a hole, and having sprinkled into it a small quantity of wild cow dung, they fill it with the ashes of Jfughilan? wood; then they moisten it, and work it up into the shape of a dish; into this they put the adulterated silver, together with a proportionate quantity of lead. First, they put a fourth part of the lead on the top of the silver, and having surrounded the whole with coalsyblow the fire with a pair of bellows, till the metals are melted, which operation is generally repeated four times. The proofs of the metal being pure are, a lightning-like bright- ness, and its begining to harden at the sides. As soon as it is hardened in

• This Turkish word signifies a com- rupees per mensem ; vide the third Ain mander of one hundred men, a captain. of the second book. Ahadis of distinction were promoted to 2 Called in Hind. beahd?/, a kind of this military rank. The salary of a Ytiz- acacia. Its bark is used in tanning.

bashi varied from five to seven hundred

23 . the middle, they sprinkle it with water, when flames resembling in shape the horns of wild goats, issue from it. It then forms itself into a dish, and is perfectly refined. Ifthis dish be melted again, half a swkh in every télah will burn away, ¢. ¢., 6 mishahs and 2 surkhs in 100 télahs. Tho ashes of the dish, which are mixed with silver and lead, forma kind of Itharge, called in Hindi Pharal, and in Persian huhuah,’ the use of which will be hereaftor explained. Before this refined silver is given over to the Zarrab, 5 mashahs and 5 surkhs are taken away for the Imperial exchequer out of every hundred télahs of it; after which the assay master marks the mass with the usual stamp, that it may not bo altered or exchanged.’

In former times silver also was assayed by the banwari system; now it . is calculated as follows :—if by refining 100 tolahs, of shah? silvor, which is current in “Iraq and Khurasin, and of the /éri and misgali, which are current in Tian, thore are lost three télahs and one surkh ; and of tho same quantity of the European and Turkish nayzil, and the mahmidi and muzafari of Gujrat and Malwah, 13 télahs and 6 s mishahs are lost, they become of the imperial standard.

15. The Qurgkid having heated the refined silver, hammers it till it has lost all smell of the lead. THis fee for the weight of 1000 rupees, is 44 dams.

16. The Chdshnigir examines the refined gold and silver, and fixes its purity as follows :—Having made two télahs of the refined gold into cight plates, he applies layers of the mixture as above described, and sets firo to it, keeping out, however, all draught; he then washes the plates, and melts them. If they have not lost anything by this process, the gold is pure. The assay-master then tries it upon the touchstone, to satisfy himself and others. For assaying that quantity, he gets 12 dams. In the case of silver, he takes ono télah with a like quantity of léad, which he puts together into a bone crucible, and koeps it on the fire till the lead is all burnt. Having then sprinkled the silver with water, he hammers it till it has lost. all smell of the lead; and having melted it in a new crucible, he weighs it; and if it has lost in weight three? biriy (vice grains), it is sufficiently pure; otherwise he melts it again, till it comes to that degree. For assaying that quantity, his fee is 8 dims, 4} jétals.

17. The Midriyah collects the hhak ¢ @ khalég, and washes it, taking two sérs at the time; whatever gold there may be amongst it, will settle, from its weight, to the bottom. The cidk, when thus washed, is called in Hindi kukrah, and still contains some gold, for the recovery of which, directions shall hereafter be given. The abovementioned adulterated sediment is rubbed together with quicksilver, at the rato of six mishahs per sér. The Aci Prcree ong ne ee Ae ey Bet a Danae tse Bee

2 Some MSS. have Latah. } ® One MS. has sie.

24,

quicksilver from its predilective affinity, draws the gold to itself, and forms an amalgam which is kept over the fire in a retort, till the gold is separated from the quicksilver.

For extracting the gold from this quantity of thdk, the Niydriyah receives 20 dams, 2 jétals.

The process of Kukrah.

They mix with the kukrah an equal quantity of punhar, and form a paste of ras? (aqua fortis), and wild cowdung. They then pound the first composition, and mixing if with the paste, work it up into balls of two sérs weight, which they dry on a cloth.

Punhar is obtained as follows :—

They make a hole in the earth, and fill it with the ashes of Babil-wood: at the rate of six fingers of ashes for every maund of lead. The lead itself is put at the bottom of the hole, which has been smoothed; then they cover it with charcoals, and melt the lead. After that, having removed the coals, they place over it two plates of clay, fixed by means of thorns, and close up the bellows hole, but not the vent. This they keep covered with bricks, till the ashes have thoroughly soaked up the lead. The bricks they frequently remove, to learn the state of the lead. For the abovementioned quantity of lead, there are 4 mdshahs of silver mixed up with the ashes. These ashes they cool in water, when they are called punhar. Out of every man of lead. two sérs are burnt; but the mass is increased by four sérs of ashes, so that the weight of the whole mags will be one man and two sérs.

Rast is a kind of acid, made of ashkhdr” and saltpetre.

Having thus explained what punhar’ and rast are, I return to the descrip- tion of the process of Aukrah. They make an oven-like vessel, narrow at both ends, and wide in the middle, one and a half yards in height, with a hole at the bottom. Then having filled the vessel with coals within four fingers of the top, they place it over a pit dug in the earth, and blow the fire with two bellows. After that, the aforementioned balls being broken into pieces, they throw them into the fire and melt them, when the gold, silver, copper and lead, fall through the hole in the bottom of the vessel into the pit below. Whatever remains in the vessel, is softened and washed, and the lead separat- ed from it. They likewise collect the ashes, from whence also by a certain process profit may be derived. The metal is then taken out of the pit, and melted according to the punhar system. The lead will mix with the ashes,

2 The margins of some of the MSS. impure carbonate of soda. explain this word by the Hind. sijz, :

25 5

from which thirty sérs will be recovered, and ten sérs will be burnt. The gold, silver and copper, remain together in a mass, and this they call bugrawati, or awording to somo, gubrdwati.

The process of Brgrdwats.

’ They make a hole, and fill it with the ashes of babiil-wood, half a sér for every 100 télahs of dugrawati. These ashes they then make up in form of a dish, and mix them up with the bugrdwati, adding one télah of copper, and twenty-five tédlahs of lead. They now fill the dish with coals, and cover it with bricks. When the whole has melted, thoy remove the coals and the bricks, and make a fire of Aabil-wood, till the lead and copper unite with the ashes, leaving the gold and silver together. These ashes are also called #haral, and the Jead and copper can bé recovered from them by a process, which will be hereafter explained.

AIN 8.

THE METHOD OF SEPARATING THE SILVER FROM THE GOLD. They melt this composition six times; three times with copper, and three timos with sulphur, called in Hind. chhuchhiyé. For every télah of the alloy, they take a méshah of copper, and two méshahs, two surkhs of sulphur. First, they melt it with copper, and then with sulphur. If the alloy be of 100 télahs weight, the 100 mashahs of copper are employed as follows :—they ~ first melt fifty mishahs with it, and then twice again, twenty-five mashahs. The sulphur is used in similar proportions, After reducing the mixture of gold and silver to small bits, they mix with it fifty mdshahs of copper, and melt it in a crucible. They have near at hand a vessel full of cold water, on the surface of which is laid a broomlike bundle of hay. Upon it they pour ‘the melted metal, and prevent it, by stirring it with a stick, from forming into amass. Then having again melted these bits, after mixing them with the remaining copper in a crucible, they set it to cool in the shade: and for every télah of this mixture, two méshahs and two surkhs of sulphur are used, ¢. ¢., at the rate of one and one half quarter sér (1 sér) per 100 tdlahs. When it has been three times melted in this manner, there appears on the surface a whitish kind of ashos, which is silver. This is taken off, and kept separate; and its process shall hereafter be explained. When the mixture of gold and silver has thus been subjected to three fires for the copper, and three for the sulphur, the solid part left is the gold. In the language of the Panjab, this gold is called hail, whilst about Dihli, it is termed piyar. If 4

26

the mixture contained much gold, it generally turns out to be of 6} ban, but it is often only five, and éven four.

In order to refine this gold, one of the fallowing methods must be used : Hither they mix fifty téTahs of this with 400 télahs of purer gold, and refine it by the Saldéxi process; or else they use the Aldéni process. For the latter they make a mixture of two parts of wild cowdung, and one part of saltpetre, ‘Having then cast the aforesaid pinjar into ingots, they make it into plates, none of which ought to be lighter than 14 tdlahs, but a little broader than those which they make in the salonz process. Then having besmeared them with sesame-oil, they strew the above mixture over them, giving them for every strewing two gentle fires. This operation they’repeat three or four times; ahd if they want the metal very pure, they repeat the process till it comes up-to nine ddx. The ashes are also collected, being a kind of Vharal.

AIN 9.

THE METHOD OF EXTRACTING THE SILVER FROM THESE ASHES.

Whatever ashes and dross have been collected, both before and after the process of alén?, they mix with double the quantity of pure lead, put them into a crucible, and keep them for one watch over the firo. When tho metal is cold, they refine it as described under the article Sabbah, p. 22. The ashes of it are also Mharal. The saldni process is also performed in other ways well known to those conversant with the business.

18. The Paniwdr having melted the k’haral, separates the silver from the copper. His fee for every télah of silver is 14 dams. As arcturn for tho: profit he makes, ho pays monthly 300 dims to the diwin. Having, reduced the /’haral to small bits, he adds to every man of it 14 sérs of tangdr (borax), and three sérs of pounded natrum, and kneads thom together. He then puts this mass, sér by sér, into the vessel above described, and melts it, when ’ lead mixed with silver collects in the pit. This is ifterwards refined by the process of the sabbak, and the lead which separates from this, and mixes with the “ashes, turns punhar. ™

19. The Packdr buys the salént and Pharal from the goldsmiths of the city, and carrios thom to the mint to bo molted, and makes a profit on.the gold and silver. For every man of salént, ho gives 17 dams, and for the samo quantity of k’haral 14 dims, to the exchequer.

20. The Mehdiwdlah brings old coppor-coins which are mixed with silver, to be melted; and from 100 télahs of silver, 33 rupees go to the

27

diwd4n ; and when ho wishes to coin the silver, he pays a fixed quantity for ii

as duty. 21. The Ahakshée. When the owners of the metals get their gold and

silver in the various ways which have now been described, the Khakshée sweeps.the mint, takes the sweepings to his own house, washes them, aud ghins a profit. Some of the sweepers carry on a very flourishing trade. Tho state receives from this man a monthly gift of 124 rupees.

And in like manner all the officers of the mint pay a monthly duty to the state, at the rate of three dims for every 100 dams.

‘

AIN 10. _ THE COINS OF THIS GLORIOUS EMPIRE.

As through the attontion of his Majesty, gold and silver have been brought to the greatest degree of purity, in like manner the form of the coins has also been improved. The coins are now an ornament to the treasury, and much liked by the people. I shall give a few particulars.

A. Gold Corns.

i. Tho S’hansah is a round coin weighing 101 télahs, 9 méshahs, and 7 surkhs, in value equal to 100 Zl i jaldli-muhars. On the field of one side is cngraved the name of his Majesty, and on the five arches in the border, alsultdnu ala’zainu alkhigdnu almwvaczanu khallada alldhu mulkahw wa sultdnahe varbu darvi-lkhildfati Ayrah,—* The great sultan, the distinguished emperor, may God perpetuate his kingdom and his reign! Struck at the capital Agrah.” On the field of the roverse is the beautiful formula,’ and the following verso of the Qorin :°—Alléhu yarzagu man yashiu bighairi hisdbin,— “God is bountiful unto whom He pleascth, without measure ;”—and roundabout are the names of the first four califs. This is what was first cut by Maulind Maqgid, the engraver; after which Mullé ’Ali Ahmad made with great skill the following additions. On one side, Afsalu dindrin yanfuguhe alrajulu, dindrun yanfuquhu ala achabihi fi sabilillah,—“ The best coin which a man expends, is a coin which ho spends on his co-religionists in the path of God.” od

And on the other side he wrote,

Alsultdnu aValt atkhalifatu almutedlt khallada alléhu ta’ala mulkahu wa sulldnahu, wa abbada ’adlahu wa ihsdnahu,—“ The sublime sultan, the exalted

2 Also called Alinah, ov the Confession dun rastl-ullih. of Baith, lé iléhe ilt-alléh, ALuhumma- * Qor. Sur, IT, 208,

28

calif, may God the Almighty perpetuate his kingdom and his reign, and give eternity to his justice and bounty !””

Afterwards all this was removed, and the following two Rubé’is of the court-poet and philosopher Shaikh Faizt were engraved by him. On ono side, :

Khurshéd kih haft bahr azt gauhar ydft Sang ¢ siyah az partaw ¢ dn jauhar ydft Kan az nazar é tarbiyat é & sar yaft Wan zar sharaf as sikkah ¢ Shah Akbar yaft. ‘‘Tt ig the Sun* from which the seven oceans get their pearls, The black rocks get their jewels from his lustre. The mines get their gold from his fostering glance, And their gold is ennobled by Akbar’s stamp.” and, Alldhu akbar, jalla jaldluhu,— God is great, may his His glory shine forth !” in the middle. And on the other side, 2 L’n sikkah kth ptrayah ¢ umméd buwad Bé nagsh ¢ dawam u ndm t jawtd buwad Simd ¢ sa’ ddatash hamin bas kth badahr Yak sarrah nagar-hardah ¢ khurshéd buwad. “This coin, which is an ornament of hope, ‘Carries an everlasting stamp, and an immortal name. As a sign of its auspiciousness, it is sufficient That once for all ages the sun has cast a glimpse upon it.” - and the date, according to the Divine era, in the middle. ;

2. There is another gold coin, of the same name and shape, weighing 91 télahs and 8 madshahs, in value equal to 100 round muhurs, at 11 mashahs each. It has the same impression as the preceding.

3. The Rahas is the half of each of the two preceding doings. It is sometimes made square. On one side it has the same impression as the s’hansah, and on the other side the following Ruba’{-by Faisi:— —~

In naga t rawén i ganj ¢ shhinshdhs Ba haukab i ighdl kunad hamrdht Khurshed biparwarash azdurt kih badthr Yébad sharaf az stkhah + Akbarshaht. “‘This current coin of the impcrial-treasure Accompanies the star of good fortune. O sun, foster it, because for all ages It is ennobled by Akbar’s stamp!” -

• According to the Natural Philosophers cious stones into existence ; vide the thir- of the Middle Ages, the influence of the teenth Ain. The allusion to the sun is sun calls the metals, the pearls and pre- | explained by the note to page ILI.

29

. ‘

4. The Atmah is the fourth part of the s’hansah, round and square. Some ‘have the same impression as the s’ansak; and some have on one side the following Rubé’{ by Faizi—

In stkkah kih dast ¢ bakht ré zéwar bad Pirdyah ¢ nuh sipihr u hafét akhtar bid

Zarrin nagdést kér azt chin zar bid

Dar dahr rawdn bandm ¢ shah akbar béd. ‘This coin—May it adorn the hand of the fortunate, And may it be an ornament of the nine heavens and the seven

stars !—

Is a gold coin,—May golden be its work! Let it be current for all ages to the glory of Shih Akbar.” And on the other side the preceding Ruba’t. 5. The Binsat, of the same two forms as the dtmah, in value equal to

‘ one-fifth of*the first coin.

There are also gold coins of the same shape and impression, in valye equal to one-eighth, one-teath, one-twentieth, one twenty-fifth, of the s’ hansah. 6. The Chugui,’ of a square form, is the fiftieth part of the s’hansah, in

value equal to two muhurs.?”

7. Tho round La’l i Jaldli,? in weight and value equal to two round muhurs, having on one side “ Alidhu akbar,” and on the other Ydé mw inu—

“©O helper.”

8. The Aftddi is round, weighs 1 tdlah, 2 méshahs and 4} surkhs, in

• OrJugul. Abulfazl’s spelling in the text is ambiguous.

? The Mss. differ. Most of them place the Chugul as the sixth coin, after the Dansat, and read :—

“The Chugud, of a square form, weigh- ing 3 télahs, 52 surkhs; its value is thirty rupees. Also, of a round form, weighing 2 télahs, 9 mashahs, having a value of three round muhurs, of 11 ma-

‘ shahs eath, (¢.e., 27 rupees). But the imfression of both is the same. They are the fiftieth part of the Shansah.”

The last sentence does not agree with the value and weight of the S’hansah ; for the two Chuguls, as given by Abul- fazl, would each be the +2°th part of the two kinds of S’hansak, not the fiftieth part.

Mr. Thomas in his excellent edition of Prinsep’s Usetul tables, pp. 5 and 6, gives an extract trom a MS. of the AZ in his possession, which appears to agree with the above reading ; but he only mentions the square form of the Chugut, weighing

3 télahs, 53 surkhs, worth 30 rupees ; and then passes on to the eighth coin, the Aftabi.

Two other MSS.~-among them Col. Hamilton’s—read after the Binsat, (i. ¢., after the twenty-fifth line of p. 24 of my text edition)—

“6. The Chahdrgéshah (or square), weighing 3 tdlahs, 5} surkhs, worth 30 rupees.”

“7. The Gird (or round) ; weighing 2 tdlahs, 9 mashahs, in value equal to the

“3 round muhurs of 11 mashahs each.”

“ Both have the same impression.”

“8. The Chugul, of a square form, the fiftieth part of a S’hansah, in value equal to two Lal i Jélali muhurs.”

This reading obviates all difficulties. But the real question is whether the Chahdrgéshuh, the Gird, and the Chugul ave three distinct coins.

8 For the round La’l i Jaldali, some MSS. only read, “ Zhe Gird,” i. e., round, taking the words Lali Jaldlé to the preceding. V7de the tenth coin.

30

valuc equal to 12 rupees. ‘On one side, ‘‘ Alldhu akbar, jalla ‘yalldluhu,” and on the other the date according to the Divine era, and the place where it is struck. 9. The J?dhé is round, weighs 12 mashahs, 1? surkhs, bears the same stamp as the 4’/tddi, and has a value of 10 rupees. 10. The square Lvl i duldlé is of the same weight and value; on one

• side “ Alldhu akbar,” and on the othor “yalla jaliluhu.”

11. The ’Adlgutkah is round, weighs 11 miashahs, and has a value of nine rupces. On one side “ Alléhu akbar,” and on the other, “ Yd mw inu.” ‘, 12. The Round muhur, in weight and value equal to the ’Ad/gutkah, but

of a different’ stamp. 13. dJhrdbé isin weight, value, and stamp, the same as the round

muhur. 14. The Jf’ ti is both square and round. In weight and value it is equal to the Lali zjaldli, and the round muhur. It bears the stamp “yd mwinu,”?

15. The Chahdrgéshah, in stamp and weight-the same as the A/tddi.

16. The Gird is the half of the Jidhi, and has the same stamp.

17. The Dhan’ is half a Lal ¢ Jalali.*

18. The Salinfis the half of the ’Adlgutkah.

19. The Rabé is a quarter of the Aftdbé.

20. The Ifun, is a quarter of the Ildhi, and Jaldli.

21. The Half Salimiis a quarter of the ’Adlgutkah.

22. The Pan, is the fifth part of the Ildhi.

23. The Pandau is the fifth part of the Zvli Jaldit; on one sido is a lily,

and on the other a wild rose.

• 24. The Sumni, or Ashtsiddh, is one-eighth of the Ildéhi; on one side

“ Alldéhu akbar,” and on the other “jalla jaldluhu.”” 25. The Kald is tho sixteenth part of the I/dhé, It has on both sides a

wild rose. 26. The Zurah is the 32nd part of an J/dhi, and has the same stamp as

the kald.

As regards gold coins, the custom followed in*the imperial mint is to coin Lu’) ¢ jaldlis, D’hans, and Mans, each coin for the space of a month. The other gold coins are never stamped without special orders.

? Ithas the Kalimad. (Sayyid Abmad’s * Several MSS. read-—” Tulf a quarter Vdhi and La’l j Julai.” Forbes gives six

edition of the Ain). rupees (7).

2 The figure called mihrdbi, is € > * Several MSS. have dtubé’, Perhaps we should write Z2ubdé. ;

® [n Forb.s’s Dictionary, duhan.

31

B. Silver Coins.

1. The Rupee is round, and weighs eloven and one half méshahs. It was first introduced in tho time of Shér Khdn. It was perfected during this reign, and received a new stamp, on one side “ Alddhu akbar, jalla jaldluhu,” and ‘on the other the dato. Although the market pr ice is sometimes more or losg than forty déms, yet this value is always set upon it in the payment-of | salaries. ‘

2. The Jaldiah is of a square form, which was introduced during the’ present reign. In valuc and.stamp it is the same as No. 1.

3. The Dard is half a‘ Jaldluh.

The Charn is a quarter Jaldlah.

The Pandau is a fifth of the Jaldlah.

The Asht is tho cighth part of the Jaldlah. The Dasd is one-tenth of the Jaldlah.

The Auld is the sixteenth part of the Juldah. The Szli is one-twenticth of tho Juldlah.

The same fractional parts are adopted for the [round] Rupee, which are however diiferont in form.

O DTH AA

C. Copper” Coins.

1. The Dém weighs 5 tanks, ¢. ¢., 1 télah, 8 mdshahs, and 7 surkhs; it is tho fortieth part of the rupee. At first this coin was called Paisah, and also RKahisli ; now it is known under this name (dim). On one side the place is given where it was struck, and on the other the date.

For the purpose of calculation, the dim is divided into twenty-five parts, each of which is called a jé¢a/.’ This imaginary division is only used by accountants.

2. The Adhélah is half of a dim.

3. The Pdulah is a quarter dim.

4. The Damri is one-eighth of a dim.

In the beginning of this reign, gold was coined to the glory of his Majesty in many parts of the empire; now gold coins are struck at four places only, vzz., at the seat of the government, in Bengal, Ahmadabad (Gujrat), and Kabul. Silver and copper are likewise coined in these four places, and besides in the following ten places,—lléhabas, Xgrah, Ujain, Strat, Dihli, Patana, Kashmir, Léhér, Multan, Tandah. In twenty-eight towns copper coins only are struck, viz., Ajmir, Audh, Atak, Alwar, Badion, Bansras, Bhakkar, Bahrah, Patan, Jaunpty, Jalandhar, Hardwiz, Hisir Virhzah,

Often misspelt chétal. The text gives | the correct spelling.

32°

Kalpi, Gwaliir, Gérak’hpir, Kalinwar, Lal’hnau, Mandi, Naigér, Sarhind, Siyalkot, Saronj, Saharanpir, Sarangpir, Sambal, Qanauj, Rantanbhir. «

Mercantile affairs in this country are mostly transacted in round muhurs, rupees, and dams.

Unprincipled men cause a great deal of mischief by rubbing down the coins, or by employing similar methods; and in consequence of the damage ‘done to the nation at large, his Majesty continually consults experienced nien, and from his knowledge of the spirit of the age, issues new regulations, in order to prevent such detrimental practices.

The currency underwent several changes. First, when (in the 27th year) the reins of the government were in the hands of Rajah Todarmal,’ four kinds of muhurs were allowed to be current: .A. There was a La’l¢ dali, which had the name of his Majesty stamped on it, and weighed 1 tolah, 13 surkhs. It was quite pure, and had a value of 400 déms. Again, there existed from the beginning of this glorious reign, a muhur with the imperial stamp,° of which ¢hree. degrees passed as current, vz., 8. This muhur, when perfectly pure, and having the full weight of 11 méshahs. Its value was 360 dims. If from wear and tear it had lost in weight within three grains of rice, it was still allowed to be of the same de- gree, and no difference was made. ,C. The same muhur, when it had lost in weight from four to six rice grains ; its value was 355 dams. D. The same ;

• Rajah Tédarmal, a K’hetri by caste, was born at Lahdér. He appears to have entered Akbar’s service during the eighteenth year of the emperor’s reign, when he was employed to settle the affairs of Gujrit. In the 19th year, we find him in Bengal in company with Mun’im Khdn ; and three years later, again in Gujrat. In the 27th year, he was appointed Diwdn of the empire, when he remodelled the revenue system. After an unsuccessful attempt on his life made by a K’hetri in the 2nd year, he was sent against the Yvisufzais, to avenge the death of Bir Bar. Inthe 34th year, old age and sickness obliged hirn to send in his resignation, which Akbar unwill- ingly accepted. Retiring to the banks ot the Ganges he died—or, went to hell, as Badfont expresses himself in the case of Hindus—on the cleventh day A. H. 998, or 10th November 1589, the same year in which Rijah Bhagawan Das died. Tédarmal had - reached the rank of a Chahirhazdri, ov commander of Four Thousand, and was no less distinguished for his personal courage, than his finan-

cial abilities. His eldest son D’hdrd, a commander of seven hundred, was killed in the war with T’hat’hah,

Abulfazl did not like Tédarmal per- sonally, but praises him for his strict in- tegrity and abilities; he charges him with vindictiveness of temper and bigotry. Aurangzéb said, he had heard from his. father, that Akbar complained of the rajah’s independence, vanity, and bigoted adherence to Hinduism. Abulfaz\ openly complained of him to Akbar; but the emperor with his usual regard for faith- ful services, said that he could not drive away an old servant. In his adherence to Hinduism, Tédarmal may be contrast- ed with Bir Bar, who a short time before his death had become a member of the Divine Fuith. Once when accompany- ing Akbar to the Panjab, in the bwry of the departure, Todarmal’s idols were lost; and as he transacted no business before his daily worship, he remained for several days without food and drink, and was at last with difficulty cheered up by the emperor.

33 ;

muhur when it had lost in wright from six to nine rice grains; its value was 350 déms.

Muhurs of less weight than this were considored as bullion.

Of Rupees, three kinds were then current, riz., 4. one of a square form, of pure silver, and weighing 114 méshahs; it went under the name of Jalalah, and had a value of 40 dams. B. The round, old Akbarshdht Rupee, which, when of full weight, or even at a surkh less, was valued at 39 dams. C. The same rupees, when in weight two surkhs less, at 38 dams.

Rupees of less weight than this were considered as bullion.

Secondly, on the 18th Mihr of the 29th year of the Divine era, ’Azad- uddaulah Amir Fathullah’* of Shiraz coming at the head of affairs, a royal order was issued, that on the muhurs, as far as three grains; and on the rupees, a8 far as six grains short weight, no account should be taken, but that they should be reckoned of full weight. If muhurs were still less, they should make a deduction for the deficiency, whatever their deficiency might be; but it was. not ordered, that only muhurs down to nine grains less, should be regarded as muhurs. Again, according to the same regulation, the value of a muhwr that was one surkh deficient, was put down as 355 dams and a fraction; and hence they valued the price of one

4

—

• Amir Fathullah of Shiréz was the pupil of Khajah Jamaluddin Mahmiid, Kamialuddin of Shirwan, and Mir Ghids- uddin Mangir of Shiraz. He so excel- led in all branches of Natural philosophy, especially mevhanics, that Abulfazl said of him, “ If the books’of antiquity should be lost, the Amir will restore them.” At

the earnest solicitations of ’Adil Shdh of -

Bijaptir, he left Shiraz for the Dekhan. In A.H. 991, after the death of ’Adil Shéh, he was invited by Akbar, who raised him to the dignity of a Sadr, and bestowed upon him, three years later, the title of Aminulmulk. He was ap- pointed to assist Tédarmal, and rendered good service in working up the old re- venue books. His title Aménulmulk, to which Abulfazl alludes (vide p. 28, 1. 9 of my text edition), was in the same year changed to ‘dzaduddaulah, or the arm of the empire. The Amir went afterwards to Khindésh. After his return in 997 to Akbar, who was then in Kash- mir, he was attacked with fever, of which he died. Thinking to understand the medical art, he relused the advice of the famous Hakim Ali, and tried to cure the fever by cating harisah, (vide the

5

br Ain), which caused his

eath,

Next to Abulfazl, Faizi, and Bir Bar, the Amir was perhaps most loved by Akbar. Several of his mechanical inven- tions, mentioned below, are ascribed by Abulfazl to Akbar himself (!). The Amir was, however, on the best terms with Abulfazl, whose son he instructed. Ac- cording to the author of the ALir-dé ul “Alam, he was “a worldly man, often accompanying the emperor on hunting parties, with a rifle on‘his shoulder, and a powder-bag in his waistband, treading down science, and performing feats of strength, which Rustam could not have performed,” |

It is stated by the author of the Mad- sir ul umard that according to some, the- Amir was a Sth-hazdri, or Commander of three thousand; but I do not find his name among the lists of Akbar’s grandees given in the Tubagdt ¢ Akbari, and the last Ain of the second book of this work. Instead of Ady Fathullah, we also find, especially in Baddont, Shah Fathullah. He lies buried on the Takht i Sulaimdn. Faizi’s ode on his death is very fine.

34

surkh of coined gold at the low rate of four dams and a fraction. According to Todarmal’s regulation, a deduction of five dams was made for a deficiency of one surkh ; and if the muhur had lost something more than the three grains, for which he had made no account, even if it were only 4 surkh, full five d4ms were subtracted ; and for a deficiency of 14 surkhs, he deducted ten dams, even if the deficiency should not be quite 14 surkhs. By the new law of ’Azaduddaulah, the value of a muhur was lessened by six dams and a fraction, as ite gold was worth 353 dams and a fraction only.’

’Azaduddaulah abolished also the regulation, according to which the value of a round rupee had:been fixed at one dam less than the square one, notwithstanding its perfection in weight and purity, and fixed the value of the round rupee, when of full weight or not less than one surkh, at forty déms ;_ and whilst formerly a deduction of two dims was made for a deficiency of two surkhs, they now deduct for the same deficiency only one dém and a frac- tion.

Thirdly, when.’Azaduddaulah went to Khéndésh, the Rajah estimated the value of muhurs that had been expressed in Jaldélah rupees, in round rupees; and from his obstinate and wrangling disposition, fixed again the deficiencies on muhurs and rupees according to the old rates.

Fourthly, when Qulij Khan? received the charge of the government, he adopted the Réjah’s manner of estimating the muhurs ; but he deducted”

A A tan tt

® For ’Azaduddaulah having fixed the value of 1 surkh of coined gold at 4, dams and asmall fraction, the value of a muhur of full weight (11 mashahs = 11 x 8 surkhs) was only, 11 *8 % (4+ a small fraction) dims, 2. e., according to Abul- fazl, 353 dams and a fraction, instead of 360 dams.

? Qulij Khdnis first mentioned during the seventeenth year of Akbar’s reign, when he was made governor of the Fort of Strat, which Akbar after a siege of forty- seven days had conquered. In the 23rd

ear he was sent to Gujrat; and after the death of Shah Manciir, he was, two

ears later, appointed as Diwdn. In

he 28th year he accompanied the army during the conquest of Gujrat. In the 34th year, he received Sambhal ag jagir. After the death of Tédarmal, he was again appointed as Diwdn. This is the time to which Abulfazl refers. In 1002 he was made governor of Kabul, where he was not successful. After his removal, he accompanied, in 1005, his son-in-law Prince Danyal as Atdléq, or tutor, but he soon returned to Akbar. During the absence, in 1007, of the emperor in Khan-

désh, he was governor of Agrah. Two years later he was promoted to the go- vernorship of the Panjib and Kabul. At the accession of Jahangir, he was sent to Gujrat, but returned next year to the Panjib, where he had to tight against the Raushaniyyahs. He died, at an ad- vanced age, in 1035, or A. D, 1625-26. Abulfaz}, in the last Ain of the second book, mentions him as Chahdrhazdrt, or Commander of Four Thousand; which high rank he must have held for some tinie, as Nizdmi i Harawt, in his Tabd- gat 1 Akbavi, mentions him as such, and as Diwan. When tutor to Prince Dan- yal he was ‘fromoted to the command of Four Thousand Five Hundred. Qulij Khan was a pious man, and a stanch Sunni; he was much respected for his learning. As a poet he ig known under the name of Ulfat¢; some of his verses may be found in the concluding chapter he Mir-dé ul’ Alam. The high rank th he held, was less due to his talents statesman, than to his family-

“conficxion with the kings of Turan. Of

his"wo sons, Mirza Saifullah and Mivzé Husain Quiij, the latter is best known. ji 4

35

ten déms for a deficiency in the weight of s muhur, for which the Rajah had deducted five d4ms; and twerty dams, for the former deduction of ten dims; whilst he considered every muhur as bullion, if the deficiency was 14 surkhs. Similarly, every rupee, the deficiency of which was one surkh, was considered as bullion.

’ ‘Zastly, his Majesty trusting to his advisers, and being occupied by various important affairs, paid at first but little attention to this subject, till after having received some intimation of the unsatisfactory state of this matter, he issued another regulation, which saved the nation further losses, and was approved of by every one, far and near. On the 26th of Bahman, of the year 36, according to the Divine era (A. D. 1592,) he adopted the second [%. e. ’Azaduddaulah’s] method, with one exception, namely, he did not approve of the provision that a muhur the deficiency of which did not exceed three, and a rupee, the deficiency of which did not excoed siz, surkhs, should still be regarded as of full weight. And this regulation was the only effec- tual method for preventing the fraudulent practices of unprincipled men ; for the former regulations contained no remedy in cases when the officers of the mint coined money of the above deficiency in weight, or when treasurers reduced full coins to.the same deficiency. Besides shameless, thievish people made light grain weights, and used to reduce muhurs, deficient by three grains, to six grains deficiency, whilst they accepted muhurs six grains deficient as muhurs deficient by nine grains. This reduction of coins being continued, large quantities of gold were stolen, and the losses seemed never to end. By the command of his Majesty grain weights of bébdghuré were made, which were to be used in weighing. On the same date other strin- gent regulations were issued, that the treasurers and revenue collectors should not demand from the tax-payers any particular species of coins, and that the exact deficiency in weight and purity, whatever it might be, should be, taken according to the present rate and no more. This order of his Majesty disappointed the wicked, taught covetous men moderation, and freed the nation from the cruelty of oppressors. ,

AIN 11. THE DIRHAM AND THE DINAR.

Having given sdme account of the currency of the empire, I shall add a few particulars regarding these ye ancient coins, and remark on the value of ancient coinage.

The Dirham, or Dirhdm, as the word i is sometimes given, is a silver coin, the shape of which resembled that of a date stone. During the califate of

36

Omar, it was changed to a circular form; and in the time of Zubair, it was impressed with the words Alldéhu (God), barakat (blessing). Hajjdj stamped upon it the chapter of the Qorén called Jéhlé¢; and others say that he imprinted it with his own name. Others assert, that Omar was the first who stamped an impression on dirhams; whilst, according to some, Greek, Khusravite, and Himyarite dirhamswere in circulation at the time of Abdulmalik, the son Marwan, by whose order Hajj4j, the son of Yusuf, had struck dirhams. Some say that Hajj4j refined the base dirhams, and coined them with the words Alléhu ahad (God is one), and Alléhu ¢amad (God is eternal) ; and these dirhams were called makréhah (abominable), because God’s holy name was thereby dishonoured ; unless this term be a corruption of some other name. After Hajj4j, at the time of the reign of Yazid ibn i Abdulmalik, Omar ibn Hubairah coined in the kingdom of “Iraq better dirhams than Hajjaj had made; and afterwards Khalid ibn Abdullah Qasri, when governor of ’Irdq, made them still finer, but they were brought to the highest degree of purity by Yusuf ibn Omar. Again, it has been said that Mug’ab ibn Zubair was the first who struck dirhams. Various accounts are given of their weights ; some saying that they were of ten or nine, or six or five misqdls ; whilst others give the weights of twenty, twelve and ten girdés, asserting at the same time that Omar had taken a dirham of each kind, and formed a coin of fourteen qirats, being the third part of the aggregate sum. It is likewise said that at the time of ’Omar there were current several kinds of dirhams: first, some of eight ddngs, which were called baghlt, after Rds baghl who-was an assay-master, and who struck dirhams by the command of ’Omar; but others call them bayhallt, from baghal, which is the name of a village ;* secondly, some of four dangs, which were called tabrf; thirdly, some of three déngs, which were known as maghribi; and lastly, some of one ding, named yamant, the half of which four kinds ’Omar is said to have taken as a uniform average weight. Fazil of Khujand says that in former days dirhams had been of two kinds, first :-—full ones of eight and six dangs (1 dang of his == 2 gérdts ; 1 girdt == 2 tassiy; 1 tassty = 2 habbah); and secondly, deficient ones of four dangs and a fraction. Some hold different opinions on this subject. ; The Dindér is a gold coin, weighing one misqdi, ¢. ¢., 1? dirhams, a$ they put 1 misgdl = 6 ddngs ; 1 ddng 4 tassiy ; 1 tassij = 2 habbahs ; 1. habbah == 2 aus (barley grains); 1 jaw = 6 khardals (mustard-grain) ; 1 khardal = 12 fals 31 fal=6 fatils; 1 fatii =6 nagirs; 1 nagir = 6 gitmirs; and 1 gitmt = 12 zarrahs. One misgdl, by this calculation, would be equal to 96 barley grains. Jfisgdi is a weight, used in weighing gold; and it is also the name of the coin. From some ancient writings it appears

• According to some inferior MSS., the name of a kind of gold.

37 that the Greek msgéJ is out of use, and weighs two girdts less than this ; and that the Greek dirham differs likewise from others, being less in weight by ¢ or 3 of a misgdl.

ATN 12.

THE PROFIT OF THE DEALERS IN GOLD AND SILVER.

• One round muhur of 11 mfshahs buys one télah of gold of 10 dn; or one télah, 2 surkhs of 92 bin; or 1 télah, 4 s. of bin; or 1 télah 68. of 7 9} bin; or 1 télah, 1 m4shah of 9 ban ; and similarly, according to the same proportion, the’ decrease of one bin increases the quantity of gold which a muhur can buy, by one miéshah.

The morchant buys for 100 La’l ¢ Jald/t muhurs 130 ¢. 2 m. 08 s. of Tun gold of 8} bans. Of this quantity 22 ¢. 9m. 748. burn away in melting, and mix with the idk ¢ khaldg, so that 107 ¢. 4 m. 14s. of pure gold remain, which are coined into 105 muhurs, leaving a remainder of nearly half a tdlah of gold, the value of which is 4 rupees. From the khdk ¢ khaldg are recovered 2¢. 11 m. 4.8%. of gold, and 11 ¢. 11 m. 43 8. of silver, the value of both of which is 35 rupees, 123 tangahs,’ s0 that altogether the abovementioned

‘quantity of Hun gold yields 105 muhurs, 39 Rs., and 25 déms.

This sum is accounted for as follows. First, 2 Rs. 18d. 124 7., dye to the workmen according to the-rates which have been explained above ; secondly, 5 Rs. 8d. 87. for ingredients ; which sum is made up of 1 R. 44. 14 y. on account of articles used in refining the metal, v7z., 26 d. 164 7. dung ; 4 d. 207. saloni; 1d. 107. water; 11d. 5y. quicksilver, and 4 Rs. 4d. 647. on account of the khdk ¢ khaldg (viz., 21d. 747. charcoal, and 3 Rs. 22d. 247. lead) ; thirdly, 6 Rs. 374d., which the owners of the gold take from the merchant, as a consideration for lending him the gold; this item goes to the Diwin in

“ease the gold belongs to the exchequer ; fourthly, 100 Lal ¢ Jalélé muhurs, which the merchant gets in exchange for the gold which he brought; fifthly, 12 Rs. 87 d. 347. which the merchant takes as his profit; séxth/y, 5-muhurs 12 Rs. 34 d., which go to the exchequer.* According to this proportion, merchants make their profits. ic,

Although gold is imported into Hindustan, it is to be found in abundance in the northern mountains of the country, as also in Tibet. Gold may also be obtained by the Saldné-process from the sands of the Ganges and Indus,

• Ong tangah == 2: dims; now-a-days as the several ftems added up give 105 m. one tangah == 2 pais. 89 Rs. 24d, 232 7,, but not 105 m. 39 Rs. 9 There is a shght mistake of 1} jdtals, 25 d,

38

and several other rivers, as most of the waters of this country are mixed with gold: however, the labour and expense greatly exceed the profit.

One Rupee buys 1 ¢. 0 m. 2 8. of pure silver; hence for 950 Rs. the merchant gets 969 ¢. 9 m. 438. of silver. Out of this quantity, 5 ¢. 0 m. 42 s. burn away in casting ingots. The remainder yields 1006 rupees, and a surplus of silver worth, 274 dams. The several items are—/first, 2 Rs. 22 d. 127., as wages for the work- men (vis., The Weighman 5 d.7}j., the Chdshnigir 3 d. 44; the Melter 6 d. 1247.5 the Zarrdb 2 Rs. 1d. O7.; the Stkhacht 6 d. 124 7.) ; secondly, 10 d. 15 7., on ac- count of requisites (v7z., 10 d. charcoal, and 15 7..water); thirdly, 50 Rs.13d. 07., payable to the Diw4n ; fourthly, 950 Rs., which the merchant gets in exchange for the silver he brought; and fifthly, 3 Rs. 21d. 104 7., being the profit of the merchant. If he refines the base silver at his own house, his profit will be much greater; but when he brings it to be coined, his profit cannot be so great.

Of the silver called Jéri and shaht, and the other above mentioned baser coins, one rupee buys 1 ¢. 0 m. 48., so that 950 Rupees will buy 989 ¢. 7 m. In the Sabddki process, 14 ¢. 10 m. 1 8. burn away, being at the rate of 14 ¢. per cent.; and in making the ingots, 4 ¢. 11m. 3 8. are lost in the fire. The remainder yields 1012 rupees; and from the khdk i haral 34 Rs. are recover- able. The several items are—/first, 4 Its: 27 d. 242 7. on account of the wages of the workmen (vis., the Weighman 5 d. 72.7. ; the Sabbdk 2 Rs. 0d. 197. ; the Quichdb 4d. 197. ; the Chashnigir 3d. 4 7.; the Melter 6 d. 124 7. ; the Zarrdd 2 Rs. 1d.; the Sikkacht 6 d. 124 7.) ; secondly, 5 Rs. 24d, 157. for necessaries, (viz. 5 Rs. 14 d. lead; 10 d. charcoal ; and 157. water) ; thirdly, 50 Rs. 24 d., payable to the state; fourthly, 950 Rs. which the merchant receives for his silver; fifthly, 4 Rs. 29 d. his profit.” Sometimes the merchant gets the silver cheap, when his profit is much larger.

1044 dams buy one man of copper, 4. ¢., at the rate of 26 d. 247. per sér. Out of this quantity, one sér is burnt away in melting ; and as each sér yields 80 dams, there are coined altogether 1170 dams, from which the merchant takes his capital, and 18 d. 1947. as profit. 33 ¢d. 107. go to the workmen ; and 15 d. 87. for necessaries, (vis. 13 d. 8 7. for charcoal; 1 d. for water; and 1d. for clay) ; 584 d. go to the state. os

AIN 13. THE ORIGIN OF METALS.

The Creator by calling into existence the four elements, has raised up wonderful forms. Fire is absolutely warm, dry, light; air is relatively a a en Ce ee re

• These items added give Rs. 1015, | sum mentioned by Abulfazl (1015 Rs. 25d, 142 7., %. ¢, alittle more than the | 20d.)

39

warm, moist, light; water is relatively cold, moist, heavy ; earth is absolutely cold, dry, heavy. Heat is the cause of lightness, and cold of ‘heaviness ; moistness easily separates particles, whilst dryness prevents their separation. This wonderful arrangement calls four compounds into existence, first, the usdr t’ulwt;’ secondly, stones ; thirdly, .plants ; fourthly, animals. From the heat of the sun, watery particles become lighter, mix with the air, and rise up. Such a mixture is called bulhdr (gas). From the same cause, earthy particles mix with the air, and rise up. This mixture is called dukhdu (vapour). Sometimes, however, airy particles mix with the earth. Several philosophers call both of the above mixtures bukhdr, but distinguish the mixture of watery particles and air by the name of moist, or watery bukhdr,

whilst they call the mixture of earthy particles and air, dry bukhdr, or dukhdnt bukhdr (vapour-like gas). Both mixtures, they say, produce above the surface of the earth, clouds, wind, rain, snow, &c. ; and, below the surface of our earth, earthquakes, springs, and minerals. They also look upon’ the dukhdr as the body, and upon the duthdn as the soul of things. From a difference in their quality and quantity, various bodies are called into existence, as described in books on philosophy.

Minerals are of five kinds: jirst, those which do not melt on account of their dryness, as the ydqut ; secondly, ‘those which do not melt, on account of their liquidity, as quicksilver ; thirdly, those which can be melted, being at the same time neither malleable, nor inflammable, as blue stone; fowrthly, those which can be melted, being however not malleable, but inflammable, as sulphur; fifthly, those which can be melted, and are malleable, but not inflammable, as gold. A body is said to melt, when from the union of the inherent principles of dryness and moisture its particles are moveable; and a body is called malleable, when we can make it extend in sucha manner, as to yield a longer and wider surface, without, however, either

separating a part from it, or adding a part to it.

When in a mixture of bukkdr with dukhdn, the former is greater in quantity, and when, after their mixture and camplete union, the heat of the sun causes the whole to contract, quicksILVER will be produced. Since no part of it is destitute of duthdén, the dryness is perceptible; hence, on touching it, it does not affect the hand, but flees from it; and since its contraction was produced by heat, no warmth can dissolve it. Again, when in a mixture of bukhér and dukhdn, both ave nearly in equal proportion, a tenacious greasy moisture is produced. At the time of fermentation, airy particles enter, when cold causes the whole to contract. This mass is inflammable. If the dukhdn and thg greasiness are a little in excess, sutrnur will be produced, in colour

? Or dvings from un high, us rain, snow, &.

40

either red or yellow, or grey or white. If the proportion of the dukhan is large, and that of the grease less, ArsENIc will result, which is red and yellow. And if the quantity ofthe bukhdr is greater, pure, black and yellow raruTna will arise, after the mixture gets solid. Since in all, cold was the cause of the contraction, they can be melted ; and on account of the prevalence of greasi-. ness and tenacious moistness, they are also inflammable, though, on account of the moistness, not malleable. ‘ Although quicksilver and sulphur are the only component parts of “ the’ seven bodies,’ ’ there arise various forms from a difference in purity, or from peculiar circumstances of the mixture, or from a variety of the action of the component parts on each other. Thus s¢lver will result, when neither of the two components mixes with earthy particles, when thoy are pure and become perfectly united, and when the sulphur is white, and ‘Jess than tho quicksilver. Or, when both are in equal proportions and the sulphur,red, and capable of

• colouring, gold will originate. Again, under similar circumstances, if both contract after the mixture, but before a complete union has been effected, kharchiné will be produced. This body is also called Ahanchint, and seems really to be raw gold; some say, it isa kind of copper. Again, if only the sulphur be impure, and the quicksilver the larger component, with an additional power of burning, copper will result. And if the mixture be not thorough, and the quicksilver larger, tm will be produced ; some say that . purity of the components is essential. If both compounds be of an inferior kind, closely mixed, and if the earthy particles af the quicksilver have a tendency of separating, and the power of burning be inherent in tho sulphur, évon will result. And if under similar conditions the intormixture be not perfect, and the quicksilver quantitatively larger, Jead will come into existence. These seven metals are called the seven bodics ; and quicksilver has the name of the mother of the bodies, and sulphur, the father of the bodies. Quicksilver is also denominated the spirit, and arsenic and sulphur, the pivots of life.

Jast (pewter), which, according to the opinions of seme, is Rih 7 thtiyd, © and resembles lead, is nowheye mentioned in philosophical books, but there is a mine of it in Hindustan, in the territory of Jd/é7, which is a dependency of the Sibah of Ajmir. Some practical mechanits’ are of opinion that the metal called ri¢dg is a silver in the state of leprosy, and quicksilver a silver in the state of apoplexy ; that lead is gold apoplectic and burnt, and bronze crude gold; and that the chemist, like the doctor, can restore these diseased metals by the principles of similarity and opposition.

Practical men form of the above seven bodies several compounds, used for ornaments, vessels, &c. Among them I may mention, 1. Saftdré, which the

• According to some MSS, the Hindus.

41

people of Hindustan call Zénst. It is a mixture of 4 sérs of copper to 1 sér of tin, melted together. 2. Ruz, 4 sérs of copper to 14 sérs of lead. It is called in this country bhangdr. 38. Brass, which the Hindus call pital, is made in three ways, first, 24 sérs copper to 1 sér rik 7 tutiya, which is malleable, when cold; secondly, .2 sérs of copper to 1 sér of ruh?t titiyd, which is malléable, when heated; thirdly, 2 sérs of copper to 1 sér of rth ¢ éutcyd, not werked with the hammer, but by casting. 4. Sim @ sukhtah, composed of lead, silver, and bronze; it has a black lustre, and is used in painting. 5. Haftjésh, which, like the Ihdrchint, is nowhere to be found ; it is said to consist of six metals. Some call it tdliqgun, whilst others give this name to common copper. 6. Ashtdhat, a compound of eight metals, v2z., the six of the haftjésh, ruh ¢ titiyd, and kdast. It is also made of seven components. 7. Kaulpatr, 2 sérs of safidri, and 1 sér of copper. It is colowred, and looks-weill, and belongs to the inventions of his Majesty.‘

AIN 14. ON SPECIFIC GRAVITY.

It has been said above that various compounds result from a mixture of bukhér and dukhdn, which themselves consist of light and heavy eloments. Besides, bukhar is wet or dry; and a complete union of the two sets in, somotimes before and after the mixture, and sometimes in either of these conditions. It is on this account that a compound whose fiery and airy particles are more numerous than its watery and earthy particles, is lighter than a mineral in which there are more watery and earthy particles; and likewise, every mineral in which the bukhér predominates over the dukhan, is lighter than a mineral, in. which the opposite is the case. Again, a mineral in which the complete union of the bukh4r and dukhén has set in, is heavier than one which has not reached this degree, ‘because the interstices betyoen the particles, and the entering of air, make a body large and light. Bearing this in mind, we have a means of discovering the weight and lightness of every body. Sore one,? now long ago dead, has expressed the weight of several bodies in verses, (metre Afytass)—

Za riy t jussah ¢ haftad, u yak diram stmdb, Chilé shashast, u sa arziz sty u hasht shumdr, Zahab gadast surub panjah o nuh dhan chil ; Biring u mis chihil 6 pang nugrah panjah u char. .

• This phrase seems to mean that lary in rhyme, entitled Wiedb uggibydn, the invgntion was made at the time of which for centuries has been read in Akbar. nearly every Madyvasah of Persia and

® Abu Nuer i Fardhi, of Farah, atown India ; vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal, for in Sijistan. His real name is Muhammad 1868, p. 7.

Badruddin. He has written a Vocabu- 6

42

“ Quicksilver’ is 71; Rui is 46; Tin is 38; Gold 100; Lead 59; Iron 16; Brass’and Copper 45; Silver 54.” Others have expressed the numbers by mnemotechnical words in rhyme, (metre Ramal)—

Nuh filizz é mustawtyyul ham ré chin barkash?,

Iihtilaf é wazn darad har yaké bé ishtibah.

Zar lakan, zébag alam, usrub dahan, arzia hal, -

Tizzah nad, chan yaki, miss o shabah mah, réi mah. ‘Tf you weigh equal volumes of the following nize metals, you will doubtlessly find their different weights as follows :—gold dakan,? quicksilver alam, lead dahan, tin hal, silver nad, iron yaki,-copper and brass mah,»rbi mdh.” If of these nine metals, pieces be taken of equal dimensions, their weights will be different. Some sages ascribe this variety in weight to the difference in the qualitative constitution of the bodies, and trace to it their lightness or heaviness, their floating or sinking in water, and their weights as indicated by common and hydrostatic balances.

Several deep-sighted philosophers compute the weight of bodies with a reference to water. They fill a suitable vessel with water, and throw into it 100 misgqils of each metal; and from the quantities of water thrown out upon the introduction of the metals, are found the differences between them in volume and weight. The greater the quantity of the water is which 100 misqdls of a body displace, the greater is its volume, and the less its weight ; rand reversely. Thus 100 m. of silver displace 92 m. of water, and the same quantity of gold, 5} m. If the weight of the water displaced by a body be subtracted from its weight in air, its weight in water will be found. The scales of the air-balarice are both suspended in air: those of the hydrostatic balance are both on the surface of the water. As the heavier body possesses the greater power for sinking, it will, in any case, move in the direction of the perpendi- cular; but, if either of the two scales be on the surface of the water, and the other in the air, the latter scale, although perhaps the lighter, will necessarily sink, as air, being a finer substance than water, does not offer so much resistance. A body will sink in water, if the quantity of water displaced by it be less than the weight of the body; and a body will float, if that quantity be greater ; and if the water displaced be equal to the weight

10.40; Copper 8.67; Iron 7.76; Tin

.

• We fix the specific gravities as fol- 7.32 ; Rui 8.86.

lows :-—Gold 19.26; Mercury 13.6;

Lead 11.325 ; Silver 10.47 ; Copper 9; Vin 7.32; Iron 7.7, for which numbers water is unity. Abul Fazl takes gold as standard; and assuming, for his values, 19.26 as its specific gravity, we would get, Mercury 13.87 ; Lead 11.36 ; Silver

® The Arabic consonants of the mnemo- technical words lakan, alam, &c., re- present numbers; thus 2? 4+ & + 2= 30 + 20+ 50;¢4+2+ m=14 304+ 40; &e. :

43

.

of the body, its upper side will coincide with the surface of the water. Abi Raihdn has drawn up a table, which I shall insert here. oN

Quantity of water displaced by 100 misgdls of

Misqdls. Dangs. Tasstjes.

Gold? 000… 5 1 2 Quicksilver, …. 7 2 1 Lead, ………. 8 5 3 Silver,………’. 9 4 1 Bg sig ee ony ¢ 40°, “2 8 Copper, …….. 11 3 8 Brass,……..65 11 4 3 Iron, ……. weet 112 5 2 Dihs ci sone ugas . 18 #4 38 Yaqut (light blue), 25 i 2 Yaquit (ved), …. 26 3 3 Raby; o oceesskte 27 5 2 Zumurrud,…..- 36 2 3 Pearl, ….-+–+: 37 1 3 Lapis lazuli, …. 38 3 38 Cornelian, ….– 38 3 3 Amber, ….+++» 89 8 8 40 3 8

Billaur, …..++.

Apparent weight (weight in water) of

100 misqals of Misqéls. Dings. Tassijes*

Gold, …..+- a ee Quicksilver, …. 92 3 3 Dead acess 91 1 8 Silver, ……-..- 90 1 3 dT ae ee 88 4 8 Copper, …….- 88 3 3 Brass, ……065. 88 2 3 Tron, ……. ‘ 87 3 2 Gis: ode acaseteas 86 2 3 Yaqit (light blue,) 74 4 2 Yaqgut (red,) …. 74 38 3 Ruby, …….+– 72 3 2 Zumurrud, …… 63. 4 3 Pearl, …….. 1 6©<620—OS 3 Lapis lazuli, …. 61 3 3 Cornelian, ……. G1 3 38 Amber, ,……. 60 3 3 Billaur, …….. 60 3 8

The weight (in air) of the undermen- The weight (in air) of the undermen-

tioned metals, the volume of 100 mis-

gals of gold being taken as the unit

of volume.

Misqals. Déngs Tassijes.

tioned precious stones, the volume of 100 misgals of the blue ydqut being taken as the unit of volume.

Misqils. Dings Tassijes.

Gold,…..- ee. 100 0 0 Yaqut (light blue,) 94 8 3 Quicksilver, 71 i 1 YAaqit.(red,) 94 3 3 Lead, ……0-6- 59 2 2 Ruby,*………. 90 2 3 Silver,………. 544 3 8 Zumurred,…… 69 38 8 Rui,………. 1. 46 2 3 Pearls, ……. . 67 5 2 Copper, …….. 45 3 & Lapis lazuli, wees «65 8 2 Brass, ……0+ 45 3 5(?)Cornelian, …… 64+ 4 2 Tron, serene’ 40 0 0 Amber, …….. 64 3 1 Hab owiasie$ae% 38 2 2 Billaur, …….. 63 3 3

• With the exception of Quicksilver, Silver, and Yi oe (Hight blue), the numbers given in the MSS., and the above list, are slightly wrong, because the sum

of the weights of the water displaced and the apparent weight, ought to give 100 misqils (1 m.=6 d.; 1d. == 44.) But in most items there is an excess of one ddng.-

Ad

AIN 15. THE IMPERIAL HAREM.

His Majesty is a great friend of good order and propriety in business. Through order the world becomes a meadow of truth and reality ; and that which is but external, receives through it a spiritual meaning. For this reason, the large number of women—a vexatious question even for .great statesmen—furnished his Majesty with an opportunity to display his wisdom, and to rise from the low level of worldly dependence to the eminence of perfect freedom. The imperial palace and household are therefore in the best order. -

His Majesty forms matrimonial alliances with princes of Hindustan, and of other countries; and secures by these ties of harmony the peace of the world.

As the sovereign, by the light of his wisdom, has raised fit persons from the dust of obscurity, and appointed them to various offices, so does he also elevate faithful persons to the several ranks.in the service of tho seraglio. Short-sighted men think of impure gold, which will gradually turn into pure gold ;* but the far-sighted know that his Majesty understands how to use elixirs’ and chemical processes. Any kind of growth will alter the constitution of a body ; copper and iron will turn to gold, and tin and lead to silver ; hence it is no matter of astonishment, if an excellent being changes the worthless into men. ‘The saying of the wise is true that the eye of the exalted is the elixir for producing goodness.” Such also are the results flowing from the love of order of his Majesty, from his wisdom, insight, regard to rank, his respect for others, his activity, his patience. Even when he is angry, he does not deviate from the right path; he looks at every thing with kindly feelings, weighs rumours well, and is free from all prejudice ; he considers it a great blessing to have the good wishes of the people, and does not allow the intoxicating pleasures of this world to overpower his calm judgment.

His Majesty has made a large enclosure with fine buildings inside, where he reposes. Though there are more than five thousand women, he has given to each a separate apartment. He has also divided them into sections, and keeps them attentive to their duties. Several chaste women have been appointed as daéréghahs, and superintendents over each section, and one has been selected for the duties of writcr. Thus, as in the imperial offices, every thing is here also in proper order. The salaries are sufficiently liberal. Not counting the presents, which his Majesty most generously bestows, the women of the highest rank receive from 1610 to 1028 Rs. per mensem. Some

• So aecording to the opinion of the * Elixirs change quickly that which is philosophers of the Middle Ages. worthless into pure gold.

45

of the servants have from 51 to 20, others from 40 to 2 Rs. Attached to the private audience hall of tho palace, is a clever and zealous writer, who superintends the expenditure of the Harem, and keeps an account of the cash and the stores. Ifa woman wants anything, within the limit of her salary, she applies to one of the Zahwilddrs (eash-keepers) of the seraglio. The Tahwildaér then sends a memorandum to the writer, who checks it, when the General Treasurer makes the payment in cash, as for claims of this nature no cheques are givon.

The writer also makes out an estimate of the annual expenditure, writes out summarily a receipt, which is countersizned by the ministers of the state. It is then stamped with a peculiar Imperial seal, which is only used in grants connected with the Harem, when the receipt becomes payable. The money itself is paid by the cash-keeper of the General Treasury to the General Tahwildar, who on the order of the writer of the Harem, hands it over, to the several Sub-Tahwilddrs for distribution among the servants of the seraglio. All monies are reckoned in their salaries at the current rate.’ -

The inside of the Harem is guarded by sober and active women; the most trustworthy of them are placed about the apartments of his Majesty. Outside of the enclosure the eunuchs are placed ; and at a proper distance, there is a guard of faithful Rdjputs, beyond whom are the porters of the gates. Besides, on all four sides, there are guards of Nobles, Ahadis, and other troops, according to their ranks.

Whenever Bégums, or the wives of nobles, or other women of chaste character, desire to be presented, they first notify their wish to the servants of the seraglio, and wait for a reply. From thence they send their request to the officers of the palace, after which those who are eligible are permitted to entor the Harem. Some women of rank obtain permission to remain there for 4 whole month. ‘

Notwithstanding the great number of faithful guards, his Majesty docs not dispense with his own vigilance, but keeps the whole in proper order.

AIN 16. THE ENCAMPMENT ON JOURNEYS.

It would be difficult to describe a large encampment; but I shall say something on the equipage used for hunting parties and short journeys.

1. The Guldlbdr is a grand enclosure, the invention of his Majesty, the doors of which are mado very strong, and secured with locks and keys. It is never less than one hundred yards square. At its eastern end a

2 At 40 dams per rupee,

46

pavilion of two entrances is erected, containing 54 divisions, 24 yards long, and 14 broad; and in the middle there stands a large Chaubin rdott, and round about it a Sardpardah. Adjoining to the Chaubin, they built up a two-storied pavilion, in which his Majesty performs divine worship, and from the top of which, in the morning, he receives the cqmpliments of the nobility. No one connected with the seraglio enters this building without special leave. Outside of it, twenty-four chaubin rdotis are erected, 10 yards long, and 6 yards wide, each separated by a canvass, where the favourite women reside. There are also other pavilions and tents for the servants, with Sdéibdns® of gold embroidery, brocade, and velvet. Adjoining to this , .is a Sardpardah of carpet, 60 yards square, within which a few tents are erected, the place for the Urdubégis,® and other female servants. Farther on up to the private audience hall, there is a fine open space, 150 yards long and 100 yards broad, called the Mahtdbt ; and on both sides of it, a screen is set up as before described which is supported by poles 6 yards long, §xed in the ground at distances of two yards. The poles are one yard in the ground, and are ornamented with brass knobs on the top, and kept firm by two ropes, one passing inside, and the other outside of the enclosure. The guards watch here, as has been described.

In the midst of the plain is a raised platform,* which is protected by an awning, or Namgirah, supported by four poles. This is the place, where his Majesty sits in the evening, and none but those who are particularly favoured, are here admitted. Adjoining to the @ulddbiir, there is a circular enclosure, consisting of twelve divisions, each of thirty yards, the door of the enclosure opening into the Mehtab: ; and in the midst of it, is a Chaubin rdott, ten yards long, and a tent containing forty divisions, over which twelve awnings are spread, each of twelve yards, and separated by canvasses. This place, in every division of which a convenient closet is constructed, is called Zbachki, which is the (Chagatadi) name used by his Majesty. Adjoining to this a’ Sardpardah is put up, 150 yards in length and breadth, containing sixteen divisions, of thirty-~ , six square yards, the Sarépardah being, as ‘before, sustained by poles with knobs. Inthe midst of it the state-hall is erected, by means of a thousand carpets ; it contains seventy-two rooms, and has an opening fifteen yards wide. A tentlike covering, or Qalandart; made of waxcloth, or any other lightor material, is spread over it, which affords protection against the rain and the sun; and round aboutit, are fifty awnings, of twelve yards each. The pavilion, which serves as Diwdn-t khdg, or private audience hall, has proper doors and locks. Here tho nobles, and the officers of the army, after having

1 Described in the twenty- first Ain. | _ * As may be still seen in the ruins of 2 Awnings, % Armed women. Fathpir Sikri,

470”

obtained leave through the Bakhshis,’ pass beforo the Emperor, the list of officers eligible for admission being changed on the first of every month. The place is decorated, both inside and outside with carpets of various colours, and resembles a, beautiful flower-bed. Outside of it, to a distance of 350 yards, ropes are drawn, fastened to poles, which are set up ata distance of three yards from each other. Watchmen are stationed about them. This is the Diwvdn i ’Am, or public audience hall, round which, as above described, the various guards are placed. At the end of this place, at a distance of twelve tundbs is the Naqqdrah Khdnah,? and in the midst of the area the Akdsdiah? is lighted up. ,

Same encampments, as just now described, are sent off, and one of them is put up by the Jarrdshes on a piece of ground which the Mér Manzils* have selected as an eligible spot, whilst the other camp furniture is sent in advance, to await the approach of his Majesty. Each encampment requires for its carriage 100 elephants, 500 camels, 400 carts, and 100 bearers. It is escorted by 500 troopers, Afansabdars,’ Ahadis. Besides, there are employed a thousand Farrdshes, natives of fran, Tarén, and Hindustan, 500 pioneers, 100 water-carriers, 50 carpenters, tent-makers, and torch-bearers, 30 workors

sin loathor, and 150 sweepers. ;

The monthly pay of the foot varies from 240 to 130 déms.

AIN 17. THE ENCAMPMENT OF THE ARMY.

Although his Majesty but rarely collects his armies, a large number of troops accompany him in whatever direction an expedition may go; buta considerable number, in every province, are employed on various services, . and are not allowed to follow him. On account of the crowding of camp- followers, and the number of: the troops themselves, it would take a soldier days to find his tent; and how much’ worse would it be for a stranger? His Majesty has invented an admirable method of encamping his troops, which is a source of much comfort to them. On .an open ground they pitch the imperial seraglio, the audience hall, and the Naggdrah khénah, all occupying a.space the length of which is 1530 yards. To the right and left, and behind, is an open space of 360 yards, which no one but the guards are allowed to enter. Within it, at a distance of 100 yards to

• Paymasters. The Commanding Of- band plays. Regarding the tandb, vide cers were at the same time paymasters, |° the tenth Ain of the third book. as they collected the rents of the lands ® A high pole to the top of which an assigned to them for the payment of their immense lamp is fixed. Pde p. 50. - contingents, * Quarter masters.

2 A twret on the top of which the * Grandees,

48

the left centre aré the tents of Maryam Makdni,’ Gulbadan Bégum, and, other chaste ladies, and the tents of Prince Danydl; to the right, those of Prince,Sultén Salim ; and to the left, those of Prince Shih Murfd. Behind their tents, at some distance, the offices and workshops are placed, and at a further distance of 80 yards behind them, at the four corners of the camp, the bazérs. The nobles are encamped without on all ‘sides, according to their rank.

The guards for Thursday, Friday and Saturday, encamp in the centro ; those for Sunday and Monday, on the right; and those for Tuesday and Wednesday, on the left.

ATN 18. ON ILLUMINATIONS.

His Majesty maintains that it is a religious duty and divine praise to worship fire and light; surly, ignorant men consider it forgetfulness of the Almighty, and fire worship. But the deep-sighted know better. As the external form of the worship of ‘the select”? is based upon propricty, and as people think the neglect of some sort of worship abominable, there , can be nothing improper in the veneration of that exalted element which is the source of man’s existence, and of the duration of his life; nor should base thoughts enter such a matter. s ;

How beautifully has Shaikh Sharafuddin Munyari* said,~‘‘ What can be done with a man who is not satisfied with the lamp, when the sun is down ?” Every flame is derived from that fouritain of divine light, (the sun), and bears the impression of its holy essence. If light and fire did not exist, we should be destitute of food and medicines ; the power of sight would be of no avail . to the eyes. The fire of the sun is the torch of God’s sovereignty.

At noon of the day, when the sun enters,thd 19th degrge of Aries, the whole world being then surrounded by his light, they expose a round picce of a white and shining stone, called im Hindi Strajkrant, to the rays of tho sun. A piece of cotton is- then held near it, which catches fire from the heat of the stone. This celestial fire is committed to the care of proper persons.

mn A

2 Maryam Makdni, (i.e. dwelling with the Virgin Mary, who together with Asiah, tho wife of Pharao, Khadijah, the name of Muhammad’s efirst wile, and Fatinah, his dqughter, are the four perfect women of the Islam) is the ¢itle of Akbar’s mother. Her name was Humidah Bdni, Bégum ; vide Baddoni, ed. Bibl. Ind. I,

(437. Gulbadan Bégum (i e., Lady Rose body) appears to be the name of’ one

of Akbar’s favourite wives. 2 The members of the Divine Faith. ® This famous saint dicd in the begin- ning of the fifteenth century. Munair is a

_.town in Bahar; vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal, 1868, p. 7, 1. 3, from below, and

the biographies of Indian Saints in the fourth book. His works are to be found amoug the Persian MISS. of the Society’s Library.

49

The lamp-lighters, torch-bearers ‘and cooks of the household use it for their offices; and when the year has passed away in happiness, they renew ‘the, fire. The vessel in which this fire is preserved, is called Agingir,” 7. e., fire-pot.

There is also a shining white stone, called Chandrkrdnt, wah, upon being exposed to the beams of the moon, drips water.

Every afternoon, one ghari’ before sunset, his Majesty, if on horse- back, alights, or if sloeping, he is awakened. He then lays aside the splondour of royalty, and brings his external appearance in harmony with his heart. And when the sun sets, the attendants light twelve white candles, on twelve candlesticks of gold and silver,’ and bring them before his Majosty, whon a singer of sweet melodies, with a candle in his hand, sings a variety of delightful airs to the praise of God, beginning and concluding. with a prayor for the continuanco of this auspicious reign. His Majesty attaches the utmost importance to praise and prayer, aud earnestly asks God for renewed light.

It is impossible to describe the beauty and various forms of the candle- sticks and shades, and to give an account of the offices of the workmen. Some of the candlesticks weigh ten mans aud upwards, and are adorned with various designs ; some single, others of two branches and more: they give light to the internal eye. His Majesty has invented a candlestick, one yard high. Five othors are placed qn the top of it, and each is adorned with the figure of an animal. White wax candles, three yards and upwards in length, are cast for -it, so that 4 ladder is required to snuffit. Besides there are everywhere flambeaus® both inside and outside, which increase the light vory much. The first, second, and third nights of every lunar month, when thero is moonlight but for a short time, eight wicks are used ;° from the fourth to the tenth, they decrease one in number every night, sé that on the tenth night, when the moon is very bright, one is swiicient ; and they continue in this stato till the fifteonth, and increase one wick every day from the sixteenth to the nineteentlr. For the twentieth night the number ig the same as on the nineteenth; on the twenty-first and twenty-second they increase one daily; the twenty-third is the same as the twenty-second ; and from the twenty-fourth to the last, eight wicks are lighted up. Thoy allow for every wick one sér of oil, and’ half @ stv of cotton. In somo places there ave fat-burners, where grease is burnt instoad of oil. The allywance varies according to the size of the wick.

In order to‘ render the royal camp conspicuous to those who come from

very common in Tndia,

2 One gharé = 24 minutes. ) ® For each Humbeau,

? Oil-burners with several wicks are -

7

50

far, his Majesty has caused to be erected, in front of the Durbir, a pole upwards of forty yards high, which is supported by sixteen ropes ; and on the top of the pole is.a large lantern, which they call Akdsdiah. Its light is seen from great distances, guides the soldiers to the imperial camp, and helps them to find their tents. In former times, before the lamp was erected, the men had to suffer hardships from not being able to sind the road.

In this department, Mansabdars, Ahadis, and other troops, are employed. Tho allowance of a foot soldier never exceeds 2400, and is nevor less than

• 80 dams. :

ATN 19. THE ENSIGNS OF ROYALTY.

The Shamsal? of the arch of royalty is a divine light, which God directly transfers to kings, without the assistance of men; and kings are fond of . external splendour, because they consider it an image-of the Divino glory.

-I shall mention some of the insignia used at present.

1. The Aurang, or throne, is made of several forms; some are inlaid with precious stones, and others are made of gold, silver, &e. 2. The Chatr, or umbrolla, is adorned with the most precious jewels, of which there are never less than seven. 3. The Sdiddn is of an oval form, a yard in length,

‘and its handle, like that of the umbrella, is covered. with brocado, and ommamented with precious stones. One of the attendants holds it, to keep off the rays of the sun. It is also called Aftdbyir. 4. The Kaukabah,® of which several are hung up before the assembly hall.

rare four insignia are only used by kings.

. The ’Alam, or standard. When the king rides out, not less than five of as are carried along with the Qur,* wrapped up in scarlet cloth bags. On days of festivity, and in battle, they are unfurled. 6. The Chutrtdég, a kind of ’Alam, but snvaller than it, is adorned with the tails of Thibetan yaks. 7. The Lumantdg is like the Chatrtég, but longer. Both insignia are flags of the highest dignity, and the latter_is bestowed upon great nobles only. 8. The Jhandé is an Indian flag. The Qur necessarily contains a flug of each kind ; but on great occasions many are displayed.

Of musical instruments used in the Naqgdrahkhénah, I may mention,

1. the Luwargah, commonly called dam@nah; there are eighteen pair of

• From dAkds sky, and diah lamp. At night, these pictures are iJlwminated.

The Akdsdiyah is also mentioned by * Vide the plates. Bernicr. * The Qu is acollection of flags, arms, 2 Shamsah is a picture of the sun affixed and other insignia, which follow ‘the king

to the gates or walls of the palaces of kings. wherever he goes.

51

them more or less; and they give a deep sound: 2. Zhe naggdrak, twenty pair, more or loss. 3. Zhe duhul, of which four are used. 4. The Larand’ is made of gold, silver, brass, and other metals: and they never blow fewer than four. 5. Zhe surnd of the Persion and Indian kinds; they blow niuo together. 6. The zafér, of the Persian, Eurepoan, and Indian kinds; thoy blow some of each kind. 7. Tho sing is of brass, and made in the form of a cow’s horn; they blow two togother. 8. The sanj, or cymbal, of which three. pair are used.

Formerly the band playod pan gharis before the Soitedducient of the night, and likewise four gharis before daybreak; now they play first at midnight, when the sun commences his ascent, and the second time at dawn. One ghari before sunrise, the musicians commence to blow the surn4, ani wake up those that are asleep; and one ghari after sun rise, they play a short prelude, when they beat the kuwargah a little, whereupon they blow: the karand, the nafir, and the other instruments, without, however, making use of the naqgdrah; after a little pause the surnés are blown again, the time of the music being indicated by the nafirs. One hour later the naqydrahs commence, when all musicians raise “the auspicious strain.’’* After this they go through the following seven performances. 1. ‘The Mursalt, which is the name of a tune played by the mursil; and afterwards the bardésht, which consists likewise of certain tunes, played by the whole band. This‘is ,° followed by a pianissimo, and a crescendo passing over into a diminucndo ; 2. The playing of the four tunes, called ahldti, tbtiddi, shirdzt, galandart nigar gatrah,® or nukhid gatrah, which occupies an hour. 8. The playing of the old Khwadrizmite tunes. Of these his Maicsty has composed more than two hundred, which are the delight of young and old, especially the tunes Salilshiht, Mahimér karkat (2), and the Naurézi. 4, The swelling play of the cymbals. 5. The playing of Bé miydu daur. 6. The passing into the tunes azfar, also called rdh ¢ bald, after which comes a pianissime. 7. The Khwiriz- mite tunes, played by the Jfurs:l, after which he passes into the mursalt; he then pauses, and commences the blessings on his Majesty, when the whole band strikes up a pianissimo. Then. follows the reading of beautiful sentences and poems. This also lasts for an hour. Afterwards the surna-players perform for another hour, when the whole comes to a proper conclusion.

His Majesty has such a knowledge of the science of music as trained musicians do not possess ; and he is likewise an excellent hand in performing, espocially on the naqqgarah. s '

• Or Karrana. remain so. Perhaps the words shindzf

• ® Probably blessings on his Majesty. galandart, “a hermit of Shiréz,” belong ® Several of these names of melodies to each other. Nigar guérah means,

are unclear, aud will in all probability behold the tear.

52

Mansabdivs, Ahadis, and other troops are employed in tltis department. Tho monthly pay of a foot-suldier does nut exceed 340, and is not less than _ 74 dams. -

AIN 20. THE ROYAL SEALS.

Seals are used in the three? branches of the Government ; in fact every man requires them in his transactions. In the beginning of the present reign, Maul4né Magid, the seal-engraver, cut in a circular form upon a surface of steel, in the rig@ character, the name of his Majesty and those of his illustrious ancestors up to Timirlang ; and afterwards he cut another similar seal, in the nasta’liq character, only with his Majesty’s name. For judicial transactions a second kind of seal was made, mi/rdbi in form,* which had the following verse round the name of his Majesty—

Rast mijib ¢ riza t khudast, kas nadidam kik gum shud az rah t rast.

“ Uprightness is the means of pleasing God; I never saw any one lost in the straight road.”

Tamkin made a new seal of the second kind; and afterwards Maulind ’Alf Ahmad of Dihli improved both. The round small seal goes by the (chagati) name of Uzuk, and is used for farmén i sabtis ;* and the large one, into which he cut the names of the ancestors of his Majesty, was at first only used for letters to foreign kings, but now-a-days for both. For other orders a square seal is used, engraved with the words Alléhu Akbar, jalla jaldlulu, whilst another of a peculiar stamp is used for all matters connected with the soraglio. For the seals attached to farmdns, another stamp is uscd of various forms.

Of seal-engravers I shall mention

1. Maulind Mag¢id of Ierdt, one of the sorvants of Humayin, who writes well the rigd’ and nasta’lig characters. The astrolabe, globes, and various mistars’ which he made, were much admired by people of experience… The patronage of his Majesty perfected his art. ,

a i Er Sn ee

2 Corresponding to the threefold divi- sion of the Ain i Akbaré,

2 The word muhur, a seal, means also a stamp, ond generally, the signature of @ man. We sign documents, Orientals stamp their names to them. Sealing wax is rarely used on account of the climate , a tenacious black liquid, or the juice of the biélé nut is preferred.

& Vide note p. 30.

• Fide the eleventh Ain of the second

book. ® Copyists take a piece a pasteboard

of the same size as the paper on which they write. Then they draw two parallel vertical lines, each about an inch from the two vertical sides of the pasteboard. Along these lines they make small holes at equal intervals, and draw a_strin

from the first hole at the left hand to the first hole of the right of the pasteboard. Similarly, the two second holes are joined, and so on, care being taken that the horizontal strings are parallel. This con- trivance is called mistar, trom safar, a line. The copyist then puts the blank

. 53

2. Zamkinof Kdbul. He was educated in his native country, and brought his art to such a perfection, as to oxcite the jealousy of the preceding engraver, whom he surpassed in the nasta’lig.

3. Afr Dést of Kabul. He cuts both the rigd’ and nasta’/t7 characters in cornelian. He does not come up to the preceding artists. His rigd’ is better than his nasta’lig. He also understands assaying.

4. Mauldgd Ibrahim. In the art of cutting cornelians he is the pupil

of his brother Sharaf of Yazd. He surpasses the ancient engravers ; and it is impossible to distinguish his,x7gd’ and nasta’lig from the master pieces of the best calligraphers. He engraved the words a’l jaldlt, or the glorious

ruby, upon all imperial rubies of value. . 5. Mauldnd Al Ahmad of Dihli who, according to all cafligraphers,

stands unsurpassed as steel-engrawer, so much so that his engravings are taken as copies. His nasta’lig is charming ; but he writes also other characters well. He learned the trade from his father Shaikh Husain, studied the manner of Mauléné Magqgid, and eventually surpassed all.

AIN 21. . THE FARRASH KHANAH.

Tis Majesty considers this department as an excellent diettagplace, a shelter from heat and cold, a protector against the rain, as the ornament of royalty. He looks upon its efficiency as one of the insignia of a ruler, and therefore considers the care bestowed upon it, asa part of Divine worship. The department has been much improved, both in the quality and the quantity of the stores, and also by the introduction of new fashions.

I shall mention a few particulars as specimens for future enquirers.

1. The Bérgdh, whon large, is able to contain more than ten thousand

people. It takes a thousand farrashes a week to erect it with the help of machines. There are generally two door poles, fastened with hinges. If plain, (¢. ¢., without brocade, velvet, or gold ornaments,) a bargah costs 10,000 Rupees and upwards, whilst the price of: one full of ornaments is unlimited. The price of others may be estimated from the price of a plainone. 2. The Chaubin rdéwaté is raised on ten pillars. They go alittle into the ground, and are of equal height, with the exception of two, which are a little higher, as

• Nizém of Hert, in his Tabaqit i Akbari, mentions him among the contem- poraneous Persian poets, and gives a few of his verses.

sheets on the top of the mistar, and presses on them with the hands, when the strings will leave marks on the paper sufficiently clear to prevent the writer from writing

crookedly.

54,

the cross beam rosts upon them, The pillars have, above and below, a ddsah,* to keep them firm, and several rafters pass over the disahs and the crossbeam, the whole being kept tightly together by clantps and bolts and nuts. The walls and the roof consist of mats. There is one door or two; and at the height of the lower disahs there is a raised platform. The inside is ornamented with brocade and velvet, and the outside with scarlet- sackcloth, tied to the walls with silk tape. 38. The Dodshpdnahk manzil, or house of two stories, is raised upon eighteen pillars, six yards in height, which support a wooden platform; and into this, pillars of four cubits in length are fixed with bolt and nuts, forming an upper story. The inside and outside are ornamented, as in the preceding. On the march it is used by his Majesty as a sleeping apartment, and also as a place of divine worship, where he prays to the Sun ¢ and hence the building resembles aman who strives after God without forgetting his worldly duties, whose one eye is directed to the solitude of pure devotion, and the other eye to the motly sardi of the world. After the devotions are over, the women are allowed to enter, to pay their compliments, and after them, outsiders. On journeys his Majesty inspects in this building the rations (of the elephants, camels, &c.,) which is called yhardkah, or window. 4. The Zaminddz is a tent made of various forms, sometimes with one, sometimes jwith two door poles; screens are also hung up within it, so as to form divisions. 5. The ’Ajdibt consists of nine awnings on four pillars. Five of thé awnings are square, and four tapering ; sometimes they make it so as to contain one division only, supported by a single pole. 6. The Mandal is composed of five awnings joined together, and is supported by four poles. Four of the awnings are let down, so as to form a private room; sqmetimes all four are drawn up, or one side only is left open. 7. The A’Al’hambah consists of seventeen awnings, sometimes separate, sometimes joined :together ; they are supported by eight poles. 8. The Hhargdh is a folding’ tent made in various Ways; some with one, others with two doors. 9. The Shémydnah-awning is made of various sizes, but never more than of twelve yards square. 10. The Qalandart has heen described.2 11. The Sardpardah was made in former times of coarse canvass, but his Majesty has now caused it to be made of carpeting, and thereby improved its appearance and usefulness. 12. The Guldlddy, is a wooden screen, its parts being fastened togethér, like the walls of the Khargdah, with leather straps, so that it can be folded together, when the camp breaks off. The guldlbdr is covered with red cloth, tied with tape. ‘

2 A triangular piece of wood fixed into the cross-beam, @ support. the angle formed by the vertical beam and | ® Vide p. 46,

55

Carpets. :

His Majesty has caused carpets to be made of wonderful varieties and charming textures; he has appointed experienced workmen, who have produced many master-pieces. The carpets of Tran and Turin re no moro thought of, although merchants still import carpets from Goshkin, Khuzistin, Kirmén, and Sabzwir.’ All kinds of carpet weavers have settled here, and drive a flourishing trade. There are found in every town, especially in Agrah, Fathpir, and Léhér. In the imperial workshops, single carpets are made 20 gaz, 7 tasswes long, and 6 gaz, 114 tassijes broad, at a cost of 1810 rupees, which those who are skilled in the business have valued at 2715 rupees.

Lakyahnamads, or woolen coverlets, are brought from Kabul and Persia, but are also made in this country. :

It would tako up too much time tq describe the jujams, shutrinjis, balichis, and the fine mats which look as if woven with silk.

AIN 22. THE ABDAR KIOANAH.

His Majesty calls this source of life ‘the water of immortality,” and has-committed the care of this department to proper persons. He does not drink much, but ‘pays much attention to this matter. Both at home and on travels, he drinks Ganges water. Some trustworthy persons are stationed on the banks of that river, who dispatch the water in sealed jars. When the court was at the capital Agrah and in Fathpur, the water came from the district of Saran ;? but now® that his Majesty is in the Panjab, the water is

-brought from Ilardwar. For the cooking of the food, rain water or water taken from the Jamnah and the Chandb is used, mixed with a little Ganges water. On jourieys and hunting parties his Majesty, from his predilection for good water, appoints experienced men as water-tasters.

Saltpetre, which in gunpowder produces the explosive heat, is used by his Majesty as a means for cooling water, and is thus a source of joy for great and small. Saltpetre is a saline earth. They fill with it a perforated vessel, and pour some water over it, and collecting what drops through,

• Goshhdn, or Jéshagdn, a town in cities of the Persian province Khurasan, Trdg i “Ajamf, half way between Kashan between Mashhad (Meshed) and the Cas- and I¢fahin. Khiizistén is the Persian pian Sea. province of which Shushtar, or Shustar, 2 The nearest station on the Ganges

is the capital; the ancient Susiana. Kirman is the capital of the Persian province Kirman, which borders on Balt- chistan. Subzwar is one of the chief

from Agrah.

® A. D. 1596. As in 1586 Fathyir had ceased to be the capital, Akbar resided wostly in the Panjab.

56

e ry

they boil it, clean it, and let it crystalize. One sér of water is then put into a goglet of pewter, or silver, or any other such metal, and the mouth closed. Then two and a half sérs of saltpetre are thrown into a vessel, together with five sérs of water, and in this mixture the goglet is stirred about for a quarter of an hour, when the water in the goglet will become cold. The price of saltpetre varies from # to 4 mans per rupee.

Since the thirtieth year’ of the Divine Era, when the imperial standards were erected in the Panjib, snow and ice have come into use. Ice is brought by land and water, by post carriages or bearers, from the district of Panh4n, in the northern mountains, about forty-five iés from Lahér. The dealers derive a considerable profit, two to three sérs of ice being sold per rupee. The greatest profit is derived when the ice is brought by water, next

. when by carriages, and least when by bearers. The inhabitants of the mountains bring it in loads, and sell it in piles containing from 25 to 30 seers, at the rate of 5 dams. If they have to bring it very far, it costs 24d. 177. ; if the distance be an average one, 15 d.

Out of the ten’boats employed for the transport of ice, one arrives daily at the capital, each being manned by four boatmen. The ice bundles contain from six to twelve sérs, according to the temperature. A carriage brings two loads. There are fourteen stages, where the horses are changed ; and besides, one elephant is used. Twelve pieces of ton to four sérs arrive daily. By this kind of transport, a sér of ice costs in winter 3 d. 21 7.; diiring the rains 14 d. 20 7.; in the intermediate time 9 d. 214,7.; and in the average? 5d.154j. Ifitis brought by bearers, twenty-eight men are required for the fourteen stages. They bring every day one load, containing four parcels. In the beginning of the year the ice costs 5 d. 194 7.; in the middle 16 d. 247.3; and in the end 19 d. 15% 7., per sér; in the average? 8% d.

All ranks use ice in summer; the nobles use it throughout the whole year. . 8

AIN 23. « THE IMPERIAL KITCHEN.

His Majesty even extends his attention to this department, and has given many wise regulations for it; nor can a reason be given why he should not do so, as the equilibrium of man’s nature, the strength of the body, the

2 A. D. 1586. : may be compared to the prices of the

• The text has serdsaré, which may presentage. Here, in Calcutta, one sér mean the average ; but the price given of American ice costs two annas, or §

by Abulfazl is nut ‘an average. The rupee, ze, f= 5 da ’ Akbar charges for ice, at the time of Akbar, ees peau oh ee

57

capability of receiving external and internal blessings, and the acquisition of worldly and religious advantages, depend ultimately on proper caro being shewn for appropriate food. This knowledge distinguishos man from beasts, with whom, as far as mere eating is concerned, he stands upon the same level. If his Majesty did not possess so lofty a mind, so comprehensive an understanding, so universal a kindness, he would have chosen the path of solitude, and given up sleep and food altogether; and even now, when he has taken upon himself the temporal and spiritual leadership of the people,

_ the question, ‘‘ What dinnor has been prepared to-day ?” never passes over his

tongue,.: ‘In the course of twenty-four hours his Majesty eats but once, and leaves off before he is fully satisfied ; neither is there any fixed timo for this meal, but the servants have always things so far ready, that in the space of . an hour, after the ordor has been given, a hundred dishes are served up. The food allowed to the womon of the seraglio commences to bo takon from the kitchen in the morning, and goes on till night.

Trustworthy and experienced people are appointed to this department ; and all good servants attached to the court, are resolved to perform well whatever service they have undertaken. Their head is assisted by the Prime Minister himself. His Majesty has entrusted to the latter the affairs of the state, but ospecially this important department. Notwithstanding all this, his Majesty is not unmindful of the conduct of the servants. He appoints a zoalous and sincere man as Dir Bakdwal, or Master of the Kitchen, upon whose insight the success of the department depends, and gives him several upright persons as assistants. There are also treasurers for the cash and the stores, several tasters, and a clever writer. Cooks from all countries prepare a great variety of dishes of all kinds of grains, greens, meats; also oily, sweet and spicy dishes. Every day such dishes are prepared as the nobles can scarcely command at their feasts, from which you may infer how exquisite the dishes are which are prepared for his Majesty.

In the beginning of the year the Sub-treasurers make out an annual estimate, and receive the amount; the money bags and the door of the store- house being sealed with the seals of the Mir Bakéwal and the writer; and every month a correct statement of the daily expenditure is drawn up, the recoipt for which is sealed by the same two officers, when it is entered under the head of the expenditure. At the beginning of every quarter, the Diwdn @ buyttdt’ and the Ifr Bakdwal, collect whatever they think will be necessary ; e. g., Subbhdds vice from Bhariij, Déwztrah vice from Gwilidr, Jinjin vice from Rajori and Nimlah, g’ft from Higdr Ftrizah; ducks, water-fowls, and

? Superintendent of the stores, workshops, &e.

8

58

certain vegetubles from Kashmir. Patterns are always kept. The sheop, goats, berberies, fowls, ducks, &c., are fattened by the cooks; fowls are never kept longer than a month. The slaughter-house is without the city or the camp, in the neighbourhood of rivers and tanks, where the meat is washed, when itis sont to the kitchen in sacks sealed by the cooks. There it is again washed, and thrown into the pots. The water-carriers pour the water out of their leather bags into earthen vessels, the mouths of which are covered with pieces of cloth, and sealed°up; and the water is left to settle before itis used. A place is also told off as a kitchen garden, that there may be a continual supply of fresh greens.- The Mir Bakawal and the writer determine the price of every eatable, which becomes a fixed rule; and they sign the day-book, the estimates, the receipts for transfers, the list of wages of the servants, &c., and watch every transaction. Bad characters, idle talkers, unknown persons are never employed; no one is entertained without security, nor is personal acquaintance sufficient.

The victuals are served up in dishes of gold and silver, stone and earthen-ware; some of the dishés being in charge of each of the Sub- Bakéwals. During the time of éooking, and when the victuals are, taken out, an awning is spread, and lookers-on kept away. The cooks tuck up their sleeves, and the hems of their garments, and hold their hands before their mouths and noses when the food is taken out; the cook and the Bakéwal taste it, after which it is tasted by the Mir Bakdwal, and then put into the dishes. The gold and silver dishes are tied up in red cloths, and those of copper and china in white ones. The Mir Bakdéwal attaches this seal, and writcs on it the names of the contents, whilst the clerk of the pantry writes out on a shoet of paper a list of all vessels and dishes, which he sends inside, with the seal of the Mir Bakawal, that none, of the dishes may be changed. The dishes are carried by the Bakéwals, the cooks, and the other servants, and macebearers precede and follow, to prevent people from approaching them. The servants of the pantry send at the same time, in bags containing the seal of the Bakéwal, various kinds of bread, saucors of curds ‘piled up, and small stands containing plates of pickles, fresh ginger, limes,-and various greens. The servants of the palace again taste the food, spread the table cloth on the ground, and arrange the dishos; and when after somo time his Majesty commences to dine, the table servants sit opposite him in attendance : first, the share of the derwishes is put apart, whon his Majosty commences with milk or curds. After he has dined, he prostrates himself in prayer. The Mir Bakawal is always in attendance. The’ dishes are taken away according to the above list. Some victuals are also kept half ready, should they be called for.

59

The copper utensils are tinned twice a month ; those of the princes, &e., once; whatever is broken is given to the braziers, who make new ones.

AIN 24. @ RECIPES FOR DISHES.

There are many dishes, but the description is difficult. I shall give some particulars. Cooked victuals may be arranged under three heads, jist, such in which no meat is used, called now-a-days gusydnah ; secondly, such in which meat and rice, &., are used; thirdly, meats with spices. I shall give ten recipes of each kind.

First, 1. Zard birinj. 108. of rice; 568. of sugarcandy; 34s. of g’hi; raisins, almonds, and pistachios, 4s. of each ; 3 8. of salt; 4s. of fresh ginger ; 14 dams saffron, 23 misqals of cinnamon. .This will make four ordinary dishes. Some make this dish with fewer spices, and even ‘without any: and instead of without meat and sweets, they prepare it also with meat and salt. 2. Khushkah. 10 s. rice ; } 8. salt; but it is made in different ways. This will likewise give four dishes. One maund of Déwsirah paddy yields 25 s. of vice, of which 17 sérs make a full pot ; jinjin rice yields 22 sérs, 3. A’ Aichri. Rice, split dal, and g’hi 5 s. of each; 45. salt: this gives seven dishos. 4. Shirbirinj. 10 8., milk; 18. rice; 1.8. sugarcandy ; 1 d. salt : this gives five full dishes. 5. Z’hudi. 10s. of wheat ground, of which one-third will be lost ; half of that quantity of g’hi; 10 misqils of pepper; 4 m. cinnamon ; 34m. cloves and cardamums; }s. salt; some add milk and sweetmeats: this gives four dishes. 6. Chii’hi. 10 s. of wheat-flour, made into a ° paste, and washed till itis reduced to 2 s. fine paste. This is mixed with spices, and dressed with various kinds.of meat. 1 s. g’hi; 1 s. onions; saffron, cardamums, and cloves, 4 d. of each; cinnamon, round pepper, and coriander seed, 1 d. of each; fresh ginger, salt 3 d. of each: this gives two dishes ; some add lime juice. 7. Bddinjdn. 10 ¢. rice F 13-8. g’hi; 33 s. onions ; +8. ginger and lime juice ; pepper and coriander seed, 5 m. of each ; cloves, cardamums, and assafcetida, each 4m. This gives six dishes. 8. Pahit. For ten sérs of d4l, or vetches, or gram, or skinned lentils, &c., take 23 8. ghi; 4 s. of salt and fresh ginger; 2. cuminseed; 14 m. assafootida: this yields fifteen dishes. It is mostly eaten with Whaushkah. 9. Sdg. Itis made of spinach, and other greens, and js one of the most pleasant dishes. 10s. spinach, fennel, &c., 14 8. g’hi; 1s. onions; 4 s. fresh ginger 3°54 a. of pepper; 4m. of cardamums and cloves: thisgives six dishes. 10. Hudwa. Flour, sugarcandy, g’hi, 10 s. of each, which will give fifteen dishes ; it is eaten in various ways. :

60

There aro also various kinds of sugared fruits, and drinks, which I cannot here describe.

Secondly, 1Y Qabilt. 10 8. rice; 7 8. meat; 34 6. g’hf; 1 s. gram skinned ; 28. onions; 4. salt; }¢. fresh ginger; cinnamon, sound pepper, cuminseed, of each 1 d.; cardamums and cloves, 3 d. of each; some add almonds and raisins: this gives five dishes. 2. ae js 10 s. rice, 348. ghi; 10s. meat; 4. salt: this gives five dishes. Qimah Paldo. Rice and meat as in the preceding; 48. g’hi; 18. peeled gram; 2 s. onions; 4s. salt;}s. fresh ginger, and pepper; cuminseed, cardamums and cloves, 1 d, of each : tlris gives five dishes. WU. Shullah. 10 8. meat, 348. rice; 28. g’hi; 1s. gram: 2. onions; $28. salt, 3s. fresh ginger; 2d. garlic, and round pepper, cinnamon, cardamums, cloves, 1 d., of each: this gives six dishes. 5. Bughré. 10 8, meat; 8s, flour; 1} 8. g’hi, 1 s. gram; 1} 8. vinegar; 1s. sugarcandy ; onions, carrots, beets, turnips, spinach, fennel, ginger, } 8. of each ; saffron, cloves, | ‘cardamums, cuminseed, 1 d. of each; 2 d. cinnamon ; 8 m. round pepper: this gives twelve dishes. 6. Qimah Shurbd. 10 s. meat; 1 2. Tice ; 1 s. g’hi; $ ¢ gram, and the rest as in the Shullah: this gives ten full dishes. “7. Zartsah. 10 s. meat; 5 8. crushed wheat; 2s. g’hi; } s. salt; 2 d. cinnamon: this gives five dishes. 8. Kashk. 10. meat; 5 8. crushed wheat; 3 8. g’hi; 1 s. gram; } 8. salt; 14 8 onions ; $s. ginger; 1 d. cinnamon ; saffron, cloves, cardamums, cuminseed, 2m. of each: this gives five dishes. ¥9. Zalim. The meat, wheat, gram, spices, and saffron, as in the preceding; 1 s. g’hi; turnips, carrots, spinach, fennel, $ 8. of each:. this gives ten dishes. 10. Qutdb, which the people of Findistan call sanbiisah. This is made several ways. 10s. meat; 4 8. flour; 2 8. g’hi; 1. onions; 34. fresh ginger; 4. salt; 2d. pepper and coriander seed ; ; cardamum, cuminseed, cloves, 1 d. of each; 338. of summdgq. This can be cooked in twenty different ways, and gives four full dishes.

Thirdly, 1. Birydn. Fora whole Dashmandi sheep, take 2 s. salt; 1 8, g’hi; 2m. saffron, cloves, pepper, cuminseed : it ig made in various ways, 2. Yakhni. For 10 ¢. meat,,take 1 s. onions, and} s. salt. 8. Yulmah. A shecp is scalded in water till all the hair comes off; it is then prepared like yakhnt, or any other way; but a lamb, ora kid, is more preferable. 4, Kabdb is of various kinds. 10 s. meat; 4 ¢. g’hi; salt, fresh ginger, onions, } s. of each; cuminseod, coriander seed, pepper, cardamums cloves, 14d. of each. 5. Alusamman. They take all the bones out of a fowl through the neck, the fowl remaining whole, $s. minced moat, 4 2. phi; 5 eggs; 3s. onions; 10 m. coriander ; 10 m. fresh gingor ; 5 m. salt; 3m. round pepper ; 4 m. saffron ; itis prepared asthe preceding. 6. Dupiydzah. 10 s.meat, middling fat ; 2s. g’h{; 28. onions; } 8. salt; 4s. fresh peppor ; cuminseed, coriander seed, tardamums, cloves, 1 d. of each; 2 d. pepper: this will give

61

five dishes. 7. Jfutanjanah sheep. 10 8. meat, middling fat; 2 s. g’hi; $6 gram ; +8. ginger; 1 d. cuminseed ; round pepper, cloves, cardamums, corian- dor seed 2 d. of each ; this will give soven dishes full. It is also made of fowl and fish. 8, Dampukht. 10s. meat; 2 s. g’hi; 18. onions; 11 m. fresh ginger ; ‘10 m. pepper; 2d. cloves; 2 d. cardamums. 9. Qalyah. 10 8. meat; 2s. g’hi; 1s. onions;.2 d. pepper; cloves, cardamums, 1 d. each; 4s. salt: this will give eight dishes. In preparing galyah, the meat is minced, and the gravy rather thick, in opposition to the mutayanah. Here in Hindustan thoy prepare it in various ways. 10. Ialghibah 10 s. meat; 10 8. curds sles. g’hi; 1 8. onions, } s. gingor ; 5 d. cloves: this will give ten d&hes.

ATN 25. OF BREAD.

This belongs, properly speaking, to the preceding chapter. Bread is made inthe pantry. There is a large kind, baked in an oven, made of 10 s. flour; 5 s. milk; 146. g’hi; 3s. salt. Thoy make alsp smaller ones. Tho thin kind is baked on an iron plate. One sér will give fifteen, or even more. There are various ways of making it: one kind is called chapdti, which is sometimes made of khuskkah; it tastes very well, when served hot. For the bread used at court, one man of wheat is made to yield } m. of fine flour ; 2 s. coarsely pounded flour; and the rest bran; if this degree

of fineness be not required, the proportions are altered.

ar

AIN 26.

. THE DAYS OF ABSTINENCE. (Qiitiydnah.’)

His Majesty cares very little for meat, and often expresses himself to that effect. It is indeed from ignorance and cruelty that, although various kinds of food are obtainable, men are bent upon injuring living creatures, and lending a ready hand in killing and eating them; none seems ta have an eye for the beauty inherent in the prevention of cruelty, but makes himself a tomb for animals. If his Majesty had not the burden of the world on his shoulders, he would at once totally abstain from meat; and now, it is his intontion to quit it by degrees, conforming, however, a little to the spirit of tho age. His Majesty abstained from meat for some time on Fridays, and thon on Sundays ; now on the first day of every solar month, on Sundays, on solar and hinar eclipses, on days between two fasts, on tho Mondays of tho

tennessee Rte

• Living according to the manner of the Siifis,

62

month of Rajab,* on the feast-day of every solar month, during the whole month of Marwardin,? and during the month, in which his Majesty was born, viz, the month of Addn. Again, when the number of fast days of the month of Aban had become equal to the number of years his Majesty had lired, some days of the month of Azar also were kept as fasts. At present the fast extends over the whole month. These fast days, however, from pious motives, are annually increased by at least five days. Should fasts fall together, they keep the longer one, and transfer the smaller by distributing its days over other months. Whenever long fasts are ended, the first dishes of meat come dressed rom the apartments of Maryam Makéni, next from the other bégums, the princes, and the principal nobility.

In this department nobles, ahadis, and ‘other military, are employed. The pay of a foot soldier varies from 100 to 400 dams.

AYN 27. STATISTICS OF THE PRICES OF CERTAIN ARTICLES.

The prices of course vary, as on marches, or during the rains, and for other reasons; butI shall give here the average “prices for the information of future enquirers.

A. The spring harvest. a

Wheat, perman,…….. 12d. Linseed, per man, …… 10 d. Kabul gram, do. ………, 16 d. Safflower (carthamus), do… 8 d. Black gram, do. ………. 8d. Fenugreeck, do ……….- 10 d. Lentils, do. ………. wees 12d. Peas, dow… .ccrecevees ae «66d, Barley, do. ………….., 8d. Mustardseed, do. …….- 12 d. Millet, do… …. 0.0.00… 6d. WKéwt, dow wc… seeeeeceee td.

B. The autumnal harvest. Mushkin paddy, per man, ., 110d. Déwazirah rice, do. …+++++ 904.

Sidah paddy, do……. |, . 100d. Jinjin rice, dev….. seceees 800. Suk’hdas rice, do. …… |, 100 d. Dakah (?) rice, do. …..+++ 504. Dimahparséd rice, do… , 90d. Zirhi rice, do. …….00008 404. Samzirah rice, do. ……., 90 d. ° Sat*hf rice, do…….seeere 20 d. Shakarchini rice, do. …… 90d. Ming (black gram) do. …. 18d,

• Akbar was born on the fifth of Rajab members of the Divine Faith fasted A. H. 949, a Sunday, This corresponds likewise during the month of their birth. to the 15th October, 1542. The Mondays ® February—March ; vide the first Ain of the month of Rajab were observed as of tiie third book ; d4’ddén corresponds to

• fasts, because the Sundays had been in- October—November, cluded in the list of fust days. The

Mash (akindof vetch) per man, 16 d. Mot’h (do.), do. ………. 12 d. White sesame, do. ……… 20 d. Black sesame, do……….. 19 d.

12 a.

Lobiya (a king of bean), do.

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Kiwi, do. ……….0000., Shamékh (Hind. Sénwank),do. Gal (Hind. Hangni), do,….

Shaqdqul (wild carrot), do…

‘Juwari (a kind of millet), do. 10d. Millet (Hind. chinah), do. .. Ming dal, per man,…….. 18d, Lentils, per man, ……..6. Nukhid dal, do.- ………. 164 d. Mot’h dil, do. ………005 e Wheat flour, per man, …… 22d. Nukhid flour, per man, …. Do. coarse, do. …….e000e “15d. Barley flour, do… …….. C. Pegetables.

Fennel, per man, ……000+ 10 ¢@. Garlic flowers, per sér, Spinach, do. ……….006% 16 d@. Wpalhak, (from Kashmir) do. “Mint, do. ……..ccee eee *40d. Jiti, do. ………. Batenia te Onions, do. …..ceee cece Gd. Ginger, do. …………., Garlic, do……-. eg ena eas 40d. Pi, do………-.. Re eduelecss Turnips, do. …++.+.+4- ©. 21d. Kachnarbuds, do. ……., Cabbage, per ser, «+–+ ++. .5. 1d. Chiké (sorrel), do. …….. Kankachhi, from Kashmir,do. 4d. Bat’hwah, do…………. Dunwréti, Os Ses tice saree “e 2 ad. Ratsaké, GOs Seidel cetes 8d. Chauldi, do…,…….0405

D, Living animals and meats. ,

Dashmandt sheep, per head,.. 63 R. Duck, per head,……0.05. ‘ Afghén sheep, Ist kind, do. 2 R. Tughdart (bustard), do. …. Do., 2d kind, do. ………. 14 2. Kulang (heron), do. …,.. Do., 8d kind, do. ….., see. 142. Jarz (a kind of bustard), do. Kashmir sheep, do. ……., 13 2. Dwrdaj (black patridge), do. Hindustani sheep, do. ….,. 13 R. Kabg, (partridge), do…… Barbari goat, Ist kind, do… 1 R. Bidanah, do. ………… Do,, 2d kind, do. «:……,, % R. Lawah, do. …… ee Mutton, per man, ………, 65 d. Karwanak(stonecurlew), do. Goat:dos etsaiwis terete 54 d. Fékhtah, (ringdove), do….. Geese, per head,……….,, “90 d E. Butter, Sugar, &e.

Ghi, per many, orerereeee., 105 d. Refined sugar, per sér,

Oil, dow… +e # Sed eae s 80d. White sugar candy, do…., Milk, do. ….-seeee eee, 25d. White sugar, per man, Curds, do. ..rrer rere ccecn, 18 dé. Brown sugar, do. ……..

1R. 20 d. 20 a. 18 @. 3 d. 20 a. 1d. 1d. 20 d. 4d.

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: F. Spices. Saffron, per sérp} ow. o, +e, 400d. Aniseed, per sér, …..++4., 2d. Cloves, do…….. “W4…80%. 60d. Turmeric (Hind. haldi) do… 10 d. Cardamums, do. ………, 52d. Coriandor seed, do…….”% 34 Round pepper, do. …….. 17d. Siyéhdénah(Hind Lalaunyt),do. 1} d. Long pepper, do. ………. 16d. Assafotida, do. ………. 2-d. Dry ginger, do…..7……. 4d. Sweet fennel, do……….. 1d. Fresh do., do. …….. …. 24d. Cinnamon, do………-… 40 d. Cummin seed, do. Pahbue"dubcsieere 2d. Salt, per man, ……seeeee 16 d. G. Pickles. Sour limes, per sér, …….. 6d. Pickled quinces, persér,…. 9d. Temon-juice, do. ………. “5d. Do. garlic, do……….00. 1d. Wine vinegar, ‘’’*:"°> -… 64. Do. onions, do. ………. 4 d. . Sugarcane vinegar, do. ….. 14. Do. badinjain (egg-plant,)do. 1d. . Pickled ashtarghaér, do. …. $d. Do. raisins & munaqga, do. 8 d. Mangoes in oil, do. …….. 2d. Do. kachnér, do. ……., 2 d. Do. in vinegar, do. ……. . 2d. Do. peaches, do……….. 1d.

Lemons in oil; do. ………. 2a Do. sahajnah(horse-raddish), 1 d. Do. in vinegar, do. ……… 24. Do. karilbuds(capparis), do. 4 d.

Do. in salt, do………-.. . 14d. Do. karilberries, do. …… 4d. Do. in lemon-juice,do……. 8d. Do. siran, do…………. 2 14. Pickled ginger,………..- 24d. Do. mustard, ……… we oR, Adarshakh, do………. … 244. Do. téri(akind ofeucumber,) 4 d. Turnips in vinegar, do. …. 1d. Do. cucumbers, do….. veer $a, Pickled carrots, do…….., 344. Do. bédrang, (gourd) do… 4d. Do. bamboo, do. ………, 4d. Do. kachéli, do. ……., 4d. Do. apples, do………..,~ 8d. Do. raddishes, do. …….. $4. AIN 28.

“~s

THE FRUITERY.

His Majesty looks upon fruits as one of the greatest gifts of. the Creator, and pays much attention to them. The horticulturists of Tran and Tiardn have, therefore, settled here, and the cultivation of trees is in a flourishing state. Molons and grapes have become very plentiful and excellent; and water-melons, peaches, almonds, pistachios, pomegranates, &c., are everywhere to befound. Ever since the conquest of Kabul, Qandahar, and Kashmir, loads of fruits are imported ; throughout the whole year the stores of the dealers are full, and the bazdrs well supplied. Muskmelons come.in season, in Hindustén, in the month of Farwardin (February—March), and

65

are plenty in Urdtbchisht (March—April). They are delicious,.tender, opening, sweet smelling, especially the kinds called ndshpdti, babdsharkht, ’alishért, alchah, barg t nat, did t chirdgh, §ce. They continye i in season for two months longer. In the beginning of Shartwar, (August) they come from Kashmir, and bofore they are out of season, plenty are brought from Kabul; during the month of Azar (November) they are imported by the caravans from Badakhsh4n, and continue to be had during Dai (December.) When they are in season in Zaibulistan, good ones are also obtainable in the Panjab ; and in Bhakkar and its vicinity they are plentiful in season, except during the forty cold days of winter. Various kinds of grapes are hereto be had from

• Khurdéd (May) to Amurddd (July), whilst the markets are stocked with Kashmir grapes during Shahriwar. Eight sérs of grapes sell in Kashmir at one dam, and the cost of the transport is two rupees per man. The Kashmirians bring them on their backs in conical baskets, which look very curious. From Jfhr (September) till Vrdibihisht grapes come from Kabul, to- gether with cherries,’ which his Majesty calls shahdli, seedless pomegranates, apples, pears, quinces, guavas, peaches, apricots, girdélis, and dlachas, &c., many of which fruits grow also in Hindustan. From Samarqand even they bring melons, pears, and apples. 7 Whenever his Majesty wishes to take wine, opium, or kiknar (he calls the latter sabras), the servants in charge place before him stands of fruits ; he eats a little, but most is distributed. The fruits are marked according to their degree of excellence: melons of the first quality are marked with a line drawn round the top; those of the second, with two lines; and so on, In this department Mansabdars, Ahadis, and other soldiers are employed; the pay of a foot soldier varies from 140 to 100 d. The following tables contain particulars Feeanting the names, seasons, taste, and prices, of various fruits.

A. Turdni Fruits. Arhang? melons, 1st quality, @ 24 R. Kabul and European apples, 5 to

Do., 2nd and 8rd do., @ 1 to 23:2. 10 for… cccececesseevesel RB Kabul melons, 1st do., @ 1 to1} 2. Kashmir grapes, per man,…. 108 d. Do., 2d do., @ # to ……… LR. Dates, per sér, oc. cccvecees ..10 4, Do., 8rd do.. @ 4 to …….. 2 R. Raisins, do. ………ee eens OG Samargand apples, 7 to 15 for 1 R. Abjésh (large raisins), do….. 9d. Quinces, 10 to 80 for …….. 12. Plums, do., ……-0eeeeees . 8d. Guavas, 10 to 100 for …….. 1 2. TKhidbani(dried apricots),per sér, 8 d.

Pomegranates, per man, 6 to 15 R. Qandahér dry grapes, do, .. 74.

• The original has a word Lilds, which It may be cevasus. is not to be found in our dictionaries. > Atown in Badakhshan.

9

66

Figs, per 8€f, vsccveeae vesee Td. Chilghizah nuts, per ser,…. 8d. Munagqqa, do. ……….. - 63d. Sinjid (jujubes), do……… 63 d. Jujubes, do. ……. eee 34 d¢. Pistachios, do. ………… 6 d. Almonds, without the shell, do. 28 d. Jauz (nuts), do………… my 44d. ‘Do., with do., do. ……. … 11d. Filberts, do. …………., 3d. Pistachios, do. …….+5. .. 9d. Hazel nuts, do…………. 22 d. B. The sweet fruits of MWindustan. Mangoes, per hundred, up to. 40d. Usiré,……..ceeee ee eeee ; ¥ Pineapples, one for ….. re 44. Dates, per ser, oo. cecweeces 4d. Oranges, two for ……… - 1d. Angthal, ………. ecereiea ¥* Sugarcanes, two for…….. 1d. Dél4, do. .ssccceceveees old. Jackfruits, two for …….. 1d Gilah, …… sjainateldieadeees * Plantains, do. ………… 1d. Bholsari, per sér, ……..0. 4d. Bér, per sér, ……. jetta 2d. Tarkul, two for……. cosee LO. Pomegranates, per man, 80 to 100 d. Panidlah, por sér, …-…… 2d. Guavas, twofor……..006: 1d. Lahsaurah, do. ………… 1d. Figs, per ser, oc ceccececeees 1d. Gumbhf, do. ………… . 44. Mulberry, do……….-. oes 2. Karahri,……….ceeeeees 40. Custard apples,” one for …. 1d. Tarri, …… ce ceeeeeeeeees *

Melons, per man, …-+¢+.-. 40d. Bangah, two for ………. 1d. Water melons, one…… 2t0 10d. Gular, por sér, ………… 2d.

K’hirni, per sér,….+ pattems Ate PIM dori. ieee veka. 2a Mahuw4, do. ……- feet . 1d. Barautah, ……………. ¥ Dép’hal, do. ……– cesses 44. Piy&r, dow ……e. cee oe. 44. WéndG, do. ….cesvessescss 2d.

Mulberries and gilars are in season during spring; pine apples, oranges, sugarcane, bérs, tisirés, bhélsarfs, gumbhis, dép’hals during winter; jackfruits, tarkuls, figs, melons, lahsauras, karahris, mahuwas, téndiis, pilis, barautahs, during summer ; and mangoes, plantains, dates, delas, gdlahs, pomegranates, guavas, watermelons, paniélas, bangahs, k’hirnis, piy4rs, during the rains.

. C. Dried Fruits.

Cocoanuts, one for ….., .. 4d. Mak’haéné, per sér,………. 4. Dry Dates, per sér, ……, . 6d. Sdpyéri, do. ………… . 8d. Walnuts, do. ….:-.-…0., 8d. Kaulgattah, do. ………. 2d. Chiraunch{, do. …..+….., 4d.

Dates, walnuts, chiraunchis, and kaulgattahs are in season during summer, and cocoanuts, mak’hin4s and supyéris, during winter.

2 The original says that custard apples This seems a mistake of the MSS. The are to be had throughout the whole year. remark suits the next fruit (melons),

• The Original does not mention the price.

67

D. Vegetables.

Palwal, per s€r,.ccece eee aes 2d. Kachal, per ser, ……. o.. 2a. Gourd, one……… seis swe . 2d. Chachindé, do. …….+.06. 2d. Bédinjén, per sér, veveee Ud. Slvan, do. …….c..0000ee 1a. Turai, OO: Foi eeda Shoe a .- Wd. Carrots, do. …….. 2s eee 1d. Kandiri, do. ………..04 1pd. Sing’hérah, do. …….++.+. 3 d. Sénb, do. …….. coceevee UPd. Sélak, do. ……. cee eeeee 2d. Pét?h, do. wc. cece cece ee 1nd. Pindélu, do. ……..-ee eee 2d. Karilah, do. ……….0005 1Zd. SéAli,. 0… cee eee waters * Kakurah, do….. 2… cece 1d. Kaséri do…………6000 3 d.

Stirans and sédlis are in season during summer ; palwals, gourds, turais, kachélis, chachind4és, kandiris, sénbs, pét’hs, karilahs, kakirahs, and sing’hérahs during the rains; and carrots, silaks, pindélis, and kaséris, during winter. Badinjans are to be had throughout the year.

£. Sour Fruits.

Limes, four upto ……..66 Ld. @hép,……seeeees nastier = Amalbét, do. ………2.645 1d. Bijaur4, one for………… 8 d. Galgal, two up to …….. 1d. Anwlah, per sér,………… 2 a. Limes and 4nwlahs are to be had in summer, the others during the rains. ‘

F. Fruits somewhat acid. Ambili, per sér,…+++-.2… 2d. Kait, four up to….. ietwean Ghat Badhal, one for………+.. . ld. Kénki, meine, oF Kamrak, four up to…… os Ld. Pakar, per sér, cccceee wees . $a.

4rangi, two up to …….. 1d. Karn4, one for ……. coees TG, Mountain grapes, ………. * Labhiré ……… Gaaiu a’s = Jaman, per sér, oe ccc eceeeee 1d. Janbhiri, five up to ……. . ld. P’hdlsah, do. ……. beens 13d. Garnah, ………. Sires ¥ Karaundé, do. ………00. 1 d.

Kamraks and nérangis are in season during wixter ; ambilis, badhals, mountain-grapes, p’hilsas, labhirag, during swnmer; and kaits, pdkars, karn4s, jémans, karaundés, jhanbhiris, during the rains.

The fruits of Hindustan are either sweet, or subacid, or sour ; each kind is numerous. Some fruits also taste well when dry; others as above described are used when cooked. I shall give now a few details.

The Mangoe. The Persians call this fruit Waghsck, as appears from a verse of Lhusrau.’ This fruit is unrivalled in colour, smell, and taste; and some of the gourmands of Tin and Iran place it above muskmelons and grapes.

» Vide the fourth note on p.75 of my | text edition.

• The Original does not mention the price,

68

In shape it resembles an apricot, or.a quince, or a pear, ora melon, and weighs even one sér and upwards. There are green, yellow, red, variegated, sweet, and subacid mangoes. The tree looks well, especially when young ; it is larger than a nut tree, and its leaves resemble those of the willow, but are larger. The new leaves appear soon after the fall of the old ones in autumn, and look green and yellow, orange, peach-coloured, and bright red. The flower whtich opens in spring, resembles that of the vine, has a good smell, and looks very curious. About a month after the leaves have made their appearance, the fruit is sour, and is used for preserves and pickles. It improves the taste of galyahs (p. 61.) as long as the stone has not become hard. If a fruit gets injured whilst on the tree, its godd smell will increase. Such mangoes are called Aéilés. The fruit is generally taken down when unripe, and kept in a particular manner. Mangoes ripened in this manner are much finer. They mostly commence to ripen during summer, and are fit to be eaten during the rains; others commence in the rainy season, and are ripe in the beginning of winter: the latter are called Bhadiyyah. Some trees bloom and yield fruit the whole year; but this is rare. Others commence to ripen, although they look unripe; they must be quickly taken down; else the sweetness would produce worms. Mangoes are to be found every where in India, - especially in Bengal, Gujrat, Mélwah, Khandésh, and the Dekhan. They are rarer in the Panjab, where their cultivation has, however, increased, since his Majesty made Lahor his capital. A young tree will bear fruit after four years. They put also milk and treacle round about the tree, which makes the fruits sweeter. Some trees yield in one year a rich harvest, and less in the next: others yield for one year no fruit at all. When people eat a great deal of mangoes, they may promote digestion by partaking of milk with the kernels of the mangoe stones. The kernels of old stones are subacid, and taste well: when two or three years old, they aré used as medicine. If a half ripe mangoe, together with its stalk to a length of about two fingers, be taken from the tree, and the broken end of its stalk be closed with warm wax, and kept in butter, or honey, the fruit will retain its taste for two or three months, whilst the colour will remain even for a year.

Pineapples’ are also called Kat’hal ¢ Safari, or the jackfruits for ery because young plants, put into a vessel, may be taken on travels, and will yield fruits. In colour and shape they resemble an oblong orange; and in tasto and smell, a mangoe. The plant is about a yard long, and its leaves have the shape of a hand. The edges of the leaves are like a saw. The fruit forms at the end of the stalk, and has a few leaves on its top. When the fruif,. is plucked, they cut out these leaves, separate them, and

*wwWJabingir in his Memoirs ¢Toozuk i |

Jahdngirt, od. Sayyid Ahmad, 9 3,) states that the pineapples, at his time, came from

the harbour towns held by the Portuguese

69

put them singly into the ground: they are the seedlings. Lach plant bears only once, and one fruit only.

’ Oranges have the colour of saffron, and the shape of quinces. They belong to the best fruits fo be had in Hindistin. The tree resembles the lime tree; its flower has a weak, but fine smell.

i Sugarcane, which the Persians call Naishakar, is of various kinds; one species is so tender and so full of juice, that a sparrow can make it flow out by pecking it; and it would break to pieces, if let fall. Sugarcane is either soft, or hard. The latter is used for the preparation of brown sugarcandy, common sugar, white candy, and refined sugar, and

‘thus becomes useful for all kinds of sweetmeats. It is cultivated as follows. They put ‘spme healthy sugarcane in a cool place, and sprinkle it daily with tvater. When the sun enters the sign of Aquarius, they cut off pieces, a cubit and upwards in length, put them into soft ground, and cover them up with earth. The harder the sugarcane is, the deeper they put it. Constant irrigation is required. After seven or eight months it will come up. >

Sugarcane is also used for the preparation of intoxicating liquor, but brown sugar is better for this purpose. There are various kinds of preparing it. One way is asfollows. They pound Baebil bark, mixing it at the rate of ten sérs to ono man of sugarcane, and put three times as much water over it. Then they take large jars, fill them with the mixture, and put them into the ground, surrounding them with dry horse-dung. From seven to ten days are required to produce fermentation. It is a sign of perfection, when it has a sweet, but astringent taste. When the liquor is to be strong, they again put to the mixture some brown sugar, and sometimes even drugs and perfumes, as ambergis, camphor, &c. They let also meat dissolve in it. This beverage when strained, may be used, but it is mostly employed for the preparation of arrack. ,

They have several methods of distilling it; jirst, they put the above liquor into brass vessels, in the interior of which a cup is put, so as not to | shake, nor must the liquid flow into it. The vessels are then covered with inverted lids which are fastened with clay. After pouring cold water on tho lids, they kindle the fire, changing the water as often as it gets warm. As soon as the vapour inside reaches the cold lid, it condenses, and falls as arrack into the cup. Secondly, they close the same vessel with’ an earthen pot,‘

‘fastened in the same manner with clay, and fix to it two pipes, the free ends of which have each a jar attached to them, which stands in cold water. The vapour through the pipes will enter the jars, and condense. Thirdly, they fill an earthen vessel with the abovo mentioned liquor, and fasten to it

_& large spoon with a hollow handle. The end of the handle they attach to a pipe, which leads into a jar. The vesscl is covored with a lid, which is kept full with cold water. The arrack, when condensed, flows through tho

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spoon into the jar. Some distil-the arrack twice, when it is called Dudtashah, or twice burned. It is very strong. If you wet your hands with it, and hold them near the fire, the spirit will burn in flames of different colours, without injuring the hands. It is remarkable that when a vessel, containing arrack; is set on fire, you cannot put it out by any means; but if you cover the vessel, the fire gets at once extinguished. a ;

The Jackfruit has the shape of a black pudding, looks greenish, and is sometimes a yard long, and half a yard broad. When small, it resembles a water melon ; its peel is full of thorns. It grows out of the branches, the trunk, and the roots. Those that grow below the ground are sweetest. On opening you see round clusters, so viscous, that the fingers stick together, when you take them out. The tree looks like a nut ttee, but is somewhat bigger, and has larger leaves. Tho flower, like the fruit, has 4 good smell. The fruits are also taken down, when unripe. They then apply chalk, &c., when the fruits will get ripe.

‘The Plantain tree looks straight like a spear ; the leaves come out of the trunk thick and soft, and resemble an unsewn plaited sleeve, but are much larger’and wider. Out of the middle rises something looking like a spindle, of a lilac colour; this isthe bud. The fruit consists of a cluster of seventy to eighty -plantains. In shape they resemble small cucumbers; the peel is easily removed. As plantains are very heavy, you cannot eat many. There are various kinds of plantains. The plant is every year cut down, and a stump only is left of it: if this is not done, it will no longer bear fruit. The, vulgar believe that the plantain tree yields camphor, but this is wrong ; for the camphor tree, as shall be hereafter explained, is a different tree, although it has thesamename. They also say that pearls originate in plan- tain trees,—another statement upon which the light of truth does not shine.

The Aahuwd tree resembles the mangoe tree; its wood is used for building purposes. The fruit, which is also called Gilaundah, yields an intoxicating liquor. ,

The Bhédlsiré tree is large and handsome ;’ the fruit has an orange colour, and resembles jujubes.

The Zarkul tree, and its fruit, resemble the cocoanut palm and its fruit. When the stalk of a new leaf comes out of a branch, they cut off its end, and hang a vessel to it, to receive the out-flowing juice. The vessel will fill twice or three times a day. The juice is called ¢drt ; when fresh it is sweet ; when it is allowed to stand for some time, it turns subacid, and is inebriating.

The Panidlah fruit resembles the Zarddlé ; and its tree, the lime tree; the leaves are like those of the willow. When unripe, the fruit is green ; and red, whodn ripe.

• The text has here a few words the | meaning of which I do not understand.

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The Gumbhi has a stem the branches of which are like creepers ; its leaves and fruits, as those of the Aundr, come from below the roots.

The Zarrf forms at the root; it grows mostly in the mountains, and weighs a man, more or less, when the creeper is a year old; and two, when two years old. It looks like a millstone. When older, it grows larger according

, to the same proportion. _ Its leaves resemble those of the water melon.

The Piydr is like a small grape; brownish and sweet. Tho inside of the kernel is like butter, and is used in the preparation of food; it is called Chirauyjt. Its tree is about a yard high.

The Cocoanut is called by the Persians Jaus ¢ Hindi ; the tree resembles the date tree, but is larger ; its wood, however, looks better, and the leaves are larger. The tree bears fruit throughout the whole year; they get ripe in three months. They are also taken down, when unripe and green, and kept for some time. Their inside contains a cup full of milk-like juice, which tastes well, and is very often drunk in summer, mixed with sugar. When ripe the fruit looks brown. The juice has now become solid, and gots black when mixed with butter; it is sweet and greasy. When eaten with pan- leaves, it makes the tongue soft and fresh. The shell is used for spoons, cups, and ghichaks (a kind of violin). There are nuts having four, three, two, and one, holes or eyes; each kind is said to possess certain qualities, the last being considered the best. Another kind is used for the preparation of an antidote against poison. The nuts weigh sometimes twelve sérs and upwards. The bark of the tree is used for ropes; the large ropes used on ships are made of it.

Dates are called in Hindi Pind? hair. The tree has a short stem, rising little above the ground, and produces from four to five hundred fruits.

The Supydri, or betel nut, is called in Persian fifal. The tree is graceful, and slender like the cypress. The wind often bends it, so that its crown touches the ground ; but it rises up again. There are various kinds. The fruit when eaten raw, tastes somewhat like an almond, but gets hard when ripe. They eat it with betel leaves.

The Sig’hdrah is a triangular fruit; its creeper grows in tanks, and

the fruit is on the surface of the water. They eat it raw or roasted.

The Sdlak grows in tanks under the earth. * They go into the water | and dig it up.

The Pindali is reared on lattice work, and grows about two yards high. Its leaf resembles the betel leaf; they dig up the root.

The Kaséré grows in tanks. When the water gets low, they take it out of the ground and eat it, raw or boiled.

The Sédét root is long and conical ; the plant is a creeper, to whoso root

the fruit is attached.

72 .

The Orange has the shape,of an egg. One kind is called kdghazt. Between the peel and the fruit is a thin white membrane. The fruit is Juicy, and tastes well; one kind is to be had throughout the whole year.

The Amalbét i is like a lime, and very sour. If you puta steel needle into this fruit, the needle in a short time will dissolve; and a white shell when put into its juice, will soon disappear. 4a

The Karné resembles an apple, and appears after the plant has reached the third year. At first the fruit is green, sour, and also somewhat bitter, but turns afterwards yellow and bitter; when ripe it is red and sweet. When it is kept long, it turns green again. The tree looks like an orange tree, but the leaves are somewhat broader, and the buds like fine arrows. The flower is white, and has Zour petals and yellow stamens. It has a fine smell, and is used for ambergis; but it is beyond my power to describe the process of the manufacture.

The Betel leaf is properly pene a vegetable, but connoisseurs call it an excellent fruit. Mir Khusrau of Dibli in one of his verses says, ‘It is an excellent fruit like the flower of a garden, the finest fruit of Hindistén.” The eating of the leaf renders the breath agreeable, and repasts odorous. It strengthens the gums, and makes the hungry satisfied, and the satisfied . hungry. I shall describe some of the various kinds. 1. The leaf called Bilahrt

is white and shining, and does not make the tongue harsh and hard. It tastes best of all kinds. After it has been taken away from the creeper, it turns white, with some care, after a month, or even after twenty days, when greater efforts are made. 2. The (dkér leaf is white with spots, and full, and has hard veins. When much of it is eaten, the tongue gets hard. 3. The Jaiswdr leaf does not get white, and is profitably sold mixed with other kinds. 4. The Kapirt leaf is yellowish, hard, and full of veins, but has a good taste and smell. 5. The Kaptrhdnt leaf is yellowish-green, and pungent like pepper ; it smells like camphor. You could not eat more than ten leaves. It is to be had at Banéras; but even there it does not thrive in every soil. 6. The Banglah leaf is broad, full, hard, plushy, hot, and pungent.

‘The cultivation is as follows. In the month of Chast (March—April), about New-Year’s time, they take a part of a creeper four or five fingers long with Karhanj leaves on it, and put it below the ground. From fifteen to twenty days after, according as leaves and knots form, a new

creeper will appear from a knot, and as soon as another knot forms, a leaf will grow up. The creepers and new leaves form for seven months, when the plant ceases to grow. No creeper has more than thirty leaves. As the plant grows, they prop it with canes, and cover it, on the top and the sides, with wood and straw, so as to rear it up in the shade. The plant requires continually to be watered, except during the rains. Sometimes they put

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milk, sesame oil and its seeds pressed out, about the plant. There are seven kinds of leaves, known under nine names: 1. The Aarhanj leaf, which they separate for seedlings, and call Pért. The new leaf is called Gadautah. 2. The Nautfleaf. 3. The Bahuti leaf. 4. The Chhiw leaf. 5. The Adhinidé leaf. 6. The <Agahniyah or Léwér leaf. 7. The Harhanj leaf

’ ttself. With the exception of the Gadautah, the leaves are taken away from the creeper when a month old. The last kind of. leaf is eaten by some ; others keep it for seedlings: they consider it very excellent, but connoisseurs prefer the Péri.

A bundle of 11,000 leaves was formerly called Lahdsah, which name is ‘now given to a bundle of 14,000. Bundles of 200 are called Distt; a lahdsah is made up of dholis. In winter they turn and arrange the leaves after four or five days; in summer every day. From 5 to 25 leaves, and sometimes more, are placed above each other, and adorned in various ways. They also put some betelnut and dat’h’ on one leaf, and some chalk? paste on another, and roll them up: this is called a bérah. Some put camphor and musk into it, and tie both leaves with a silk thread. Others put single leaves on plates, and use them thus. They are also prepared as a dish.

AIN 29. ON FLAVOURS.

As I have mentioned various kinds of food, I shall also say something o flavours. JZcat renders pungent that which is agreeable, bitter that which is greasy, and brackish that which has the propér flavour ; cold makes the first acid, the second astringent, and the third tart. Astringency when affecting the tongue merely is called in Arabic gabz; and ’wficat, when affecting the whole frame. A moderate temperature renders the first quality greasy, the second sweet, and the last tasteless. These are the fundamental flavours. Others count four, viz., the sweet, the bitter, the acid, the brackish. The flavours produced by combinations is endless ; some have however names, ¢. 7. bashd’at is a bitter and tart flavour, and zw’tgah a combination of the brackish and the bitter. .

‘.

AIN 30. ON PERFUMES.

His Majesty is very fond of perfumes, and encourages this department Vv from religious motives. The court-hall is continually scented with ambergis, aloewood, and compositions according to ancient recipes, or mixtures invented

» An astringent vegetable extract eaten the gums red.

by the natives of India with the paz leaf. 2 In Persian chiinah ; but Anglo-Indice, Lt looks brown, and stains the tongue and chundm, :

10

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by his Majosty; and incense ‘is daily burnt in gold and silver censors of various shapos, whilst sweet-smelling flowers are used in large quantities. Oils are also extracted from flowers, and used for the skin and the hair. I Shall give a few recipes. :

1. Santik is used for keeping the skin fresh: 14 télahs Civot s14.. Chiwah ;* 2 méshahs Chambéli essence ; 2 bottles of rose-water. 2. Argajah, 2s. sandel wood ; 2 ¢. Iksir and Mid; 3 ¢. Chiwah; 1 ¢. violet root, and géhlah (the seed of a plant) ; 4m. camphor ; 11 bottles of rose-water. It is used in summer for keeping the skin cool. 3. Gulkdémah. Pound together 1 ¢. best Ambergis; 4 ¢. Ladan; 2 ¢. best musk; 4 ¢. wood of aloes, and 8 ¢. Iksiri ’abir ; and put it into a porcelain vessel, mix with it a sér of the juice of the flower called Gui ¢ surkh, and expose it to the sun, till it dries up. Wet it in the evening with rose-water and with the extract of the flower called Bahar, and pound it again on Samdg stone. Let it stand for ten days, mix it with the juice of the flower called Bahdr ¢ Ndranj, and let it dry. During the next twenty days, add occasionally some juice of the black Rathén (also called black Vdzbir). A part of this mixture is added to the preceding. 4. Riha/zd, 5 8. Aloowood; 14 s. Sandelwood; 1} s. Ladan; Iksir, Liban, Dhip (a root brought from Kashmir), 3} ¢. of each; 20 ¢. violet root; 10 ¢. Ushnah, called in Hind. Chharilah. Press till. it gets tenacious like syrup. To be made into cakes with four bottles of rose-water. It is burnt in censors, and smolls very fine. 5. Opatnah is a scented soap. 23 s. Ladan; 148. 5 d. Aloewood ; the same quantity of Bahar i Naranj, and 14 s. of its bark ;
2. 10d. Sandelwood ; 1s. 5d. Sumbul uttib, called in Hind. Chhar ; the same quantity of Ushnah; 38} ¢. musk; 1 8. 4 ¢. pdchah leaves; 36 t. — apples; 11 ¢. Su’d, called in Hind. 1672; 5 d..violet root; 1 ¢. 2 m. Dhup; 13 ¢. Ikanki (a kind of grass); the same quantity of Zurumbad, called in Hind. kachir, (zerumbet); 1 ¢. 2m. Labén; 106 bottles of rose-water; 5 bottles of extract of Bahér. Pound the whole, sift it, and boil slowly in rose- water. When it has become less moist, let it dry. 6. ’Abirmdyah,* 4 d. Aloewood; 2 d. Sandelwood; 1 d. violet root; 3 d. Sumbuluttib; 3 d. Duwilak ; 4 ¢. musk of Khaté (Cathay) ; 24 d. Ladan ; 73 d. Bahr i Néranj. Pound, and sift, boil over a slow fire in 10 bottles of*rose-water, and put it into the shade to dry. 7. Mishtah, 24 ¢. Aloewood; 64 Lédan, Libén, and Sandclwood ; Iksir and Dhip, 2 ¢. of each; violet root and musk, 2 ¢.; 1 é. Ushnah ; mix with 50 ¢. refined sugar, and boil gently in 2 bottles of rose- wator. It is made into cakes. It smells very fine when burnt, and is exhilarating. 8. Bukhir, 1s. Aloewood and Sandelwood ; } 8, Lédan; 2 ¢.

7 This and the following names of per- | chapter. fumes are explained further on in this 3 Fide below the twelfth flower.

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musk; 5 4. Iksfr; mix with two sérs of refined sugar and one bottle of rosewater over a slow fire. 9. Futtlah, 5s. Aloewood; 72 ¢. Sandelwood ; Iksir and Lidan, 20 ¢. of each; 5 ¢. Violet root; 10 ¢. Libdn; 8 ¢. refined

sugar ; mix with two bottles of rose-water, and make into tapers. 10. Barjdt, 1 s. ‘Aloewood; 5 ¢. Lidan; 2 ¢. musk; 2 ¢ Sandelwood; 1 ¢. 11 ?Adir-

Tibén ; 3 ¢ Camphor. Then distill it like Chiwah, (vide below). Tistr, 2 8. Sandelwood ; 26 ¢. Iksix; 2 ¢. 8m, musk. Pound it, and dry it in the shade. 12. Ghastl (a liquid soap), 35 ¢. Sandelwood; 17 ¢, Katil (?)?; 1 ¢ musk; 1 ¢. Chiiwah; 2m. Camphor; 2m. Mid. Mix with 2 bottles of rose-water. ;

wl List of Perfumes® and their Prices. ? 1 to 3 Muhurs, per tdlah.

’Ambar i ashhab,………. 0 eee eee e eee Zabad (civet), ….ceeeeeeeecceeeececnees $ R. to 1 AL, do. Musk, …..ccceeccedece cee eeseeeseeees 1 to 44 L., do. Lignum aloes, Hind. an Aidan eae 2 2. to 1 AL, per sér. Chiwwah (Distillod wood of Aloes), …….+ 4 R. tol B., per télah. Gaurah,® ..0 0… ccc e cee eee eens …. 8to5 RP, do. Bhimsini Camphor, …….- sfoderetoievarss wees. SR. to 2 AL, do. Mids. chin oshs es neo avo aR eee: *. 1to8R,, do. Za’favén, …….00. bie seais sense eet … 12 to 22 #., por sér. Zo forin i Kamandi, .#……ces ewww eee . 1lto3 I, do. Za’farin (from Kashmir), ….. Seneueeaant . 8to12 R,, do. Sandalwood,……… Vite aiela Renna ee eG 32 to 55 R., per man. Nafah i mushk, …….. MRO SeNGiba Ra ahesed 3 to 12 AL, per ser. Kalanbak (Calombic,) …-. cece eee ee ene 10 to 40 R., per man. Sildras, ……. Wat aad oooh SF eae cieee ees 3 to 5 R., per ser, “Ambar i Ladan, ………00.0ececeee sees If to 4 B,, do. Kafir i Chinah, ………. fp Saweseewine eee 1 to 2 R., do.

’Arag iFitnoh,……….000.005 Skin balelrads 1 to 3 R., per bottle. ?Araq i Béd i Mushk, ….. ceneee iisew an . 1lto4 R., do. Rosewater, .cceeeseeeeeees ai ebae eds ca 4 to1 R., do. *Avag i Baha, ……0sscneeee Seleeaineeees 1 to 5 &., do. *Araq i Chambéli, …….ceseeecesceeees $ to} R, do. NiGtAOOG! ci ciig tele ckueseescaes eyes .. $tol R,, per sér. Azfir uttib, ……. seceeeeteeteeseeseece LP to 2 RB, do. Barg i Maj (brought from Gujrat), …….. }t01 2, do. Sugandh Gigalé,……….+ Rees eee 10 to 18 B., do.

® In the text.p. 85, by mistake Aaurah.

• According to some MSS. Kanwal. Tide my textedition p. 9-4, 1. 6.

2 Most of the following names aye ex- plained below,

Turban (from Sargard ?), 20… lec cee eee eee $ to 3 R., per tdluh. Laban (other kinds), …….. 0… eee eee 1 to 2 R., per aér. Alak, Hind. Chhar, oo… ccc cece ee nes + to4 R., do. Duwélak, Hind. Chhartlah, … 0… cece ees 3 to 4 ¢., do. Géhlah, ……… sera ostcsea teens aaa *

SWdy gi Siete den eisdes no cee ees OG ¥

bor) sre ere Cre or rer ee eee ree oe Te *

Vrain DA paces Us oa eee tan ees da reeeies *

A List of fine smelling Flowers.

1. The Sewti. Whitish; blooms the whole year, especially towards the end of the rains.
2. The Bhdlsart. Whitish; in the rains.
3. The Chambélt. White, yellow, and blue. In the rains, and partly during winter.
4. Rdibél. White and pale yellow. In the end of the hot season, and the beginning of the rains.
5. The Aféngrd. Yellow. In summer.
6. The Champah. Yellow. All the year; especially when the sun stands in Pisces and Aries. °
7. Kétki. The upper leaves are green, the inner ones yellowish-white. It blooms during the hot seagon. .
8. Kisdh. White. During the hot season.
9. The Pddal. Brownish lilac. In spring.
10. The Jihkt. White and yellow, like jasmin. During the rains.
11. The Miwért. Whitish. In spring.
12. The Wargis. White. In spring.
13. The Kéwarah. From Leo to Libra.
14. The Chaltah.
15. The Guldi. In spring.
16. The Zashih Guldl. White. In winter.
17. The Singdrhdr. It has small white petals. In the hot season.
18. The Violet. Violet. Inthe hot season. ~
19. The Aarnah. White. In spring.
20. The Kapur bél.
21. The Gul ¢ Zazfardn. Lilac. In autumn.

A List of Flowers notable for their beauty.

1. The Gul i Aftdb. Yellow.
2. The Gul ¢ Kanwal. “White, and also bluish. In the raing,

eee nee eee

• The original text does not mention the prices,

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8. The Ja’fart. A golden yellow, or orange ‘coloured, or greenish. In Spring.
9. The Gudhal. Of different colours, red, yellow, orange, white. In

the rains. 5. The Ratanmanjani. ‘the year. : 6. The Kést. In the hot season. 7. The Séxbal. Dark red. In spring. 8. The Ratanmald. Yellow. In spring.

9. The Sénzard. Yellow. In spring.

10. The Gud ¢ Aalti.

11. The arn phil. <A golden red.

12. The Aari?. In spring.

13. The andr. Red and white.

14. The adam. Outside green; in the middle yellow threads; the ‘inside leaves white. In spring.

15. The Ndghésar. In spring.

16. The Surpan. White, with red and yellow stripes in the middle. During the rains. —- : :

17. The Sixt Rhandt. Inside yellowish white, outside reddish. In spring.

18. The Jatt. Inside yellow, outside a blackish red. In the rains.

19. The Champalah. White, like orange blossoms. In spring.

20. The Zahé. It blooms in Pisces.

21. The Gul i Karaundah. White. It is smaller than the Chambéli, and

blooms during the rains. 22. The D’hanantar resembles the Nilifar. During the rains.

23. The Gul ¢ Thnnd. 24, The Dupahriyd. Bright red, and white. All the year.

24. The Bhin Champd. Peach coloured. ®

25. The Sudarsan. Yellow; it resembles the Nédifar, but is smaller.

26. The Hanglai, There are two kinds, red, and white.

27. The Sirs. Yellowish green. It is full of stamens. In spring.

28. The Sax, Yellow. During the rains.

Bright red. It is smaller than jasmin. All

On the Preparation of some’ Perfumes.

1. ’Ambar. Some say that ’Ambar grows at the bottom of the sea, and that it is the food brought up again after eating, by various animals living in the soa. Others say that fishes eat it and die from it, and that it is taken from their intestines. According to some, it is the dung of the sea-cow, called sdrd; or the foam of the sea. Others again say, it trickles from the

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mountains of islands. Many look upon it as marine gum; othors whose opinion I adopt, take it to be wax. It is said that on some mountains a great deal, of honey is to be found, so much in fact that it runs into the sea; the wax rises to the surface, when the heat of the sun reduces it toa solid state. As the bees collect the honey from sweet smelling flowers, “Ambar is, naturally, scented. Bees are also occasionally found in it. 4b% Sind thinks that there is a fountain at the bottom of the sea, from which ’Ambar rills, when it is ‘carried by waves to the shore. ’Ambar, when fresh, is moist; the heat of the sun causes it to dry up. -It is of various colours: the white one is the best, and the black is the worst; the middling-sort.is pistachio- coloured and yellow. The best kind goes by the name of askhab. It feels greasy, and consists of layers. Ifyou break it, it- looks yollowish white. The whiter, lighter, and more flexible it is, the better: _Next in qualtity is the pistachio-coloured “Ambar; and inferior to it the yellow kind, called Khashkhdsht. The black kind is bad; it is inflammable. Greedy bézar- dealers will mix it with wax, Mandal, and Lddan, &e. ; ; but not every one has recourse to such practices. fandal isa kind of ’Ambar taken from the intestines of dead fishes ; it does not smell much.

2. ddan is also often called ’Ambar. It is .taken from a tree which grows in the confines of Q/brus (Cyprus) and Qisis‘(Chios) or Qistis. It is a moisture that settles on the leaves of the tree. When goats in grazing pass near it, the hairs of theiz legs and the horn of their hoofs stick to it, and the whole then dries up. Such Lédan as is mixed with goat’s-hair, is counted” superior. It looks greenish, and has a good smell. But Ladan which is mixed with horn is looked upon as inferior. ™ Sometimes people tie ropes round about the trees, and collect the Lédan which sticks ‘to thom. Aftor- wards they boil it in water, clean it, and make it into cakes.

3. The Camphor tree is a large tree growing in the ghauts of Hindustan and in China. A hundred horsemen and upwards-may rest in the shade of a single tree. Camphor is collected from the trunk and the branches. ‘Some say that during summer a large number of serpents wind themselves round about the tree, for the sake of its coolness; people then mark such trees by shooting an arrow into the trunks, and collect the: camphor during the winter. Others say that camphor trees are much frequented by leopards, which like camphor so much as never to go away from. the trees. The camphor within the tree looks like small bits of salt; that on the outside like resin. It often flows from the tree on the ground, and gets after some time solid: If there are earthquakes during a year, or any other cosmical disturbances, camphor is found in large quantities.

Of the various kinds of camphor, the best is called- Ribdhd, or Quigirt. Although different in name, they are the same; for it is said

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that tho first camphor was found by a king of the name of Abdi near Qaigir, which is a place near. the island of Ceylon. According. to some books, it is white like snow: and this is true, for I have broken it myself from the tree. Ibn Baitar, however, said that it was originally red and shining, and only got white by artificial crystallization. Whatever the ‘dase may be, there is certainly a kind of camphor which is white in its natural state. And of all other’kinds it is the best, the whitest, which has the thinnest layers, the cleanest, and the largest. Inferior to it is the kind called Qurgit, which is, Blackish and dirty. Still inferior is the light brown kind called Kaukab. The worst camphor is mixed’ with pieces of wood ; it goes under the name of Bdlis. By artificial crystallization each kind will ’ become clean and white. .In some books camphor in its natural state is called Ji:ddnah or Bhimsint. If kopt with a few barley grains, or pepper- corns,‘ or surkh ddnahs, if will evaporate the less. The camphor which is made of Zurumbdd by mixing it with other ingredients, is called Chint or Mayyit- camphor. “White Zurumbad is fincly poundod, and mixed with sour cream, of cow or buffaloe’s milk ; on the fourth day’they put fresh cream to it, and beat it with the hand till foam appears, which they take away. With this thoy mix some camphor, ptt it into a box, and keep it for some time in the . husks of grains., Or, they reduce some white stone to fine powder, mix it at the rate of ten dirhams of. it with two dirhams’ of wax, and half a dirham of oil of Violet, or oil of Surk: h. Gul. The wax is first melted, and then mixed with the powder, so as to forma paste. They then put it between two stones, and make it thin and flat; ‘Whenrit gets cold, it looks like camphor, bits of which are mixed with it. Unprincipled ‘men profit in this manner . by the loss of others.

4. -Lubad (civet) i is also called Shakh. It is a moist substance secreted during tho rutting season by an animal which resembles a cat, having however, alarger face and mouth. ’The zabid which is brought from the harbour- town of Sumatra, from the territory of Achin, goes by the name of Sumatra zabid, and is by far the best. The moist substance itself is yellowish white. Tho animal has below its tail a bag, of the size of a small hazel nut, in which there are from five to six holes. The bag may be emptied every week or fortnight, and yields from half a tdlah to cight mfshahs. Some civet cats become so tame as to hold quiet when tho bag is boing emptied ;, but in tho case of most animals, they have to catch hold of the tail, and draw it through the cage, when they take out the zabéd with a shell, or by pressing gontly against the bag. The price of a civet cat varies from 300 to 500 Rs. The zabad of the malo is bottor thun that of the fomale, because in the latter tho vulva is just above the bag. When romoved, the zabad is washod, and

1 Bazi dealers hore give a few pepper- | corns along with every piece of camphor.

80 becomes: afterwards one of the finest pefumes. The smell will remain a long time in the clothes, and even on the skin. Theré are several ways of washing

-If the quantity be small, they put it into a cup, or if greater, into a an vessol, and wash it thirty times in cold water, and three times in warm water. The latter renders it thin and removes impurities. Then they wash it again in cold:water till it gets solid, when they wash it three times in. lime juice, which removes all unpleasant smell. After this, they wash it again three times in cold water, pass it through a piece of cloth, put it into a China cup, and wash it three times in rose water. They.then smear the zabéd on the inside of the cup, keep it at night inverted in extract of Chambél{, or Raibél, or Surkh gul, or Gul i Karnah, and expose it at day- time to the rays of the sun, covered with a piece of white cloth till all moisture goes away. It may then‘be used, mixed with, a little rose water.

5. Gaurah looks greyish white, but does not smell so well as the preceding. It is a moisture secreted during the rutting season by an animal like the civet cat, but somewhat larger. It is also brought from the confines of Achin. ‘The price of this animal varies from 100 to 200 Rs.

6. Ifid* resembles the preceding, but is inferior to it. They mix it with other substances ; ; hence they sell it in larger quantities. ‘The animal which yields Mid, is found in various countries, and only sells from five to six dims. Some say that Mid is the dried bag of the civet cat, pounded and boiled m water ; the greasy substance which rises to the surface is the Mid.

7. Ud, or wood of Aloes, called in Hind. Agar, is the root of a tree. They lop it off and bury it in the éarth, when whatever is bad rots, and the remainder is pure aloes. Some say that they do so with the whole tree. The statement occasionally found in some old books that the habitat of the tree is Central India, is an absurdity of fanciful writers. There are several kinds : the best is called MJandali, and the second in quantity, Jubal or Hindi. The smell of the wood, especially that of the first kind, is a preventive |

_against fleas; but some think both kinds equal in this respect. Of other good kinds I may mention. the Samandurt ; the Qumdri, which is inferior to it; the Qdgulé, next in rank; the Barri; the Qivts > and the Chinese, ‘also called Qismurt, which is wet. and sweet. Still inferior are the Jaldli, the Méyatdgt, the Lawdg, the Rétali.2 But of all kinds the Dlandalt, is.the best Sumandirt is grey, fatty, thick, hard, juicy, without the slightest sign -of whitishness, and burns long. The best of all is the black and heavy; in water it sottles at the bottom, is not fibrous, and may bo easily poundod. The wood which floats is looked upon as bad. Former kings transplanted the tree to Gujrat, and now-a-days it-grows in Chanpanir. It is genorally

2 640 with the kasrah, a kind of per- 2 The last three naines are doubtful. fune. “Kashfullugh dé.

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4

brought from Achin and Dahnasari. Nothing is known of the Aabitat mentioned in old books. Aloewood is often used in compound ‘perfumes ; when eaten, it is exhilarating. It is generally employed in- incense; the better qualities, in form of a powder, are often used for rubbing into the skin and clothes. : 2 a

’’ 8. Chiwah is distilled wood of aloes; it is in general’ use. The preparation is as follows: They take fine clay, mix it with cotton or rice bran, and beat it well. When properly intermixed, they take a small bottle large enough to put a finger into it, smear it all over with the clay, and let it dry. After this, they put very small.pieces of wood of aloes into it, so as nearly to fill the bottle. The wood must have been kept wet for a weok ‘before. Another vessel, with a hole in the middle, is now placed on a three-legged stand. Into this vessel, they pass the neck of the little bottle inverted, placing a cup full of water at the bottom of the vessel, in such a manner that the mouth of the bottle reaches the surface of the water. On the top of the vessel they then put wild cow’s dung, and light a gontle fire. Should flames break out, they extinguish them with water. The wood of aloes will then secrete a moisture which trickles on the surface of the water, where it remains. This is collected, and washed several times with water and rose water, to take off all smell of smoke. The oftener it is washed, and the older it gets, the better will be the scent. It looks black, although experienced people make it white. One sér of wood of alocs will yield from two to fifteen tdlahs of Chawah. Some avaricious dealers mix sandalwood or almonds with it, trying thereby to cheat people.

9. Sandalwood is called in Hind. Chandan. The tree grows in China.

During the present reign, it has been successfully planted in-India. There are three kinds, the white, the yellow, the red. Some take the red to be more refreshing than the white; others prefer the white. The latter is certainly more cooling than the red, and the red more so than the yellow. The bost is that which is yellow and oily ; it goes by the name of Magdgart. Sandalwood is pounded and rubbed over the skin; but it is also used in other ways. 10. Sildéras (storax) is called in Arabic M?ah. It is the gum of a tree that grows in Turkey. The kind which is clear, is called’ Iftah¢ sdilah (liquid) ; the other kinds, I/?ah ¢ ydbisah (dry). The best kind is that which Spontaneously flows out of the trunk ; it is yellowish.

11. Kalanbak (calembic) is the wood of.a tree brought from Zirbad (?) ;* it is heavy and full of veins. Some believe it to be raw wood of aloes. When pounded, it looks grey. They use it for compound perfumes; and they also make rosaries of it.

1 Zirbdd (Zivibad), a town near the frontiers of Bengal. Ghidsullughdt. ll

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12. The Maldgir is a tree resembling the former, only that the wood is lighter and not veined. Whén pounded, it looks reddish white.

13. Zubdn: (frankincense) is the odorous gum of a tree which is found in Java. Some take it to be the same as Mahi ydbisah. When exposed to fire, it evaporates like camphor. The Lubaén which the Persians call Kundur ¢ darydi (mastix), is a resin brought from Yaman; but it is not odorous. .

14. <Asfér utti, or scented finger nails, are called in Hind. Nal h, and in Persian WVdkhun t béyd. It isthe house of an animal, consisting, like a shell, of two parts. They have a good smell, as the animal feeds on sumbuls, and are found in the large rivers of Hindustan, Bagrah, and Bahrain, the latter being considered the best. They are also found in the Red Sea, and _ many prefer them to the other kinds. They warm them in butter; others expose them afterwards to the fire, pound them, and mix them with other perfumes..

15. Sugandh gigalé (bdellium) is a plant very common in Hindustan ; it is used in perfumes.

As I have said something on perfumes, I shall make a few remarks on several beautiful flowers.

1. The Séwti resembles the Gul iSurkh, but is smaller. It has in the middle golden stamens, and from four to six petals. Habitat, Gujrat and the Dek’han. 7

2. Of the Chambéli there are two kinds. The Rdt Chambélt has from five to six petals, outside red. The Chambélt proper is smaller, and has on the top ared stripe. Its stem is one anda halfor two yards high, and hangs over the ground. It has many long and broad branches. It flowers - from the first year.

3. The Rédi béleresembles the jasmin. There are various kinds; some are simple, double, &c. A quintuple is very common, so that each petal might be separated as a distinct flower. Its stem grows a yard high. The. leaves of the tree resemble those of the orange 4ree; but they are some- what smaller and softer.

4, The Ifungréd resembles the Adi bé2. It is larger, but inferior in smell. It has more than a hundred petals; the plant grows to a large tree.

5. The Champah flower has a conical shape, of the size of a finger,’ and consists of ten petals and more, lying in folds one above theother. It has several stamens. The tree looks graceful, and resembles in leaf and trunk the nut tree. It flowers after seven years.

ec ae cata nt a

• Orientals, as a rule, have very small hands and fingers.

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6. The £éthi has the form of spindle, of the size of a quarter of a yard, with twelve or more petals. Its smell is delicate and fragrant. It bears flowers in six or seven years.

7. The Héwrah resembles the preceding, but is more than twice as big. The petals have thorns. As they grow on different places, they are not all equal. In the midst of the flower, there is a small branch with honey-coloured threads, not without smell. The flower smells even after it is withered. Hence people put it into clothes, when the smell remains for a long time. The stem of the tree is above four yards. high ; the leaves are like those of the maize, only longer, and triangular, with three thorns in each corner. it flowers from the fourth year. Every year they put new earth round about the roots. The plant is chiefly found in the Dek’han, Gujrat, Malwah, and Bahar.

8. The Chaltah resembles a large tulip. It consists of eighteen petals, six greon ones above; six others, some red, some green, some greyish yellow; and six white. In the midst of the flower, as in the flower called Haméshah Bahir, there are nearly two hundred little yellow leaves, with a red globule in the centre. The flower will remain quite fresh for five or six days after having been plucked. It smells like the violet. “When withered, the flower is cooked and eaten. The tree rosembles the pomegranate troe ; and its leaves look like those of the orange tree. It blooms in seven years.

9. The Zasbihguldi has a fine smell. The petals have the form of a dagger. The stem of the plant is two yards high. It flowers after four years. They make rosaries of the flowers, which keep fresh for a week.

10. The Bhelsari is smaller than the jasmin; its pettls are indented. When dry the flower smells better. The tree resembles the walnut tree, and flowers in the tenth year.

11. The Stxgérhdr is shaped like a clove, and has an orange-coloured stalk. The stamens look like poppy seeds. The tree resembles the pome- granate tree, and the leaves are like the leaves of a peach tree. It flowers in five years. :

12. The Huzah looks like a Gul ¢ surkh; but the plant and the leaves are larger. It has five or a hundred petals, and golden coloured stamens in the middle. Thoy make ’Abirmdyah and an extract from it.

13. The Pédal has five or six long petals. I gives water an agreeable flavour and smell. It is on this account that people preserve the flowers, mixed with clay, for such times when the flower is out of season. The loaves and tho stem are like those of-a nut troe. It flowers in the twolfth year.

14. The JéAt has small leaves. This creeper winds itsolf round about

trees, and flowers in three years. 15. The Weedrt looks like a simple Rd? bé/, but has larger petals.

e

84

The flowers are often so numerous, as to conceal the leaves and branches of the plant. It flowers in the first year.

16. The Kapur bd has five petals, and resembles the saffron flower. This flower was brought during the present reign from Europe.

17. The Za’faran (saffron). In the beginning of the -month of Urdibihisht, the saffron seeds are put into the ground which has been carefully prepared and rendered soft. After this, the field is irrigated with rain water. The seed itself is a bulb resembling garlic. The flower appears in the middle of the month of Ab4én; the plant is about a quarter of a yard long; but, according to the difference of the soil in which it stands, there are sometimes two-thirds of it above, and somctimes below the ground. The flower stands on the top of the stalk, and consists of six petals and six stamens. Three of the six petals have a fresh lilac colour, and stand round about the remaining three petals. The stamens are similarly placed, three of a yellow colour standing round about the other three, which are red. The latter yield the saffron. Yellow stamens are often cunningly intermixed. In former times saffron was collected by compulsory labour: they pressed men daily, and made them separate the saffron from the petals and the stamens, and gave them salt instead of wages, a man who cleaned two pals receiving two pals of salt. At the timc of Ghazi Khan,? the son of (Khaji) Chak, another custom “became general: they gave the workmen eleven tarks of saffron flowers, of which one tark was given them as wages ; and for the remaining ten they had to furnish two Akbarshahi sérs of clean, dry saffron, ¢. ¢., for two Akbarshéhi mans* of saffron flowers they had to give two sérs ofecleaned saffron. This custom, however, was abolished by his Majesty, on his third visit to Kashmir, to the great relief of the people.

‘When the bulb has been put into the ground, it will produce flowers for six years, provided the soil be annually softened. For the first two years, the flowers will grow sparingly; but in the third year the plant reaches its state of perfection. After six years the bulbs must be taken out; else they get rotten. They plant them again on some other place; and leave the old ground uncultivated for five years. ,,

Saffron comes chiefly from the place Panpir, which belongs to the district of Maruraj* (?). The fields there extend over nearly twelve kds.

• Vide a similar account of the saffron flower in the third book (Stibah Kabul).

• He was the contemporary of Shér Khan; vide Abultazl’s list of Kashmir Rulers in the third book. A good biography of Ghdzi Whdn may be found in the beginning of the Madsiri Rahiné, Persian MS. No. 45, of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

? One Kashmiri Tark = 8 sérs (of Akbar) = 4 Kashm. mans; 1 Kash. man == 4 Kash. sérs ; y Kush. sér == 7%

‘pale.

• These places lie to the south of Srt- nagar, the capital of Kashmir; for Mururdj the test has z! yy. Vide Stibab Kabul, third book.

85

Another place of cultivation is in the Parganah of Parasptr, near Indrakil, not far from Kamr4j, where the fields extend about a kde.

18. The 4ftddi (sun-flower) is round, broad, and large, has a large

number of petals, and turns continually to the sun. Its stem reaches a height of three yards. ‘” 419. The Kanwal. There are two kinds. One opens when the sublime Sun shines, turning wherever he goes, and closing at night. It resembles the shaqdig-lily; but its red is paler. Its petals which are never less than six in number enclose yellow stamens, in the midst of which there is an excrescence of the form of a cone with the base upwards, which is‘ the fruit, and contains the seeds. The other kind has four white petals, opens at night, and turns itself according to the moon, but does not close.

20. The Ja’fart is a pretty round flower, and grows larger than the gadbarg. One kind has five, another a hundred petals. The latter remains fresh for two months and upwards. The plant is of the size of a man, and the leaves resemble those of the willow, but are indented. It flowers in two months.

21. The Gudhal resembles the joghdsi-iulip, and has a great number of petals. Its stem reaches a height of two yards and upwards; the leaves look like Mulberry leaves. It flowers in two years.

22. The Ratanmanjani has four petals, and is smaller than the jasmin. The tree and the leaves resemble the Raibél. It flowers in two years.

23. The Hést has five petals resembling a tiger’s claw. In their midst is a yellow stamen of the shape of a tongue. The plant is very large, and is found on every meadow; when it flowers, it is as if a beautiful fire surrounded the scenery.

24. The Aanér remains a long time in bloom. It looks well, but it is Poisonous. Whoever puts it on his head, is sure to fallin battle. It has mostly five petals. The branches are full of the flowers; the plant itself grows to a height of two yards. It flowers in the first year.

25. The Kadam resembles a tumdghah (a royal cap). The leaves are like those of the nut tree, which the whole tree resembles.

26. The Nag késar, like the Gul t surkh, has five petals and is full of fine stamens. It resembles the nut tree in the leaves and the stem, and flowers in seven years.

27. The,Surpan resembles. the Sesame flower, and has yellow stamens in the middle. The stem resembles the Ziimnd plant, and the leaves those of the willow.

28. The Sri’hand’ is like the Chamdéli, but smaller. It flowers in

two years.

Ss)

29. The Hinna has four petals, and resembles the flower called Néfarmén. Different plants have often flowers of a different colour.

30. The Dupahriyd is round and small, and looks like the flower called Haméshah bahér. It opens at noon. The stem is about two yards high.

31.. The Bhin champd resembles the Nilifar flowers, and* has five petals. The stem is about a span long. It grows on such places as are periodically under water. Occasionally a plant is found above the water.

32. The Sudarsan resembles the Rdzbél, and has yellow threads in- side. The stem looks like that of the Sdsan flower.

33. Sénbal has five petals, each ten fingers long, and three fingers broad. :

34, The Ratanmdlé is round and small. Its juice is cooked out, and when mixed with vitriol and duagfar, furnishes a fast red dye for stuffs. Butter, sesame oil, are also boiled together with the root of the plant, when the mixture becomes a purple dye.

85. The Sinadrd resembles the jasmin, but is a little larger, and has from five to six petals. The stem is like that of the Chambéli. It flowers in two years.

86. The AMilit is like the Chamhéli, but smaller. In the middle there are little stamens looking like poppyseed. It flowers in two years more or less.

87. The ard has three small petals. It flowers luxuriantly, and looks very well: The flower is also boiled and eaten; they make also pickles of it.

88. The Jait plant grows to a large tree; its leaves look like Tamarind leaves.

89. The Chanpalah is like a nosegay. The leaves of the plant are like nut leaves. It flowers in two years. The bark of the plant, when boiled in water, makes the water red. It grows chiefly in the hills; its wood burns bright like a candle.

90. The ZLahf has a stem one and a half yards high. The branches, before the flowers appear, are made into a dish which is eaten with bread. When camels feed on this plant, they get fat and unruly.

91. The Xaraundah resembles the Jihi flower.

92. The Dhanantar resembles the Nilifar, and looks very well. It is a creeper,

93. The Sirs fléwer consists of silk-like threads, and resembles a tumdghah. Tt sends its fragrance to a great distance. I¢ is the king of the trees, although the Hindus rather worship the Pipal and Bar trees. The tree grows very large ; its wood is used in building. Within the stem the wood is black, and resists the stroke of the axe.

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44. The Hangldi has five petals, each four fingers long, and looks very beautiful. Each branch produces only one flower.

45. The San flower (hemp) looks like a nosegay. The leaves of the plant resemble those of the Chand. Of the bark of the plant strong ropes are made. One kind of thiseplant bears a flower like the cotton tree, and is called Patsan. It makes a very soft rope. ,

It is really too difficult for me, ignorant as I am, to give a descrip- tion of the flowers of this country: I have mentioned a few for those who wish to know something about them. There are also found many flowers of Tr4n and Tiurfn, as the Gul ¢ Surkh, the Nargis, the violet, the Ydsaman ¢ kabid, the Sdésan, the Rathdn, the Ra’nd, the Zébd, the Shagdig, the Taj 7 khuris, the Qalghah, the Néfarmdn, the Khatami, Se. Garden and flowor beds are everywhere to be found. Formerly peeple used to plant their gardens without any order, but since the time of the arrival in India of the emperor Babar, a more methodical arrangement of the gardens has obtained ; and travellers now-a-days admire the beauty of the palaces and their murmuring fountains.

It would be impossible to give an account of those trees of the country, whose flowers, fruits, buds, leaves, roots, &c., are used as food, or medicine. If, according to the books of the Hindus, a man were to collect only one leaf from each tree, he would get eighteen bars, or loads, (5 surkhs == 1 mdshah ; 16 mdshahs = 1 karga; 4 kargas = 1 pala; 100 palas = 1 tuld; 20 tulis = 1 bér) ; t. ¢., according to the weights now in use, 96 mans. The same books: also state that the duration of the life of a tree is not less than two gharis (twice ‘24 minutes), and not more than ten thousand years. The height of the trees is said not to exceed a little above a thousand jujans.’ When a tree dies, its life is said to pass into one of the following ten things: fire, water, air, earth, plants, animals, animals of two senses, such as have three, or four, or five senses.

AYN 31. THE WARDROBE? AND THE STORES FOR MATTRESSES. His Majesty pays much attention to various stuffs; hence Tvant, European, and Mongolian articles of wear are in abundance. Skilful

masters and workmen have settled in this country, to teach people an improved system of manufacture. The Imperial workshops, the towns of

• Regarding this measure, vide the edition of the Tuzuk i Jahingiri ; but I fourth book. ‘ cannot find it in any Persian or Chagatii

2 The text has a word ¢3’y5,5 which Dictionary. The meaning @ wardrvbe is occurs about three times in this work. I however clear.

have also found it in Sayyid Ahmad’s

of workmanship ; and the figures and patterns, knots, and variety of fashions

(srw Agrah, Fathpir, Ahmadabad, Gujrat; turn out many master-pieces

which now prevail, astonish experienced travellers.

His Majesty himself

acquired in a short time a theoretical and practical knowledge of the whole trade; and on account of the care bestowed upon them, the~intelligent

• workmen of this country soon improved. All kinds of hair-weaving and silk-spinning were brought to perfection; and the imperial workshops

furnish all those stuffs which are made in other countries.

A taste for fine

i has since become general, and the drapery used at feasts surpasses

every description.

All articles’ which have been bought, or woven to order, or received as tribute or presents, are carefully preserved ; and according to the order in which they were preserved, they are again taken out for inspection, or given

oyt to be cut and to be made up, or given away as presents.

Articles which

arrive at the same time, are arranged according to their prices. Experienced people inquire continually into the prices of articles used both formerly and at present, as a knowledge of the exact prices is conducive to the increase

of the stock. Even the prices became generally lower.

Thus a piece woven

by the famous Ghids i Naqshband may now be obtained for fifty, muhurs, whilst it had formerly been sold for twice that sum; and most other articles have got cheaper at the rate of thirty to ten, or even forty to ten.’ His [iisee also ordered that people of certain ranks should wear certain

icles ; and this was done in order to regulate the demand.

I shall not say much on this subject, though a few particulars regarding the articles worn by his Majesty may be of interest.

1. The Zakauchiyah is a coat without lining, of the Indian form. Formerly it had slits in the skirt, and was tied on the left side; his Majesty has ordered it to be made with a round skirt, and to be tied on the right side.? It requires seven yards and seven girths,* and five girihs for the binding. The price for making a plain one varies from one rupee to three rupees ;. but if the coat be adorned with ornamental stitching, from one to four and three quarters rupees. Besides a misqil,pf silk is required.

2 Or as we would, the pe have become less by 663, and even 15 per cent,

2 The conts used: now-a-days both by Hindtis and Muhammadans resemble in shape our dressing gowns (Germ. Schlaf- rock), but fitting tight where the lower ribs are. There thé coat is tied; the Muhammadans make the tie on the left, and the Hindus on the right side. In the Eastern parts of Bengal, many Muham-

madans adopt the old Hindu fashion of wearing a simple unsewn piece of muslin (chddar). ® It is not stated in the Ain how many hg the tailor’s gaz, or yard, contains.

• is probable that 16 girihs = 1 gaz, which is the usual division at present. For other yard measures, vide the 87th and 89th Ains of this book. The Persian word girth is pronounced in India girah.

89

¥9. The Péshwdz (a coat open in front) is of the same form, but ties in front. It is sometimes made without strings.

V§. The Dutdhi (a coat with lining) requires six yards and four girihs for the outside, six yards lining, four girihs for the binding, nine girihs for the border. The price of making one varies from one to three rupees. One

• misqdl of silk is required.

4. The Shdh-djtdah (or the royal stitch coat) is also called Shagtkhat (or sixty rows), as it has sixty ornamental stitches per girth. It has generally a double lining, and is sometimes wadded and quilted. The cost of making is two rupees per yard.

5. The Sdézani requires a quarter of a sér of cotton and two dams of silk. If sewed with Jekhyah* stitches, the price of making one is eight rupees; one with dzdah stitches costs four rupees.

6. The Qalami requires $ s. cotton, and one dam silk. Cost of making, two rupees.

“. The Qabd, which is at present generally called jémah ¢ pumbahddr, is a wadded coat. It requires 1 s. of cotton, and 2m. silk. Price, one rupee

to a quarter rupee. 8. The Gadar is acoat wider and longer than the gabd, and contains

more wadding. In Hindustan, it takes the place of a fur-coat. It requires seven yards of stuff, six yards of lining, four girihs binding, nine for bordering, 24 s. cotton, 3 m. silk. Price, from one-half to one and one-half rupees.

9. The Furjf has no binding, and is open in front. Some put buttons to it. It is worn over the jdmah (coat), and requires 5 y. 12g. stuff; 5 y. 5g. lining ; 14 g. bordering; 1 s. cotton; 1 m. silk. Price, from a quarter

to one rupee.

10. The Furgul resembles the ydpanyji,? but is more comfortable and becoming. It was brought from Europe ;* but_every one now-a-days wears it. They make it of various stuffs. It requires 9 y. 64g. stuff, the same

is what we call white embroidery.

• Bakhyah, in Hind. bak’hiyd, cor- responds to what ladies call backstitehing. Ajidah is the button hole stitch. These, at least, are the meanings which bakhyah and djidakh now have. Sozani, a name which in the text is transterred to the coat, is a kind ofembroidery, resembling our satin-stitch, It is used for working leaves and flowers, &c.,on stuffs, the leaves lying pretty loosely on the cloth ; hence we ofton find sozant work in rugs, small carpets, &c. The rugs themselves are also called sozanz. A term which is sometimes used in Dictionaries as a synonym for sozané is chikin ; but this

12

• A coatusedin rainy weather. Calcutta Chagatdi Dictionary.

® The etymology of the word fargul is not known to me. Tho names of several articles of wear, now-a-days cur- rent in India, are Portuguese ; as siya, a petticoat ; fita, aribbon. Among other Portuguese words, now common in Hin- dustant, are padri, clergyman; gird, a church, Port. igrdjx; kdbi, cabb we, Port. cudve; chdébi, a key, Port. chive.

Abul Fazl’s explanation (vide my text edition, p. 102, 1. 16) correcta Vullers IT. p. 663 a.

90

quantity of lining, 6 m. sill, ‘1s. cotton. It is made both single and double. Price, from 4 to 2 &.

11. The Chakman’ is made of broadcloth, or woollen stuff, or wax cloth. His’Majesty has it made of Ddré{ wax cloth, which is very light and pretty. Tho rain cannot go through it. It requires 6 y. stuff, 5 g.,binding, and 2 m. silk. The price of making one of broadcloth is 2 R.; of wool,’ 13 R.; of wax cloth, 4 2.

12. The Shalwdér (drawers) is made of all kinds of stuff, single and double, and wadded.’ It requires 3 y. 11 g. cloth, 6 g. for the hem through which the string runs, 3y. 5g. lining, 1} m. silk, 4s. cotton. Price, from sto RB.

There are various kinds of each of these garments. It would take me too long to describe the chirahs, Jautahs, and dupattahs,? or the costly dresses worn at foasts or presented to the grandees of the present time. Every season, there are made one thousand complete suits for the imperial wardrobe, and one hundred and twenty, made up in twelve bundles, are always Kept in reaginess. From his indifference to every thing that is worldly, His Majesty prefers and wears woollen® stuffs, especially shawls; and I must mention, as a most curious sign of auspiciousness, that His Majesty’s clothes becomingly fit ‘every one whether he be tall or short, a fact which has hitherto puzzled many. ,

His Majesty has changed the names of several garments, and invented new and pleasing terms.* Instead of jémah (coat), he says sarbgdtt, 4. ¢., covering the whole body ; for ¢zér (drawers), he says yér’pirdhan (the companion of the coat); for nimtanah (a jacket), tanzéb - for fautah, patgat ; for burgw (a veil), chitragupita ; for huldh (a cap); sts’ sola ; ‘for méibdf (a hair ribbon, ) késg’han ; for patké (a cloth for the loins), katzéb ; for shdl (shawl), parmnarm; for… ,°, parmgarm ; for kapirdhir, a Tibetan stuff, kapirnir ; for pdiafzdr (shoes), charndharn ; and similarly for other names.

——__-eeeoee

• As this word is not given in any

Faizt who—li 1s of imperial Aictiondry;: he vowels ace a Ad ae aizt who—like the poets of imperia

Rome—represents the emperor as God,

is Vullers’ form chaspdn.

® Stuffs of different shapes, used for making turbans.

• In allusion to the practice of Cuts, who only wear garments made of wool (géf). Abul Fazl often tries to represent Akbar as a Gift of so high a degree as to be able to work miracles, and he states below that it was his intention to write a bool on Akbar’s miracles. The charge of fulsomeness in praise has often been brought against Abul Fazl, thongh it would’ more appropriately lie against

as may be seen in the poetical extracts of the second book. But the praises of the two brothers throw a peculiar light on Akbar’s character, who received the most immoderate encomiums with self-com- placency.

• The following passage is remarkable, as it shews Akbar’s predilection for LZindé terms.

• The MSS. have an unintelligible word. The Banaras MS. has pardak Firdng, or European Pardak (F).

4

\

91

AIN 32. ON SHAWLS, STUFFS, &c. ‘

His Majesty improved this department in four ways. The improvement ig visible, first, in the Tus shawls, which are made of the wool of an animal of that name ; its natural colours are black, white, and red, but chiefly black. Sometimes the colour is a pure white. This kind of shawl is unrivalled for its lightness, warmth, and softness. People generally wear it without altering its natural colour; his Majesty hashad it dyed. It is curious that it will not take areddye. Secondly, in the Safid Alchahs,* also called Tarhddrs, in their natural colours. The wool is either white or black. These stuffs may be had in three colours, white, black, or mixed. The first or white kind, was formerly dyed in three ways; his Majesty has given the order to dye it in various ways. Thirdly, in stuffs as Zardézi,? Kalibatin, Kashidah, Qdlghai, Bandhnin, Chhint, Alchah, Purzddy, to which His Majesty pays much attention. Fourthly, an improvement ‘as made in the width of all stuffs; His Majesty had the pieces made large enough to yield the making of a full dress.

The garments stored in the Imperial wardrobe are arranged according to the days, months, and years, of their entries, and according to their colour, price, and weight. Such an arrangement is now-a-days called mzs/, aset. The clerks fix accordingly the degree of every article of wear, which they write on astrip of cloth, and tack it to the end of the pieces.. Whatever pieces of the same kind arrive for the Imperial wardrobe on the Urmuzd day (first day) of the month of Farwardin, provided they be of a good quality, have a higher rank assigned to,them than pieces arriving on other days; and if pieces are equal in value, their precedence, or otherwise, is determined by the character* of the day of their entry; andif pieces are equal as far as the character of the day is concerned, they put the lighter stuff higher in rank; and if pieces have the same weight, they arrange them according to their colour. The following is the order of. culours: fis, safedalchah, ruby coloured, golden, orange, brass-coloured, crimson, grass green, cotton-flower coloured, sandalwood-coloured, almond-coloured, purple, grape-coloured, mauve like the colour of some parrots, honey-coloured, brownish lilac,

• Alchah, or Aléchah, any kind of | is plush-like.

corded (mukhattat) stuff. Tarhddr 3 Akbar, like all Pnrsees, believed in means corded. Roe lucky and unlucky days. The arranze-

• Zardoz, Kaldbattn, (Forbes, Lala- ment of the stores of clothing must strike battiin), Kashidah, Qalghat, are stutts the reader as most unpractical. Similar with gold and silk threads; Bdndhnin, arrangements, equally curious, will be are stutts dyed diflerently in different found in the following Aius. Perhaps parts of the piece; Chhiné is our chintz, they indicate a progress, as they shew which is derived from Chhint. Purzdér that some order at least was kept.

are all kinds of stuffs the outside of which

92

coloured like the Ratanmanjant flower, coloured like the Késni flower, apple- coloured, hay-@loured, pistachio, seeseeeney bhdjpatra coloured, pink, light blue, coloured like the galghah flower, water-coloured, oil-coloured, brown red, emerald, bluish like China-ware, violet, bright pink, mangoe coloured, musk-coloured, coloured like the Jékhtah pigeon. , In former times shawls were often brought from Kashmir. People folded them up in four folds, and wore them for a very long time. Now-a- days they are generally worn without folds, and merely thrown over the

shoulder. very well.

His Majesty has commenced to wear them double, which looks

His Majesty encourages, in every possible way, the manufacture of

shawls in Kashmir.

In Léhér also there are more than a thousand work-

shops. A kind of shawl, called méydn, is chiefly woven there ; it consists of silk and wool mixed. Both are used for chirahs (turbans), fautahs (loin

bands), &c.

T subjoin the following tabular particulars. A. Gold stuffs.

Brocaded velvet, from Yazd,? per piece,…….. 15 to 150 AL Do. from Europe, do. ……..-.+. SaeBis gue ks 10 to 70 af. Do. from Gujrdt, do…….. eltstee Siacehdecs weeee 10 to 50 DL, Do. from Kashdn, do. ….. aera dene a eleeee Se . 10 to 40 AL Do. from Hordt, do. ….cccoscccsvvscecccese * e Do. from Ldhdr, do. …… ase Pai Masavene-ernat 10 to 40 27 Do. from Barsah, (?) do. ……… Siationenaden aes 3 to 70 I. MMutabbag,? do. 1.2.6.0. PIRES a alec tele dekh .. 2to 70M. Milak, do. …ceeees ole le eaeshvauseleiinsa ee Bieserekerere 3 to 70 M. Brocade, from Gujrat, Art kw asda t evens 4 to 60 AL. Tds*-Brocade, from do. do. ….. tes cceneceues 1 to 35 &.

• The text contains two doubtful from Nauskdd in Turkestin, Ghidsul-

words. The next word bhéjpatra is the bark of a tree used for making hukka tubes,

2 Yazd is the principal city in the south of the Persian province of Khurasin. Kédshdn lies in “Iraq t’Ajamt, north of Ictahan. “The asses of Kashin are wiser than the men of I¢fahan,” which latter town is for Persia what Bootia is for Ancient Greece, or the Bretagne for France, or the kingdom of Fife for Scot- land, or the town of Schilda for Germany, or Bahar for India,—the home of fools. During the time of Moguls, the Sayyids of Bérhah enjoyed a similar notoriety.

® Mutabbag, a kindof cloth, chiefly brought from Ahallukh, and Milak

lughat.

• Tas means generally brocade ; Dardé- b4f is a kind of brocaded silk ; Mugayyash is silk with stripes of silver—the Ghids says that Mugayyash comes from the Hind. #&ésh, hair, to which the silver- stripes are compared, and that itis on Arabicised form of the Hindi word, as garanful,a clove, for the Hind. sarn- phul ; itrifal, a kind of medicine, for tr¢- phal, as it consists of thrce fruits; &c. Mushajjar is a kind of silk with leaves and branches woven in it; Débd is coloured silk; Ahdrd, moirée antique; Khazz is Jfiloselle-silk. For taf,tlah (vide Freytag III, p. 353), we also find éafstlah.

Dérdt baf, from Gujrét, 2… eee 2 to 50 H. Mugayyash, GO. oe eke a we tee laced 1 to 20 Shirwanit Brocade, do. 2.0.0.0… cece eee eens 6 to YY a. Mushayar, from Europe, per yard, ……..000. lto 4M. Débé silk, do. do. …………0. Qubt eat wees )6Oo to 4a

• Do., from Fazd, do. ……. cc ce cues ee . ltolamy. Ihdrd, do. ….. S orecyOWr et eet oes aeews se haine 5 R.t02 M. Satin, from Chinese Tartary, …………000. * Nawdr, from do, 2.6… cece cece eee eee e eee * Hhazs silk, .. 0.0. ccc cece eee i wih Save dura else * : Tafcilah, (a stuff from Mecca)………… from -15 to 20 2. Kurtahwér, from Gujrat, ……. Sia etbiaeAisda S2eFo.8 1 to 20 aT. MRM ws cn cear Las ve Reese DN ee sone ees lto14 & Chirah, (for turbans) ………. ccc cece ees » to 8a. Dupattah, do…… akeapynedna oes Sagwnnes 9to BR. Fautahs, (loin bands) …… Saeed siehuerdvsre $ to 12 A. Counterpanes, ……. cece ec ce cece eee eeeees 1 to 20 2H.
• The Text does not.give the prices. B. Silks, §e., plain. Velvet, from Europe, per yard,…… Sarscasraleceitss lto 4M. Do. from Ké4shan, per piece,….. ccc ceeeeee 2to 7M. Do. from Yazd, do. …… ccc cece e eee e ences 2to 4M.

Do. from Mashhad, do. ……seccceceeeueee 2to 4H. Do. from Herat, do. …..cceccesecveseceeeee Ito 8H.

Do. Kai, dO. s4vaie ieee tees cancsia ks wee «lo 2to 4 Do. from Lahér, do. ….. aisleelend Si eeealece sews 2to 4M. Do. from Gujrat, per yard, woccc ccc cc ceeee eee lto 2R. Qatifah i Parabi,* do. ….. Spee cde sane Hotta .1to1d RB. Tajah Baf, per piece, ….. wigiaeia toe duleebeate wee «62 to 80 M. Dérdi Baf, do… se eeeeee errs 2 to 30 Mf. Mutabbaq, do. ……… ts Sce(dieageiohe Ss rareie ace 1 to 80 A. Shirwani, do………. Notas naaiwaeun hemes 14 to 10 BL Milak, dO. a.sc saws oFidiee eee eases vers veces Lto 7AL Kamkhab, from Kabul sil Persia, a vecseeee Lto 5M. Tawar, (7) do. o.ascces eas i aeelewa cease seen a 2 R. to 2 I. Whirl (7) de. cyte ede ees ieee 8 sianeees 4 to 10 2. Mushajjar, from Europe, per yard, …….000%- . 2H tol Mm. ‘Do. from Yazd, per piece, ..ccecccceseceeeesss Lto 2M. Satin, from Europe, per yard, ……..00020 00 2h. tol M.

ea el

? A kind of velvet. r)

Satin, from Herat, per piece, oo… ccee cee ee cece WDA; Mer YORE, 26 a5 bon Sale HSA OEY hs en eee ks Sihrang,® per piece, ….0- 0 cece cc ece cece cecee Qutn{,? do. Katan,* from Europe, per yard,….. cece eee ees TAftah,* do. …e0eccccccseecccece Slate he Sens ces Anbar Oy. es sok vind e Shahan caso ees eS DGr Al, Os 65 iesieie pase Mo scersteigieiaigvess Sede vee 845% Sit{purl, per piece, . 6. cc ce eee ees Qabdéband, do. …… ce ccc cece cece eecces Tat bandpiri, do ; Lah, per yard, Migri, per piece, Sar, per yard,

a ry

Tassar,® per piece,…….. igasdiae.s iguw ates tobiaie bree Plain Kurtahwér Satin,per yard, Kapirntr, formerly called Kapurdhir, do. …… Rehabs doe aden. sanbeaneansns 60% <9 emeattes Tafcilah, per piece,

ee ee ee

Ce ed eee e wee enoe

C. Cotton cloths. Khigah, per piece, …….sseeeeeeeees spdorenatis Chautar, do.

Tansak’h, dO…..cccccccccsvevacscenscsrers “Siri Qaf, do. ‘Gangajal, do. …..— Pre er eer ee ey . Bhiraun, do.

Sahan, da.

Thenaly doce fetes wee hesusa seu ers eases

Atan, Os ese ee Sheet tie arate daha jee e er eenece

eee eee eee errors reereseerrrearerree

wee eter ere ree rs eereeroertorer ree

Pr ee 2 dd

Mahmiidl, do. …………sccecsessecenecees Panchtéliyah, do. Tholah, do. oo… ccc eee cece eee eee cence Salt, per plece, oc. cece cece scence eee eeees

a ar ee

5 R. to 2 AL. 1 R. to 6 R. 1 to 3 JZ.

14 RB. to 2 M. “+tol A

to 2 £. 4d.to} R. +R. to2 R. 6 R. to 2 aT. 6 &. to 2 MW. 2 R. to 14 W. 4tof R&R.

4 to 1 AW. is to4 BR. 4$to2 R. 4to1 2B. $to1 BR.

• to 2 BR.

7 to 12 R.

3 R&. to 15 AL. 2h. to 9 ML. 4 R. ; 4h. toh I. 2h. tod 4R#. tod 4R.to4 1to 3

1k.to1X

2k R. to 1 Hf.

1to 5 I.

3 to 24 AL.

‘32. to 2M.

Changing silk. , 2 A stuff made of silk and wool. * ® Generally translated by linen. All ‘Dictionaries agree that it is exceedingly thin, so much so that it tears when the

moon shines on it; it is Muslin. Properly, woven ; hence taffeta.

• Now-a-days chiefly made in Berham- pore and Patna: vulgo, tessa,

Diriyah, per plete, oc coe sas cid was hasoe es 6 R. to 2 AL. Bahédur Shahi, do… …. 6… eee eee eee 6 Rio 2 iH. Garbah Siti, do… 6… ccc cece eee eee ees .. sto 2K Shélah, from the Dek’han, do. ……..-…–.- $ to 2 i. Mihrkul, do… . ce cece eee cee eter eene 3 R. to 2 AL BUM 0. oss ces ateue sca tear enn. SOLE Sarband, do……. ccc c ccc cece eee eseeeeeneee 4to2 Danattah, do. asavieues-asacnineeeniawtotene 1K. to 1 U. Katdnchah, do. ……..ccce eee eee cece sees 1R.to1 Fautah, 5 Cs Ee ee ee $to6 ZR. Goshpéch;: do; esc spak donk caehuaceeiaven gece V. «1 to2R. Chhint, per yard, oc ccccccyevcccrecccveseceees 2d.to1 R. Gazinah, per piece, …ccseeeccccccceees weet. FtolZ R. Silthati, per yard, oo… cece cece eee eee e ees 2 to 4d.

D. Woollen stuffs. Scarlet Broadcloth, from Turkey, Europe’, and

• Portugal, per yard, oo. ce eevee cececeneecenes Do., from Négér and Lahr, per piece, ……6.5, 2 R. tol AL QGafi Murabba’, do. …..– 6. cece eee eee eee 4to 15 I. Gufi…… 9 Oe seca Saye esassrajattev abl sigcaceinestecerate 3 R. to 11 aL ~ Parmnmarm, do. …. cece cece eee e cece cee eees 2 R. to 20 AL Chirah i Parmnarm, do………… cece eecees 2 R. to 25 AL Fautah, do………. Merete giaseaewtwee “ate aL Jémahwar i Parmnarm, do. ……. vesceceeees $tO4 HL Goshpéch, do. ………000085 Wiehe tiaave alee: s “14 BR. to 15 a Barpech; dol: “aviosaweerniees ead ieeteewewe 4to4 i. BQUr, dO cinieig’s 5p siniea eh siawanig Swen weed sis ce 7 R. to 24 BL. Parmgarm, do. …. cece cece cece cece ee ve eae 3 RK. to 23 AL WR AtAS Os, ech ba AY eels tes Saadeh esta ete eam 23 KR. to 10 UW. Phik, POP PUECE, vec cevvevveeceesscaes Tecate 24 to 15 R. Durmah, Os: av Sialh a ervdusreais asta 44 SA eee acai 2R.to4 a. Pat dO ia the cate dae anga wes pacer’ 1 to 10 R. ~~

23 R. to 4

2 The articles imported from Ev- rope were chiefly broadcloth; musical instruments, 2s trumpets; pictures; Curiosities (vide Badaoni II, p. 290,

1. 2 from below; p. 338, 1 7.) and, since 1600, tobacco. Of the names of’cloths mentioned by Abulfazl, several are no longer known, as native weavers cannot compete with the English Long- cloth and the cheap Buropean Muslins, Alpaceas, Chintzcs, and Mohairs, which are now-a-days in common use with the natives all over the East. At the time of the Moguls, and before, the use of

woollen stuffs and, for the poorer classes, blankets, was much more general than now. Even the light caps generally worn by Muhammadans in this country, called in Hind. tépé, and in Persian takhfifuh (vide Bahar i ‘Ajam) are mostly imported from England. I am not aware that the soldiers of the armies of the Moguls were uniformly dressed, though it appears

• that the commanders of tho contingents

at least looked to uniformity in the caps

and turbans. ne 2 ‘The MSS. have an unintelligible word.

Rewkér, per piece, .. 6. c cece eee cece eee e eens 2R. to 1 M. MiGEl, Owe was Betis heb Ra dle SAG ts MOLE OSes 5 to 50 RB. Burd i Vamiant, dos i.240i ode ese sesessesdes 5 to 35 BR. Manji.(?) namad, do. i.c0e cess sie Ooo sense os 2R.to1 i. Kanpak(?) namad, do. …..-..40+- easeratees ee «2K PI Takyahnamad, from Kabul and Persia, …….. * Do., country made, do. ……. ccc cee cee cece 14 to 5 BR. MAOIs (CO: Ashe se vies Beau era nice. Beno kod Geen stt an 8 Soass Oiaseta-e Bis 14 d. to 4 RB. Blankets, do… .. ck. ec ccc eee cece eeesecce 10d.to2R. , Kashmirian Caps, do. ……..cccccccccccccees 2da.to1 R. AIN 33.

ON THE NATURE OF COLOURS.

White and black, are believed to be. the origin of all colours. They are looked upon as extremes, and as the component parts of the other colours. Thus white when mixed in large proportions with an impure black, will yield yellow ; and white and black, in equal proportions, will give red. White mixed with a large quantity of black, will give a bluish green. Other colours may be formed by compounding these. Besides, it must be borne in mind that cold makes a juicy: body white, and a dry body black ; and heat renders that which is fresh black, and white that which js dry. These two powers (heat and cold) produce, each in its place, a change in the colour ia body, because bodies are both gabil, ¢. ¢., capable of being acted upon, ‘and mugtaza, 7. e., subject to the influence of fis heavenly bodies (chiefly ihe sun), the active origin of heat.

AIN 34. ‘THE ARTS OF WRITING AND PAINTING.

What we call form leads us to recognize a body ; the body itself leads us to what we call @ notion, an idea. Thus on seeing the form of 2 letter, we recognize the letter, or a word, and this again will lead us to’ some idea. Similarly in th case of what people term @ picture. But though itis true that painters, ‘especially those of Europe, succeed in drawing figures expressive of the conceptions which the artist has of any of the mental

cy

Be Soe nae ek eee

• Th Priop is not given in the text. ;

@7

states, so much so, that people may mistake a picture for a reality: yet pictures are much inferior to the written letter, inasmuch aa the letter may embody the wisdom of bygone ages, and become a means to intellectual progress. *

I shall first say something about the art of writing, as it is the more important of the two arts. His Majesty pays much attention to both, and is an excellent judge of form and thought. And indeed, in the eyes of the friends of true beauty, a letter is the source from which the light confined within it beams forth; and in the opinion of the far-sighted, it is the world- reflecting cup? in the abstract. The-letter, a magical power, is spiritual geometry emanating from the pen of invention; a heavenly writ from the hand of fate ; it contains the secret of the word, and is the tongue of the hand. The spoken word goes to the hearts of such as are present to hear it; the - letter gives wisdom to those that are near and far. If it was not for the letter, the spoken word would soon dia, and no keepsake would be left us of those that are gone by. Superficial observers see in the letter a sooty figure ; but the deepsighted, a lamp of wisdom. The written letter looks black, notwithstanding the thousand rays within it; or, it is a light with a mole on it that wards off the evil eye.* A lettor is the portrait painter of wisdom ; a rough sketch from the realm of ideas; a dark night ushering in day ; a black cloud pregnant with knowledge; the wand for the treasures of insight ; speaking, though dumb ; stationary, and yet travelling ; stretched on the sheet, and yet soaring upwards.

When a ray of God’s knowledge falls on man’s soul, it’is carried by the mind to the realm of thought, which is the intermediate station between that which is conscious of individual existence (mujarrad) and that which is material (maddt). The result’ is a concrete thing mixed with the absolute, or an absolute thing mixed with that which is concrete. This compound steps forward on man’s tongue, and enters, with the assistance of the conveying air, into the windows of the ears of others. It then drops the burden of its conprete component, and returns as a single ray, to its old place, the realm of thought. But the heavenly traveller occasionally gives his course

a different direction by means of man’s fingers, and having passed along ’ re

» Khilgé (from ckhilgat) referring to the cheek of his sweetheart, Hafiz would

states of the mind natural to us, as bone- make a present of Samargand and Buk-

volence, wrath, &c, These, Abulfazl says, a haré. Other pocts rejoice to see at least

painter may succeed in representing ; but one black spot on the beautiful face of the

the power of writing is greater. beloved who, without such an amulet, ? The fabulous cup of king Jamnshcd, would be subject to the influence of the

which revealed the secrets of the seven ‘| ey}} eye. ;

heavens. * The spoken word, the idea expressed

. . tad ® Human beauty is imperfect unless + “by a sound, accompanied by a mole. For the mole on

12

9

the continent of the pen and crossed the ocean of the ink, alights on the _pleasant expanse of the page, and returns through the eye of the reader to its wonted habitation. As the ‘letter is a representation of an articulate sound, I think it necessary to give some information regarding the latter. - The sound of a letter is a mode of existence depending on the nature of the air. By gara’ we mean the striking together of two hard substances ; and by gala’, the separation of the same. In both cases the intermediate air, like a wave, is set in motion; and thus the state is produced which we call sound. Some philosophers take sound to be the secondary effect, and define it as the ait set in motion ; but others look upon it asthe primary effect, ¢. ¢., ‘they define sound to be the very gara’, or the gala’, of any hard substances. Sound may be accompanied by modifying circumstances: ‘it may be piano, deep, nasal, or guttural, as when the throat is affected by a cold. Again, from’ the nature of the organ with which man utters a sound, and the manner in which the particles of the air are divided, another modifying circumstance may. arise, as when two piano, two deep, two nasal, or two guttural sounds separate from each other. Some, as Abi ‘Ali Sin4, call this modifying element (’ériz) the sound of the letter ; others define it as the original state — of the sound thus modified (ma’risz) ; but the far-sighted define an articulate sound as the union of the modifying element and the original state modified. This is evidently the correct view. . There are fifty-two articulate sounds in Hindi, sq and so many’ in Greek, and eighteen in Persian. In Arabic, there are twenty-eight letters represent) by cighteen signs, or by only fifteen, when we count the joined letters, and if we take the ZZamzah as one with the Alif. The reason for writing an Alf and a Lam, (¥) separately at the end of the single letters in the Arabic Alphabet, is merely to give an example of a sdkin letter, which must necessarily be joined to another letter; and the reason why the letter Jém is preferred?

’ Abul Faz] has forgotten to‘put in the number. He counts eighteen letters, or rather signs, in Persian, because z, ¢, and @, have the same fundamental sign.

2 Or rather, the alif was preferred to the wdw or yd, because these two letters may be either sdkin or mutaharrik. But the custom has become established to call the alif, when mutaharrik, hamzah ; and to call the alif, when sfkin, merely alif. ’Abdulwesi’, of Hdnsah, in his ex- eellent Persian Grammar, entitled Ztisd- lah i’ Abdulwési’, which is read all over India, says that the Zdém-alif has the meaning of not, 2. e. ‘do mot read this compound @dm-alif, but pass over it,

when you say the Alphabet : look upon it as a mere example of a sikin letter.’

The term hamzah, as used here in native schools, is carefully distinguished from the terms Shakli Hamzah and Markizi Hamzah. Shakti Hamzah is the small sign consisting of a semicircle, one extremity of which stands upon a straight line slightly slanting. Aarkiz z Hamzah is either of the letters alif, wd, or yd, but chiefly the latter, when accom- pguied by the Shakli Hamzah. Hamzah is a general term for either of the three letters alif, wdw, yd, when accompanicd by the Shakl i Llamzah. In_uropean grammars, the chapter on the Hamzah is

@

as an oxample, is because the letter Zém is the middle letter of the word alif, and tho lettor aif the middle letter of the word Jam.

The vowel-signs did not exist in ancient times, instead of which letters wore dotted with a different kind of ink; this a red dot placed over a letter oxpressed that the letter was followed by an a; a red dot in front of the lotter signified au; and a red dot below a lettor, an #. It was Khalil ibn i

_ Ahmad,’ the famous inventor of the Metrical Art of the Arabians, who fixed the forms of the vowel-signs as they are now in use.

The beauty of a lotter and its proportions depend much on personal taste; hence itis that nearly every people has a separate alphabet. Thus we find an Indian, Syriac, Greek, Hebrew, Coptic, Ma’gali, Kafi, Kashmiri, _ Abyssinian, Raihainf, Arabic, Persian, Himyaritic, Berbery, Andalusian, Rih4n{, and several other ancient systems of writing. The invention of the Hebrew characters is traced in some poems to Adam i Hafthaziri ;? but some mention Jdris* as the inventor. Others, however, say that Idris perfected the Afa’galt character. According to several statements, the Kufic charactor was derived by the Khalifah ’Ali from the Ifa galt.

The difforence in the form of a letter in the several systems, lies in the proportion of straight and round strokes: thus the Kufie character

• consists of one-sixth curvature and five-sixths straight lines ; the e’gali has ’ ‘no curved lines at all; hence the inscriptions which are found on ancient buildings are mostly in this character.

In writing we have to remember that black and white look well, as these colowss best prevent ambiguities in reading.

In [rén and Tirdn, India, and Turkey, there are eight caligraphical systems’ current, of which each one is liked by some people. Six of them were derived, in A. H. 310, by Jbn ¢ Auglah from the Ma’gali and the Kific characters, viz., the Suls, Taugt’, Muhaggaq, Naskh, Rathdn, Rigd. Some add the Ghubdr, and say that this sevonth character had likowise been invented by him. The Naskh character is ascribed by many to Ydgit, a slave of the

his death, had reached the number seven

badly treated, because all explain the word Hamzah as the name of a sign.

Another peculiarity of Eutopean gram- mars is this, that in arranging the letters of the alphabet, the ww is placed after the 4é; here, in the East, the hé is invariably put before the yd.

• He is said to have been born A. H. 100, and died at Bacrah A. H. 175 or 190, He wrote several works on the seience which hevhad established, as also several buoks on the rhyme, lexiciographical com- pilations, &e.

2 ’Adam is called 2aft-hazdré, because the number of inhabitants on earth, at

thousand. A better explanation is given by Badiont (IL. p. 337, 1. 10), who puts the creation of Adam seven thousand years before his time. Vide the first Ain of the Third Book. ® Zdris, or Enoch,

• It is remarkable that, in the whole chapter, there is not the slightest allusion to the art of printing. Nor do Abulfazl’s letters, where nearly the whole of’ this Ain is repeated, contain a reference to printed books. “ The first book printed in India was the Doctrina Christiana of Giovanni Gonsalves, a lay brother of the order of the Jesuits, who, as far as I

1@

Khalifah Musta’cam Billh The Suls and the Naskh consist each of one-third? curved lines, and two-thirds straight lines; the former (the szls) is jalt,? whilst the latter (the naskh) is khaft. The Taug? and Rigd consist of three-fourths curved lines, and one-fourth straight lines; the former is jal?, the latter is khaft. The Muhagqqag and Rathén contain three-fourths straight lines ; the former, as in the preceding, is jali, and the Raihan shaft.

Among famous copyists I must mention ’Ali ibn i Hilél, better known under the name of Jén 7 Bawidb;* he wrote well the six characters. Yaqut brought them to perfection. Six of Y4qtt’s pupils are noticeable ; 1. Shaikh Ahmad, so well known under the name of Shaikhz4dah i Suhrwardi; 2. Arghin of Kabul; 3. Mauléné Yusuf Shah of Mashhad; 4. Maulana Mubarik Shah, styled Zarrin galam (the golden pen); 5. Haidar, called Gandahnawis (1. ¢., the writer of the jal) ; 6. Mir Yahya.

The following caligraphists are likewise well known: (ufi Nagrullah, also called Cadri Iraqi; Arqin ’Abdullah; Khajah ’Abdullah i Qairafi ; Ha4ji Muhammad; Mauléné ’Abdullah i Ashpaz; Mauléné Muhi of Shiraz; Mu’inuddin i Tandri; Shamsuddin i Khatéi; ’Abdurrahim i Khalili (?); Abdulhay; Maulana Ja’far* of Tabriz; Maulana Shéh of Mashhad ; Mauliné

Ma’rif* of Baghd4d; Maul4n4 Shamsuddin i Bayasanghur ; Mu’inuddin of

know, first cast Tamulic characters in the year 1577. After this appeared, in 1578, a book entitled Flos Sanctorum, which was followed (?) by the Tamulic Dictionary of Father Antonio de Proenza, “printed in 1679, at Ambalacate, on the coast of Malabar. From that period the Danish Missionaries at Tranquebar have printed many works, a catalogue of which may be found in Alberti Fabricii Salu- taris lux Evangelit.” Johnston’s trans- lation of Fra P. Da San Bartolomeo’s Voyage to the Kust Indies, p. 395. The Italian Original hag the same years: 1577, 1578, 1679.

• He was the last caliph, and reigned from 1242 to 1258, when he was put to death by Hulagt, grandson of Chingiz Khan :

2 Hence the name sels, or one-third. 8 Juli (1. €., clear) is a term used by copyists to express that letters are thick, and written with a pen fall of ink. Ghids— Khaft (hidden) is the epponite.

• bn Muglah, Ibn Bawwdb, and Vdgit, are the three oldest caligraphists mentioned in various histories. The following notes are chiefly extracted from Bakhtawar Khan’s Mir-dtul ’ Alam :-— ibn Muglah. or according to his full name, Abi ’Ali Muhammad ibn ij ’Ak

ibn i Hasan ibn i Muqlah, was the vizier of the Khalifahs Muqtadir billah, Algihir _ billah, and ArRazi billah, who reigned from A. D. 907 to 940. The last cut off Tbn i Mugqlah’s right hand. He died in prison, A. H. 327, or A. D. 938-39.

Ibn + Bawwdb, or Abul Hasan ‘Alf ibn i Hilal, lived under the twenty-fifth Khalifah, Alqédir billah (A. D. 992-1030), the contemporary of Mahmud of Ghazni, and died A. H. 416, or A. D. 1025.

Yédqit, or Shaikh Jamaéluddin, was born at Baghdad, and was the Librarian of Musta’gam billah, the thirty-seventh and last Khalifuh, who imprisoned him some time on account of his Shi’ah tendencies. He survived the general slaughter (1258f"of Hulagi Khan, and died,at the age of one hundred and twenty, A. H. 697, or A. D. 1297, during the reign of Ghézin Khain, Hulagi’s great grandson. ar

5 He lived in the beginning of the fifteenth century, at the time of Mirzé Shahrukh, (1404-1447).

© A contemporary and rival of the great: poet Salmdn of Siwah (died 769). The name Ia’rif appears to have been common in Baghdad since the times of the famous saint Ma’ruf of Karkh (a part of Baghdad).

W1

Farah ; Abdulhag of Sabzwar; Maulking Ni’matullah i Bawwab; Khajagi Manin i Marwarfd, the inventor of variegated papers and sands for strewing on the paper; Sultan Ibrahim, son of Mirz4 Shahrukh ; Mauliné Muhammad Hokim Hafiz; Mauléné Mahmud Siy4ish; Maouléné Jaméluddin Husain ; Mauliné Pir Muhammad; Maulané Fazlulhag of Qazwin’.

A seventh kind of writing is called Z¢’lig, which has been derived from the Rigd and the Taug?. It contains very few straight lines, and was brought to perfection by Khajah T4j i Salméni,* who also wrote well the other six characters. Some say that he was the inventor.

• Of modern caligraphists I may mention: Mauléné ’Abdulhay, the Private Secretary* of Sultén Abi Sa’fd Mirz4, who wrote Zw’lig well ; Maulana Darwish ;* Amir Mangir ; Maulén4 Ibrahim of Astarébéd ; Khajah Ikhtiyar ;*

‘Munshi Jaméluddin; Muhammad of Qazwin; Mauléné Idris; Khajah Muhammad Husain Munshf; and Ashraf Khén,® the Private Secretary of His Majesty, who improved the Za’lig very much.

The eighth character which I have.to mention is the Wasta’lig: it consists entirely of round lines. They say that Mir ’Alf of Tabriz; a contemporary of Timur, derived it from the Naskh and the Ta’liq; but this . can scarcely be correct, because thore exist books in the Nasta’liq character, written before Timir’s time. Of Mir ’Alf’s pupils I may mention two :’ ‘Maulina Ja’far of Tabriz, and Maulana Azhar; and of other caligraphists in Te’liq, Maulané Muhammad of Aubah (near Herat), an excellent writer 3

Mauliné Barf of Herat ; and Mauland Sultén ’Ali® of Mashhad, who surpasses

The Maktubdt and the Afir-dt also mention Mullé Ab& Bakr, and Shaikh Mahmid.

? According to the Maktubat and several MSS., Sulaimdnt.

• In the original text, p. 114, 1. 6, by mistake, Maulan& ’Abdulhay and the Munshi of Sultan Abt Sa‘fd.

• Mauliné Darwish Muhammad was a friend of the famous Amir ’Alf Shér, the vizier of Sultan Husain Mirza, king of Khurfsin (A. D. 1470 to 1505), and the

atron of the poet Jami. Maulina Darwish entered afterwards the service of Shah Junaid i Cafawi, king of Persia, (A. D, 1499 to 1525). A biography of the Maulana may be found in the Madsix t Rahimi, p. 71.

• Khajab Ikhtiyay, the contemporary and successful rival of the preceding caligraphist. He was Private Sccrotary to Sultan ILusain Mirza.

° This is the title of Muhammad Acghar, & Sayyid from Mashhad—or according to the Tabaqtt i Akbari, from *Arabshibi. He served Humayun as

Mir Munshi, Mir ’Ar2i and Mir Mali. He accompanied Tardi Bég on_ his flight from Dihli, was imprisoned by Bairim, and had to go to Mecca. He rejoined Akbar, in A. H. 968, when Bairém had just fallen in disgrace, received in the following year the title of Ashraf Khan, and served under Munim Khan in Bengal. He died in the tenth year of Akbar’s reign, A. H. 973. In Abulfazl’s list of gvandees, in the second book, Ashraf Khan is quoted as a commander of two thousand. Badéoni mentions him among the contemporane- ous poets. Abul Muzaffar, Ashraf Khan’s son was, A. D, 1596, » commander of five hundred.

7 The Mir-dé mentions a third imme- diate pupil of Mir Ali, Mauldnd Khdjah Muhammad, and relates that he put Mir Ali’s name to his own writings, without giviug offence to his master.

® He also was a friend of Amir ‘Ali Shér, and died A. H. 910,during the reign of Sultén Husain Mirzi, mentioned in tho fourth note.

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them all. He imitated the writing of Maulana Azhar, though he did not learn from him personally. Six of his pupils are well known: Sultén Muhammad i Khandén ;* Sultén Muhammad Nir; Maulana ’Aléuddin? of Herat; Maulana Zainuddin (of Nishépar) ; Mauléna ’Abdi of Nishapir ; Muhammad Qasim Sh4édi Shéh, each of whom possessed some distinguishing qualities.

Besides these, there are a great number of other good caligraphists, who are famous for their skill in Nasta’liq; as Maulana Sultén ’Ali, of Qéyin ;? Maulaén4 Sultin ’AW of Mashhad ;* Mauliné Hijrani;° and aftor them the illustrious Maulén4 Mir ’Ali,* the pupil, as it appears, of Maulén4 Zainuddin. He brought his art to perfection by imitating the writing of Sultén ’Ali of Mashhad. The new method which he established, is.a proof of his genius; he has left many master-pieces. Some one asked him once what the difference was between his writing and that of the Maulin4. He. said, “I have brought his writing to perfection ; but yet, his method has a peculiar charm.” *

In conclusion I may mention :—Shih Mahmid’ of Nishépir ; Mahmid Is-haq; Shamsuddin of Kirmén; Mauliné Jamshéd, the riddle-wviter ; Sultan Husain of Khujand; Maulana ’Aishi; Ghidsuddin, tho gilder ; Maulén4 ’Abduggamad ; Maul4naé Malik; Maulén4 ’Abdulkarim ; Maulané Abdurrahim of Khérizm; Maulin4 Shaikh Muhammad; Maulén4 Shéh Mahmid i Zarringalam (or gold pen); Mauliné Muhammad Husain’ of Tabriz; Mauléné Hasan ’Ali of Mashhad; Mir Mu’izz of Kashan; Mirzé- Ibrahim of Igfah4n ; and several others who have devoted their lives to the improvement of the art.

His Majesty shews much regard to the art, and takes a great interest in the different systems of writing; hence the large numbor of skilful caligraphists. Nasta’liq has especially received a new impetus. The artist who, in the shadow of the throne of His Majesty, has become a master of caligraphy, is Muhammad Husain® of Kashmir. -He has been honoured

• He was called Khanddn, as he was always happy. He was a friend of Amir “Ali Shéx, and died A. H. 915.

2 Jn the Maktubdt, Alauddin Muham- mad of Herat.

® He was the instructor of Sultan Husain Mirza’s children, and died A. H. 914. Qdyin is a Persian town, S.E. of Khurasin, near the frontier of Afghanis. tan. It is spelt Ghayan on our maps.

• According to the Maktiubdt, Maula- n& Sultan ’An shér of Mashhad, which is evidently the correct reading.

5 A poet and friend of Amir’Alf Shér. He diced A. H. 921.

® Maulina Mir Ali, a Sayyid of ITerat, died A. H. 924. As a poet he is often

mentioned together with Mir Ahmad, son of Mir Khusrau of Dihli, and Bairam Khan, Akbar’s Khankhanan, as a master of Dakhl potiry. Dakhl, or entering, is the sZilful use which a poet makes of verses, or parts of verses, of another poet.

7 According to the Muktibdé and the Mir-dt, Shih Muhammad of Nishipir. Both mention another caligraphist, dé Sayyid Ahmad of Mashhad.

® ¥Ie was the teacher of the celebrated caligraphist ’Zmdd, whose biography will be found in the Mir-dt. Vide also the preface of Dr. Sprenger’s Gulistdén.

® He died A. FH. 1020, six years after Akbar’s death.

103 ’

with the title of Zarringalam, the gold pen. He surpassed his master Maulané ’Abdul-’Aziz ; his madddt andedawdir’ shew everywhere a proper proportion to each other, and art critics consider him equal to Mullé Mir *Ali. Of other renowned caligraphists of the present ago, I must mention Mauliné Baqir, the son of the illustrious Mullé Mir ’Ali; Muhammad Amin of Mashhad ; Mir Husain i Kulanki ; Mauléna Abdulhay ; Maulana Dauri? ;sx Maulané ’Abdwrahim ; Mir Abdullah; Nizdmi of Qazwin; ’Ali Chaman of Kashmir ; Nérullah Qisim Arsalan.

His Majesty’s library is divided into several parts: some of the books are kept within, and some without the Harem. Lach part of the Library is subdivided, according to the value of the books and the estimation in which the sciences are held of which the books treat. Prose books, poetical works, Hindi, Persian, Greek, Kashmirian, Arabic,* are all separately placed. In this order they are also inspected. Experienced people bring them daily and read them before His Majosty, who hears every book from the beginning to the end. At whatever page the readers daily stop, His Majesty makes with his own pen a sign, according to the number of the pages; and rewards the readers with presents of cash, either in gold or silver, according to the number of leaves read out by them. Among books of renown, there are fow that are not read in His Majesty’s assembly hall ; ‘and there aro no historical facts of the past ages, or curiosities of science, or interesting points of philosophy, with which His Majesty, a leader of impartial sages, is unacquainted. He does not get tired of hearing a book over again, but listens to the reading of it with more interest. The Akhlaq i Nacini, the Kimiyé i Sa’édat, the Qébisnimah, the works of Sharaf of| Munair (vide p. 48), the Gulistén, the Hadiqah of Hakim Sanii, the Masnawi of Ma’nawi, the Jam i Jam, the Bustin, the Shihnémah, the

• By Aadddt, (extensions) caligra-

phists mean letters like w, «3; by dawdir (curvatures), letters like w, a Draw four horizontal lines at equal intervals ; call the spaces between them a, 6, ¢, of which a is the highest. Every letter which fills the space 4, is called a shishah ; a83,4,0,o. The diacritical pots ave immaterial. Every line above sis called a markiz; every line below b, t. e. ine, a ddman, Thus S consists ofa shéshah anda markiz; (» of a shé- shah ahd adiman. The knob of a e> 3, or (3, is called Lallah, head. Thus js a Maddah, consisting of 9 kallah, and adiman; so also ¢>@> The S con-

sists of a markiz and a daman.

In Grammar the word markiz means the same as shéshah in caligraphy ; thus 5, 4, consist of a markiz, and a shakl i hamzah .

By igldh caligraphists mean any addi- tional ornamental strokes, or refilling a written letter with ink (Hind. siydhé bharnd), or erasing (Hind. chhdna).

2 His name is Sultin Bayazid; he was born at Herat. Daur is his poetical name. Vide Badéoni’s list of poets (Vol. TIL of the Bib). Indica). Akbar bestowed on him the title of Kdtib ul mulk, the writer of the empire. His pupil was Khijah Muhammad Husain, an Ahad, (vide Badioni, IT, p. 394, where for LTbrdhim, im the Tavikh, read Bardhim).

5 Observe thatthe Arabic books ayo placed last.

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collected Masnawis of Shaikh’ Niz4mi, the works of Khusrau and Mauléné Jami, the Diwans of Khaqini, Anyri, and several works on History, are continually read opt to His Majesty. Philologists are constantly engaged ° in translating Hindi, Greek, Arabic, and Persian books, into other languages. Thus a part of the Zich i Jadid i Mirzai (vide [1rd book, Ain 1) was trahslated © under the superintendence of Amir Fathullah of Shiréz (ride p. 33), and also the Kishnjéshi, the Gang4dhar, the Mohesh Mahanand, from Hindi (Sanscrit) into Persian, according to the interpretation of the author of this book. The Mah&bhirat which belongs to the ancient books of Hindustan has likewise been translated, from Hindi into Persian, under the superintendence of Nagib Khan’, Maulana Abdul Qadir of Badéon,? and Shaikh Sultan of

T’hanésar.*

The book contains nearly one hundred thousand verses: His Majesty calls this ancient history Razmndmah, the book of Wars.

The same

? Regarding this renowned man, vide Abulfazl’s list of Grandees, IInd book, No. 161.

• Mulla ’Abdul Qadir, poetically styled Qddir?, was born A. H. 947 [or 949] at Badaon, a town near Dihli. He was thus two years older than Akbar. His father, whom he lost in 969, was called Shaikh Muliik Shah, and was a pupil of the Saint Béchi of Sambhal. Abdul Qédir, or Baddoni,as we generally call him, studied various sciences under the most renowned and pious men of his age, most of whom he enumerates in the beginning of the third volume of his Muntakhab. He excelled in Music, History, and Astronomy, and ‘was on account of his beautiful voice appointed Court Lmdm for Wednesdays. He had early been introduced to Akbar by Jalal Khin Qtirchi (vide List of Grandees, IInd book, No. 213). For forty years Badaoni lived in company with Shaikh Mubarik, and Faizi and Abulfazl, the Shaikh’s sons; but there was no sincere friendship between them, as Baddoni looked upon them as heretics. At the com- mand of Akbar, he translated the Ramd- yan (Baddont II, pp. 336, 366,) from the Sanscrit intoPersian, receiving for twenty- four thousand slékés150Ashratis and10,000 Tangahs ; and parts of the Mahabharat ; eXtructs from the History of Rashid; and the Bahr ul asinar, a eon on the Tfadis. A copy of another of his works, entitled Najdturrashid may be found among the Persian MSS. of the As. Soc. Bengal. His historical work, entitled A/untakhab- ut Tawdrikh, is much prized as written by an enemy of Akbar, whose character,

in its grandeur and its failings, is much more prominent than in the Adbarndmah, or the Labagdt i Akbari, or the Madsiri Rahimt. It is especially of value for the religious views of the emperor, and con- tains interesting biographies of most famous men and poets of Akbar’s time. The History ends with the beginning of A. H.1004, or eleven years before Akbar’s death, and we may conclude that Badaoni died soon after that year. The book was -j kept secret, and according to a statement in the Mir-dtul’dlam, it was made public during the reign of Jahangir, who shewed his displeasure by disbelieving the statement of Badioni’s children that they themselves had been unaware of the exis- tence of the book. The ‘Tuzuk i Jahin- giri unfortunately says nothing about this circumstance ; but Badfont’s work was certainly not known in A. H. 1025, the tenth year of Jahdngir’s reign, in which the Aadsir ¢ Rahimé was written, whose author complains of the want of a history beside the Tabaq4t, and the Akbarnémah. «

In point of style, Baddoni is much inferior to Bakhtawar Khan (Ifir-dtul *Alam) and Muhammad Kazim (the *Alamgirnéimah), but somewhat superior to his friend Mirz& NizAmuddin Ahmad of Hert, author of the Tabugdé, and to ‘Abdul Hamid of Lébér, author of the | Pddishdhndimah.

“Abdul Qadir of Badion must not be confounded with Maulind Qadirf, another learned man contemporancous with Akbar.

® Pide Badioni II, p. 118; and for Haji Ibréhim, III, p. 139.

i

10

»

0

learned men translated also into Persian the Ramfyan, likewise a book of ancient Hindustan, which contains th@life of Ram Chandra, but is full of interesting points of Philosophy. H4ji Ibrahim of Sarhind translated into Persian the A?’ harban* which, according to the Hindis, is one of the four divine

books.

The Lilawati, which is one of the most excellent works written by

Indian Mathematicians on Arithmetic, lost its Hindi veil, and received a Persian garb from the hand of my elder brother, Shaikh “Abdul Faiz i Faizi.* — At the command of His Majesty, Mukammal Khin of Gujrdt translated into Persian the Téjak, a well known work on. Astronomy. The Memoirs* of Bébar, the Conqueror of the world, which may be called a Code of practical wisdom, have been translated from Turkish into Persian by Mirzé

2 «Tn this year (A. H. 983, or A. D. 1575) a learned Brahmin, Shaikh Bhé- wan, had come from the Dek’han and turned Muhammadan, when His Majesty

ave me the order to translate the Avharban. Several of the religious pre- cepts of this book resemble the laws of the Islim. As in translating I found many difficult passages, which Shaikh Bhiwan could not interpret cither, I reported the circumstance to His Majesty, who ordered Shaikh Faizi, and then Haji Ibrihim, to translate it. The latter, though willing, did not write anything. Among the precepts of the At’harban, there is one which says that no man will be saved unless he read a certain passage. This passage contains many times the letter é, and resembles very much our Ld illahk allaliah. Besides, I found that a Hindu, under certain conditions, may eat cow flesh ; and another, that Hinds bury their dead, but do not burn them. With such passages the Shaikh used to defeat other Brahmins in argument; and they had in fact led him to embrace Islam. Let us praise God for his conversion !” Baddoni II. p. 212.

The translation of the Mahabharat was not quite a failure. “ For two nights, His Majesty himself translated some pas- sages of the Mahabharat, and told Naqib Khan to write down the general meaning in Persian ; the third night he associated me with Naqib Khan; and, after three or four months, two of the eighteen chapters of these uscless absurdities—enough to confound the cighteen worlds—were laid before His Majesty. But the emperor took exception to my translation, and called me a Hardnkhur and a turnip- eater, as if that was my share of the book. Another part was subsequently finished

14

by Nagib Khin and Mullé Shérf, and another part by Sultan Haji of T’hanésar ; then Shaikh Faizi was appointed, who wrote two chapters, prose and poetry; then the Haji wrote two other parts, adding a verbal translation of the parts that had been lett out. He thus gota hundred juz together, closely written, so exactly rendered, that even the accidental dirt of flies on the original was not left out; but he was soon atter driven from Court, and isnowinBhakkar. Other translators and interpreters, however, continue now- a-days the fight between Pandis and the Kurtis. May God Almighty protect those that are not engaged in this work, and accept their repentance, and hear the prayer of pardon of every one who does not hide his disgust, and whose heart rests in the Islam ; for ‘ He allows men to return to Him in repentance!’ This Razmnimah was illuminated, and repeatedly copied ; the grandees were ordered to make copies, and Abdul Fazl wrote an introduction to it of about two juz, &c.” Baddoni II. p- 302. <A copy of this. translation in two volumes, containing eighteen fans (wy) -s among the MSS. of the As. Soc, ot Bengal, No. 1329. One jus (£5) = sixteen pages quarto, or two sheets.

® This work has been printed. Abulfazl’s words Hindé veil are an allusion to Lila- wati’s sex.

3 Vide Tuzuk i Jahangiri, p. 417, The Wagiat i Timur were translated int) Persian, during the reign of Shahjahan, by Mir Abt Talib i Turbati. Pacshdh- ndmah If, p. 28%,. edit. Bibl, Indica. Conqueror of the world,” gétd sitdni, is Baber’s title. Regarding “the titles of the Mogul Emperors from Babar te Bahddur Shih, vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal for 1868, Part I. p. 39.

106 . ‘

Abdurrahim Khin, the present Khan Khénin (Commander-in-Chief). Tho History of Kashmir, which extendggpver the last four thousand years, has been translated from Kashmirian into Persian’ by Mauléné Shah Muhammad of Shahabéd. The dhe jam ul Buldén, an excellent work on towns and countries, has been translated from Arabic into Persian by several Arabic stholars, - as Mullaé Ahmad of That’hah, Qdsim Bég, Shaikh Munawwar, and others. The Haribans, a book containing the life of Krishna, was translated into Persian by Mauléné Sheri (Vide the poetical extracts-of the second book). By order of. His Majesty, the author of this volume composed a new version of the Kalflah Damnah, and published it under the title of “Aydx Dénish. The original is a master-piece of practical wisdom, but is full of rhetorical difficulties; and though Nacrullah i Mustaufi and Maulina Husain i Wa’iz had translated it into Persian, their style abounds in rare metaphors and difficult words. The Hindi story of the Love of Nal and Daman, which melts the heart of ‘feeling readers, has been metrically translated by my brother Shaikh Faizi i Fayyézi, in the masnawi metre of the Laifli Majnin, and is now everywhere known under the title of Nal Daman.*

As His Majesty has become acquainted with the treasure of history, he ordered several well informed writers to compose a work containing the events which have taken place in the seven zones for the last one thousand years. Naqib Khan, and several others, commenced this history. A very’ large portion was subsequently added by Mullé Ahmad of T’hat’hah, and the whole concluded by Ja’far Bég i Acgaf Khin. The introduction is composed by me. The work has the title of Zurikh ¢ Alf,’ the History of a thousand years.

“ During this year (A. H. 999, or A. D. 1590-91,) I received the order from His Majesty, to re-write, in an easy style, the History of Kashmir, which Mullé Shih Muhammad of Shahdbid, a very learncd man, had translated into Persian. I finished this undertaking in two months, when my work was put, into the Imperial Library, to be read out to His Majesty ‘jn its turn.” Baddoné, IT. p. 374.

2 Regarding the tragic end of this “heretic,” vide Badioni II. p. 364. Aotices regarding the other two men will be found in the third volume of Badioni.

2 Por ‘Iydri Ddnish. Such abbrevia- tions are common in é7éles.

4 « Faizi’s Naldaman (for Nal o Da- man contains about 4200 verses, and was composed, A. H. 1003, in the short space of five months. It was presented to Akbar with a few ashrajts as nazar, It

was put among the set of books read at Court, and Naqib Khan was appointed to read it out to His Majesty. It is, indeed, a masnawi, the like of which, for the last three hundred years, no poet of Hindustan, after Mir Khusrau of Dihli, has composedZ, Badédoni, IT. p. 396.

® In A. H. 1000, A. D. 1591-92, the belief appears to have been current among the Muhammadans that the Islam and the world were approaching their end. Various men arose, pretending to be Imdm Mahdi, who is to precede the reap- pearance of Christ on earth; and even Badaont’s belicf got doubtful on this point. Akbar’’s disciples saw in the com- mon rumour a happy omen for the pro- pagation of the Dini Lldhi. The Térikh 4 Alft was likewise to give prominence to this idea. : A

The ‘copy of the Zérikh 1 AUfi in

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The Art of Painting.

Drawing the likeness of anything igcalled tagicir. His Majesty, from his earliost youth, has shewn a great predilection for this art, and gives it every encouragement, as he looks upon it as a means, both of study and amusement. Hence the art flourishes, and many painters have obtained great reputation. The ‘works of all painters are weekly laid before His Majesty by the Daréghahs and the clerks; he then confers rewards according to excellence of workmanship, or increases the monthly salaries. Much progress was made in the commodities required by painters, and the correct prices of such articles were carefully ascertained. The mixture of colours has especially been improved. The pictures thus received a hitherto unknown finish. Most excellent painters are now to be found, and master-pieces, worthy of a Bihzéd,’ may be placed at the side of the wonderful works of the European painters who have attained world-wide fame. The minuteness in detail, the general finish, the boldness of execution, &c., now observed in pictures, are incomparable ; even inanimate objects look as if they had life. More than a hundred painters have become famous masters of the art, whilst the number of those who approdch perfection, or of those who aro middling, is very large. This is especially truco of the Hindus :” their pictures surpass our conceptions of thiugs. Few, indeed, in the whole world are found equal to them. ,

Among the forerunners on the high road of art I may mention :

1.’ Mir Sayyid ’Ali of Tabriz.* He learned the art from his father. From the time of ‘his introduction at Court, the ray of royal favour has shone upon him. He has made himself famous in his art, and has mot with much success.

2. Khajah Abduccgamad, styled Shirtngalam, or sweet pen. He comes from Shiréz. Though he had learnt the art befure he was made a grandcot of the Court, his perfection was mainly due to the wonderful effect of a look of His Majesty, which caused him to turn from that which is form to that which is spirit. Fyom the instruction they received, the Khajah’s pupils became masters.

the Library of the As. Soc. of Bengal (No. 19,) contains no preface, commences with the events subsequent to the death of the Prophet (8th June, 632), and ends abruptly with the reign of “Umar ibn i ‘Abdul Malik (A. H. 99, or A. D. 717-18). The years are reckoned from the death of the Prophet, not from the Hijrah. For further particulars yegarding this book, vide Badadoni, L1. p. 317.

2 « Bihzad was a famous painter, who lived at the Court of Shah Ismail i Gafa-

wi of Persia,” Sirdjullughdt.

® Compare with Abulthzl’s opinion, Elphinstone’s History of India, second edition, p. 174. ;

3 Better known as a poet under he name of Juddi. Vide the poctical ex- tracts of the second book. He jitumina- ted the Story of Amér Hamzuh, mon- tioned on the next page.

• He was a Chahdreadt. Vide tho list of grandees, in the second book, No. 206,

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3. Daswant’h. He is the son of a palkee-bearer. He devoted his whole life to the art, and used, from love to his profession, to draw and paint figures even:on walls. One day the eye of His Majesty fell on him ; his talent was discovered, and he himself handed over to the Khéjah. In a short time he surpassed all painters, and became the first masteMof the © age. Unfortunately the light of his talents was dimmed by the shadow of madness; he committed suicide. He-has left many master-pieces.

4. Baséwan. In back grounding, drawing of features, distribution of - colours, portrait painting, and several other branches, he is most excellent, so much so, that many critics prefer him to Daswant’h. *

The following painters have likewise attained fame: Kési, Lal, Mukund, Mushkin, Farrukh the Qulm4q (Calmuck), Madhu,* Jagan, Mohesh, K’hémkaran, Téré, Sanwlah, Haribans, Ram. It would take me too long to describe the excellencies of each. My intention is “to pluck a flower from every meadow, an ear from every sheaf.”

Ihave to notice that the observing of the figures of objects and the making of likenesses of them, which are often looked upon as an idle occupation, are, for a well regulated mind, a source of wisdom, and an antidote against the poison of ignorance. Bjgoted followers of the letter of the law are hostile to the art of painting ; but their eyes now see the truth. One day ata private party of friends, His Majesty, who had conferred on several the pleasure of drawing near him, remarked: ‘There are many: that hate painting ; but such men I dislike. It appears to me as if a painter had quite peculiar means of recognizing God; for a painter in sketching anything that has life, and in devising its limbs, one after the other, must come to feel that he cannot bestow individuality upon his work, and is thus forced to think of God, the Giver of -life, and will thus increase in knowledge.” ;

The number of master-pieces of painting increased with the encoutage- ment given to the art. Persian books, both prose and poetry, were ornamented with pictures, and a very lange number of paintings was thus collected. The Story of Hamzah was represented in+ twelve volumes, and clever painters made the most astonishing illustrations for no less than one thousand and four hundred passages of the story. The Chingiznéamah, the Zafarnémah,? this book, the Razmnimah, the Ram4yan, the Nal Daman, +41 Kalilah Damnah, the ’Ay4r Danish, &c., were all illustrated. His Majesty himself sat for his likeness, and also ordered to have the likenesses

• Mentioned inthe Madsiri Rahimt 2 A History of the House of Timi, (p. 753) as in the service of Abdurrahim by Sharafuddin of Yazd (died 1446), Khén Khanaén, Akbar’s Commander-in- Vide Morley’s Catalogue of Historical Chief. ‘ MSS., p. 94.

®

109

taken of all the grandees of the realm. An immense album was thus formed: those that have passed away, have received a new life, and those who are still alive, have immortality promised them.

In the same manner, as painters are encouraged, employment is held out to ornamental artists, gilders, line-drawers, and pagers.

‘Many Mansabdars, Ahadis, and other soldiors, hold appointments in this department. The pay of foot soldiers varies from 1200 to 600 ddms.

ATN 35. THE ARSENAL.

The order of the Household, the efficiency of the Army, and the welfare of the country, are intimately connected with the state of this department; hence His Majesty gives it every attention, and looks serutinizingly into its working order. He introduces all sorts of new methods, and studies their applicability to practical purposes. Thus a plated armour was brought before His Majesty, and set up as a target; but no bullet was so powerful as to make an impression on it. A sufficient nwmnber of such armours has*been made so as to supply whole armies. ‘His Majesty also looks into the prices of such as are sold in the bazars.

All weapons for the use of His Majesty have names, and a proper rank is assigned to them. Thus there are thirty swords, (Ahdgah swords) one of which is daily sent to His Majesty’s sleeping apartments. The old one is returned, and handed over to the servants outside the Harem, who keep it till its turn comes again. Forty,other swords are kept in readiness: they are called kotal swords. When the number of sidgah swords (in consequence of presents, &c.) has decreased to twelve, they supply new ones from the kotal swords. There, are also twelve Yakbandi/?)’, the turn of every one of which recurs after one week. Of Jdmdhars and K’hapwahs, there are forty of each. Their turn recurs every week; and each has thirty hotals, from which deficiencies are supplied as before. Besides, eight knives, tweity spears and barchhas are required monthly. Of eighty-six Bashhadi bows, ‘Bhadéyan bows, and twenty-four others, are returned monthly….* In the same manner a rank is assigned to each. i

‘Whenever His Majesty rides out, or at the time of the Bar?’ An or Levee, the sons of the Amirs, and other Mansabdirs and Ahadis, carry the

Qur in their hands and on their shoulders, ¢. ¢., every four of them carry four

4 [ doubt the correctness of the trans- - * The text has an unintelligible sen- lation. The word yakband? is not in the tence. Dictionaries. :

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quivers, four bows, four swords, four shields; and besides, thoy take up lances, spears, axes, pointed axes, piydz? war-clubs, sticks, bullet bows, pestles, and a footstool, all properly arranged. Several gitdrs’ of camels and mules are loaded with weapons and kept in readiness; and on travels, they use Bactrian camels, &c., for that purpose. At Court receptitns the ° Amirs and other people stand opposite the Qur, ready for any servico 3 and on the march, they follow behind it, with the exception of a few who are near His Majesty. Elephants in full trappings, camels, carriages, naqgirahs, flags, the kaukabahs, and other Imperial insignia, accompany the Qur, while eager macebearers superintend the march, assisted by the Mir- bakhsh{s. In hunting expeditions several swift runners are in attendance, and a few others are in charge of harnesses.

In order to shorten the trouble of making references, I,shall enumerate the weapons now in use in form of a table, and give pictures of some of them. ; , .

1. Swords (slightly bent), …… eudige aor $ R. to 15 Muhurs.

2. K’héndah (straight swords),………. 1 to 10 R.

3. Gupti ’Acé (a sword in a walking stick), © 2 to 20 R.

4, Jamd’har (a broad dagger), ………. $2. to 23 M. 5. Khanjar, …..scescsccssorseces woee $tO5 R.

6. K’hapwah, ……seeseeceneeeeeeees $ R. to 14 HL. 4, Jam K’hik,…….cecesceccecscsees FL to 15H.

7. Bank, ….. winkech ee end tualaniuucats . FR tol.

8. Jhanbwah, ..,…—++— Cia cseterie 4 R. to 1 M. 10, Katérah, …..s0.0ceenseeeoeneess .. *R. tol UL

9. Narsink Moth, ….. coecccecesersee FR. to 2 M.

10. Kaman (bows)….–ereeereeeeeeeeee 3 R.to 3 DL.

11. Takhsh Kaman, ….seeeeeeeeeeeees . 1to4d BR.

14, Nawak,……… cd WERE BIG 8 ere alre BOs +R. to1 M. 15. Arrows, per bundle, ….0++eeseeeeeees 4 to 30 R.

16. Quivers, ……. cece eee eeeeeeeeees EL tol UM. 175 Dad, ead cat Saving eweeeeiie wean. 250 OM

17. Tirbardér (Arrow drawers),? ….+++++s 4 to 23d. 19., Paikankash (Do.), s.cseeeceeceeeeees FtO3 BR.

18. Naizah (a lance),….+++++++- ayers .. 1$R. to 6H.

21. Barchhah,…..– Line veeetaw es woe. 2 Rto2 HW.

22. Sank,…..0- Soave g aseredcs tastcvscsesese $tO1ER. 1 Five camels are called a gitdr, in put on the backs of their mothers. Hind. gatér. A string of some length is 2 If this spelling be correct, it is the tied to the tail of ‘the front camel and is same -as the next (No. 19); but it may drawn through the nose holes of the next be tiv i pardar, an arrow with a feather

behind it, and soon. Young camels are at the bottom of the shaft, a barbed arrow.

23. Saint’… cc cee cece eee ees +to1 R.

24. Sélarah,…… Pees San ewes 10 d. to 2 R.

25. Gurz (a war club,) ………seeeeeeee Ft05 KR,

26. Shashpar (do.), …cs.ee0e ade ase 4B. to 3 IM.

27, Késtan (?)’ ………000 SY crate Aken Sac 1to3 R.

28. Tabar (a war ONO), waa inten ten eneds 32. to 2 0.

29. Piydzi (a club), ………eece eee eeee sto5 R.

30. Zaghnél (a pointed axc)…..++++ +++ . 3 Rto1

31. Chakar-Basdlah, ………000+0065 … LtOo6R

32. Tabar zéghndl,…….. cece ee eee eens l1to4R

33. Tarangalah, ……ceeeeeeseerereeees dto2R.

34, Kard (a knife) ….c cece eeeeeeeecees 2d.to1 I. 35. Gupti kérd, 26.00… ccc ee eee eeeees 3 R. to 14 AL. 36. Qamchi kard, …cccccceceecceeeeeeee 1 to 33 R.

37. Chaqt (a clasp knife) ………+eeeee 2d.to} R.

38. Kaman i Guréhah (bullet bow) …….. 2d, tol R.

39. Kamt’hah,………. Latawen tate Rae 5 d. to 8 R.

40. Tufak i dahén (a tube; Germ. Blasorohr) 10 d. to} R.

41. Pushtkhar,* …..cccee eens Siete date lave - 2d4.to2 R.

42. Shagtdw6éz, 9 cccccccccceecccccaccs «.. 2d.to1R 48, Girthkushé, …ccccceeeeeesesesesees Ld tOF R 44, Khari Mahi,………….ec..eeeeeee LtOSR

43. Gobhan (a sling) ……..eeeeeeeseeee LF MtORR.

44. Gajbig, ….cceecescceuser@evceseee LtO5 RK.

45. Sipar (a shield), ………..se0000… 1t050R. 43; Dhl) oii cn06ece ieatwideawsetenn’ puesta #at

46. K’hérah, ……++- Neb eeme ean B58 1 Rf. to 4 BO; BARU ecaacondatdiese Secakdcbacnte 2 1 R.to1 M.

47. Udanah, ….. eae Wehentacone os ito 5 R.

48. Dubulghah, …….. 0s eee cece ee eee 4B. to 33 OC. (63. TROD, oo. cece cette tec eee e eee 1to4 BR.

49. Girth Kuldh,……ccc eee eeecceeeeees 1to5 BR.

50. Ghug’huwah, ….. n85 SE eRe mena » 1R.to2 aL By sd MIDAS ss aie we yeeaveea bik ea tas sic 20 R. 30 A. This name is doubtful. The MSS. can hook anything. In Vullers’ Persian give all Vide my Dicty. LL. p. 426, b, read biz tor panir (/).

Text edition, p. 121,

8)ve no information.

sorts of penn oH . 1. The Dictionaries an armour.

• This word is used in a general sense, It iseither Zurhish, or &

7 Vide Journal As. Society, Bengal, for 1868, p. 61.

® A weapon resembling the following. The word Shagtdwéz, or more correctly Shastdwés, means a thing by aa you

corruption of the Arab. jedbah. The form jatbd is occasionally met with ; but jabah, xs given by Vullers I, p. 508 4. is wrong, and against the metre of bis quotation. :

13 R. to 100 AL.

BY TEE aothecd tel OO - 58 Bagtar, gata lave teva Wiel ete laawreee. See G08, eg ae ere 4R. to 12 M. 59. Jéshan, a… eee eer eerste 4R.to9 M. 50. Char Ainah, …—+seeeerereeee veoee 2QRtOTM G1. Kothhi, …-..ece ccs eere cer esseceees 5kRtos mM * 62. Cadigi, …–ceeceereeeeeestersseees 8 R. to 8 IL. 68. Angirk’hah, …..+-++s+eeeeteeee eee 14 BR. to 5 UM. 64. Bhanju, …-… eee eee cee eee ce eeees 3 R. to 2 ar 65. Chihrahzirih i Ahani, ………..0-26. 142. to1 0. 66. Salhqabé, ……. cece ee eee cece eee 5 R. to 8 AL.

¥ 67. Chihilqad, …………. iets abstlas 5 to 25 R. 68… Dastwanahy o6.,.53.84.820ei5e 08 e0e8e ees 14 R. to2 M. 69, Ral? 2. vapssawite lv onseuldvwndseds 1 &. to 10 Mf. 70. Kant’hah sobhé,? ……….eeeeeeeeee 1 to 10 R. 71x Métal d Aang oy us knee eae eters 4to 10 R, 42, WOM 5 ney enh ease eee t dae ten -. 50 to 300 R. 73. Artak (the quilt) i Kajém, ……..-… 4R.io 7 M. 44, Qaphgihy 53.540) ca deeees Sha veeue seas 1 2B. to 23 AL. 75. Gardani,*? ….. Re ranye scsiedie ta wee LRtol 76. Matchlocks,……. 0… c eee cee renee 4 R&R. to 1 MM. 77. Ban (rockets),…… Letina etaneuepawes Oe bout J

AIW 36. ON GUNS:

Guns are wonderful locks for protecting the august edifice of the state; and befitting keys for the door of conquest. With the exception of Turkey, there is perhaps no country which in its guns has more means of securing the: government than this. There are now-a-days guns made of such a size that the ball weighs 12 mans; several elephants and a thousand cattle are required towtransport one. His Majesty looks upon the care bestowed on tho efficiency of this branch as one of the higher objects of a king, and therefore devotes to it much of his time. Déroghahs and . clever clerks aro appointed, to keep the whole ‘in proper working order.

His Majesty has made several invontions, which have astonished the whole world. Tie mado a gun which, on marches, can easily be taken to

• According to some MSS. rdg. * A round shield-like plate of iron 2 The figure represents a long spear ; attached tothe neck of the horse and but the etymology, as also its position in hanging down so as to protect the chest the list of weapons, shews that it must be of the animal. . ;

a part of the armour, @ nech-picce.

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Pieces, and properly put again together when required. By another invention, His Majesty joins seventeen guns in such a manner as to be able to fire them simultaneously with one match. Again, he made another kind of gun, which can easily be carried by a single elephant; such guns have the name of Gajndls. Guns which a single man may carry, are callod Warndls. |

The imperial guns are carefully distributed over the whole kingdom, and each Sibah has that kind which is fit for it. For the siege of fortresses and for naval engagements, His Majesty has separate guns made, which accompany his victorious armies on their marches. It is impossible to count every gun; besides clever workmen make continually new ones, especially Gajndls and Narndls.

Amirs and Ahadis are on staff employ in this branch. The pay of the foot varies from 100 to 400 d.

AIN 37. ON MATCHLOCKS, &c.

These are in particular favour with His Majesty, who stands unrivalled ‘in their manufacture, and as amarkman. Matchlocks are now made so strong, that they do not burst, though let off when filled to the top. Formerly they could not fill them to more than a quarter. Besides, they made them with the hammer and the anvil by flattening pieces of iron, and joining the flattened edges of both sides. Some left them, from foresight, on one edge open; but numerous accidents were the result, especially in the former kind. His Majesty has invented an excellent method of construction. They flatten iron, and twist it round obliquely in form of a roll, so that the folds get longer at every twist; then they join the folds, not edge to edge, butso as to allow them to lie one over the other, and heat them gradually in the fire. They also take ¢ylindrical pieces of iron, and pierce them when hot with an iron pin. Three or four of such pieces make one gun i or, in the case of smaller ones, two. Guns are often made of a length of two yards; those of a smaller kind are one and a quarter yards long, and go by the name of Damdnak. The gunstocks are differently made. From the practical knowledge of His Majesty, guns are now made in such a manner that they can be fired off, without a match, by a slight movement of the cock. Bullets are also made, so as to cut like a sword. Through the assistanco of the inventive genius of His Majesty, there are now many masters to be found

among gunmakers; e. g., Ustad Kabir, and Husain.

Iron, when heated, loses about one-half of its volume. 15

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‘When a barrel is completed lengthways, before the transverse bot- tom piece is fixed to it, they engrave on it the quantity of its iron and the length, b oth being expressed in numerals. A barrel thus far finished, is called Daul. In this imperfect state they are sent to His Majesty, and delivered, in proper order, at the Harem, to which place they are also brought“for…..* At the same time, the weight of the ball is fixed, and the order is given for the transverse section of the matchlock. For long guns the weight of a ball does not exceed twenty-five ¢dnxks, and for smaller ones, fifteen. But balls of the former weight no one but His Majesty? would dare to fire. When the barrels are polished, they are again sent to the Harem, and preserved in proper order. They are afterwards taken out, and closed by the order of His Majesty with a transverse bottom piece. Having been put to an old stock, they are filled to one-third of the barrel with powder, and fired off. If no tardwish® takes place, and the trial is satisfactory, they take the barrels again to His Majesty, who gives the order to finish the mouth pieco ofthe barrel. After this the gun is again placed on the stock, and subjected to a trial. If the ball issues in a crooked line, the barrel is heated, and straightened by means of a rod introduced into it, and, in the presence of His Majesty, handed over to a filer. He adorns the outside of the barrel in various ‘ways, according to orders, when it is taken to the Harem. The wood and the shape of the stock aré then determined on. Several things are marked on every matchlock, ws., the weight of the raw and the manufactured iron, the former marks being now removed; the place where the iron is taken from; the workman; the place where the gun is made; the date; its number. Sometimes without reference to a proper order, one of the unfinished barrels is selected, and completed at His Majesty’s command. It is then entered in another place; the transverse bottom piece is fixed ; and the order is given to make the cock, the ramrod, the pargaz,* $e. As soon asall these things have been completed, a new trial is ordered ; and when it succeeds, they send in the gun, and deliver jt a third time at the Harem. In this state the gun is called sddah (plain). Five bullets are sent along with it. His Majesty, aftér trying it in the manner above described, returns it with the fifth bullet. The order for the colour of the barrel and the stock is now given; one of the nine kinds of colour is selected for the stock. Guns also differ in the quantity of inlaid gold

2 The text has an unintelligible word; , °° © Zardwish means @ trickling; the the variantes lectiones are marked on particular meaning which it here has, is 125 of my text edition, Note (13). unclear and not given in the Dictionaries. The Banéras MS. has w3y3. The word * Pargaz, or Purgaz, may mean the appears to be a foreign term. groove into which the ramrod is put, or ® Akbar was remarkable for bodily theramrod itself. The word is not in the

strength. Vide Tuzuk i Jahingiri, p. 16, Dicts., and appears to be unknown at the present day.

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and enamel ; the colour of the barrel is uniform. A gun thus far completed is valled rangin (coloured). It is now, as before, handed over together with five bullets; His Majesty makes four trials, and returns it with the last ball. When ten of such guns are ready, His Majesty orders to inlay the mouth of the barrel and the butt end with gold. They are then again sent for trial into the Harem, and whenever ten are quite complete, they are handed over to the slaves.

.

AIN 38. THE MANNER OF CLEANING GUNS.

Formerly a strong man had to work a long time with iron instruments, in order to clean matchlocks. His Majesty, from his practical knowledge, has invented a wheel, by the motion of which sixteen barrels may be cleaned in avery short time. The wheel is turned by acow. The plate will best show what sort of a machine it is. :

AIN 39, THE RANKS OF THE GUNS.

The Imperial Arsenal contains manufactured, purchased, and presented, guns. ach of them is either long, or short ; and these are again subdivided into sddah (plain), rangin, (coloured), and koftkér (hammered) guns. His Majesty has selected, out of several thousand guns, one hundred and five as khdcah, 1. ¢., for his special use. First, twelve in honour of the twelve months ; each of them is brought back in its tum after. eleven months. Secondly, thirty for every week ; after every seven days one goes out, and another is brought. Thirdly, thirty-two for the solar days ; one for every day. Fourthly, thirty-one kotals. Sometimes there are only twenty-eight. Whenever some of the former guns have been given away, kotals are brought, to ‘supply their places. The order of precedence is as followsg the guns for the month; the week; days; kotals; plain; coloured; koftkér, not handéd over to the slaves; koftk4r, handed over to the slaves; long ones, selected from peshkash presents, or from such as were bought ;*Damdnaks, selected from péshkasli, or from bought ones; such as have been chosen from selections of both. The one hundred and five khdcah guns are divided into seven parts ; every fifteen form a kiskk, or guard, and are always kept ready by the slaves. On Sundays, two are taken from the first; four from the second ; five from the third; four from the fourth. This order is also followed on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Wednesdays. On Thursdays, two are again taken from the first, and four from the second; four from the third; five from

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the fourth. On Fridays, one is taken from the first; five from the second ; four from the third; five from the fourth. So also for Saturdays. In order to supply the places of such Ahdgah guns as have been given away, five other classes have been determined on: half kotals, fourteen ; quarter kotals, seven ; one-eighth kotals, four; one-sixteenth kotals, two ; one-thirty second kotals, one. When kotal guns are given away, they bring half kotals ; similarly,the place of a gun, when given away, is taken by the next; and the place of the last is supplied by one selected from such as have been bought.

One hundred and one guns are continually kept in the Harem. Their order is as follows. On the first day of every solar month eleven guns are handed over to the servants of the Harem, one of each of the guns for the months, the weeks, the days, the kotals, the plain ones, the coloured ones, the koftkar not in charge of the slaves, the koftkér. in their charge, the selected long ones, the selected Damdnaks, the chosen ones of the selected ones. On the second day only the guus of the months (¢. e., ten) are handed over in the sfme order. For ten. days an equal number is sent to the Harem.

His Majesty practises often., When he has tried each gun, he commences from the beginning; and when each gun has been used four times, it is sent away and replaced by a new one of each kind. If guns have been left unused at the beginning of a new month, they are placed last, and the guns for the current month are put first.

An.order has also been given to the writers to write down the game killed by His Majesty with the particulars of the guns used. “Thus it was found that with ‘the gun, which has the name of Sangrdm, one thousand and nineteen animals have been killed. This gun is the first of His

Majesty’s private guns, and is used during the Furwardin month of the present era.

AIN 40. ON THE PAY OF THE MATCHLOCK BEARERS.

The pay of a Mérdahah* is of four grades, 300 dénis, 280 d., 270 d., 260 d. The pay of the others is of five grades. Each grade is again subdivided into three classes. First grada 250 d., 240d.,230d. Second grade, 220 d., 210 d., 200d. Third grade, 190 d., 180., d., 170d. Fourth grade, 160 a> 150 d., 140 d. Fifth grade, 130 d., 120 d., 110 d.

2 Aman placed over ten. The rank of the Mirdahah appears to have been the only nen-commissioned yank in the Mogul Armies. The lowest commissioned rank was that ofa Duhbdshi, which word, though of the same e¢ymological meaning,

differs in usage, and signifies a man in command of ten. The rank of a Dahba- shi was the lowest Mansabdar rank (vide the’ second book). Mirdahah is also used in the sense of a servant who looka after ten horses,

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AIN 41. THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANT STABLES.

This wonderful animal is in bulk and strength like a mountain ; and in courage and ferocity like a lion. It adds materially to the pomp of a king . and to the success of a conqueror; and is of the greatest use for the army. Experienced men of Hindustan put the value of a good elephant equal to five hundred horse; and they believe, that when guided by a few bold men armed with matchlocks, such an elephant alone is worth double that number. In vehemence on one side, and submissiveness to the reins on the other, the elephant is like an Arab, whilst in point of obedience and attentiveness to even the slightest signs, it resembles an intelligent human being. In restiveness when full-blooded, and in vindictiveness, it surpasses man. An elephant never hurts the female, though she be the cause of his captivity ; he never will fight with young elephants, nor does he think it proper to punish them. From a sense of gratitude, he does his keepers no harm, nor will he throw dust over his body, when he is mounted, though he often does so at other times. Once an elephant, during the rutting season, was fighting with another. When he was in the height of excitement, a small elephant came in his way: he kindly lifted up the small one with his trunk, set him aside, and then renewed the combat. Ifa male elephant breaks loose during the rutting season, in order to have his own way, few people have the courage to approach him; and some bold and experienced man will have to get on a female elephant, and try to get near him and tie a rope round his foot. Female elephants, when mourning the loss of a young one, will often-abstain from food and drink ; they sometimes even die from grief.

The elephant can be taught various feats. He learns to remember such melodies as can only be remembered by people acquainted with misic 3 he will move his limbs, to keep time, and exhibit his skill in ‘various ways. He will shoot off an arrow from a bow, discharge a matchlock, and will learn to pick up things that have been dropped, and hand them over to the keeper. Sometimes they get grain to eat wrapped up in hay ; this they hide in the side of their mouth, and give it back to the keeper, when they are alone with him.

The teats of a female clephant, and the womb, resemble ities of woman. Tho tongue is round like that of a parrot. The testicles are not visible. Elephants frequently with their trunks take wator out of their stomachs, and sprinkle themselves with it. Such water has no offonsive smell. They also take out of their stomach grass on the second day, without its having undergone any change.

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a

Tho price of an elephant varies from a lak’ to one hundred rupees ; elephants worth five thousand, and ten thousand rupees, are pretty common.

There are four kinds of elephants. 1. Bhaddar. It is well proportioned, has an erect head, a broad chest, large ears, a long tail, and is bold, and can bear fatigue. They take out of his forehead an excrescence resembling a large pearl, which they call in Hindi Gaj manik.? Many properties are ascribed to it. 2. Band. Itis black, has yellow eyes, a uniformly sized belly, a long penis, and is wild and ungovernable. 3. Mfirg. It has a whitish skin, with black spots; the colour of its eyes is 9 mixture of red, yellow, black, and white. 4. Mfr. It has a small head, and obeys readily. It gets frightened, when it thunders.

From a mixture of these four kinds are formed others of different names and properties. The colour of the skin of elephants is threefold: white, black, grey. Again, according to the threefold division of tho dispositions assigned by the Hindus to the mind, namely, saé benevolence, rg love of sensual enjoyment, and tam irascibility, which shall be further explained below,® elephants are divided into three classes. rst, such in which saé predominates. They are well proportioned, good looking, eat moderately, are very submissive, do not care for intercourse with the female, and live to avery old age. Secondly, such in whose disposition ra prevails. They are savage looking, and proud, bold, ungovernable, and voracious. Lastly, such as are full of tam. They are self-willed, destructive, and given to sleep 4nd voraciousness.

The time of gestation of the female is generally eighteen* lunar months, For three months the fluida germinalia intermix in the womb of the female ; when agitated, the mass looks like quicksilver. Towards the fifth month the fluida settle, and get gelatinous. In the seventh month, they get more solid, and draw to perfection towards the ninth month. In the eleventh, the outline of a body is visible; and in the twelfth, the veins, bones, hoofs, and

• During the reigns of Akbar’s succes- wish to have the time of gestation of the

sor, the price ofa well trained war elephant rose much higher. Vide Tuzuki Jahin- girf, p. 198. At the time of Shabjahan, the first white elephant was brought from Pégi, Pddishdhnamah, I. p. 267.

2 This excrescence is also called Gaj- mott, or elephants’ pearl. Forbes has, 080 Gyajmunih, and the Dalili Sdti, ep =” aj wati P).

8 In the fourth book of this work.

• The time is differently given. The emperor Jahangir says in his Memoirs

_ 130):—During this month, a female elephant in my stables gave birth before my own eyes. I had often expressed the

female elephant corvectly determined. It is now certain that a female birth takes place after sixteen, and a male birth after nineteen months [the emperor means evidently solar months] ; and the process is different from what it is with man, the foetus being born with the feet foremost. After giving birth, the female at oncecovers the young one with earth and dust, and continually caresses it, whilst the young

‘one sinks down every moment trying to

reach the teats of the mother.” Vide Lt. Johnstone’s remarks on the same subject, in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for May, 1868.

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hairs, make their appearance. In the thirteenth month, the genitalia become distinguishable, and in the fifteenth, the process of quickening comntences. If the female, during gestation, gets stronger, the fotus is sure to bea male; but if she gets weak, it is the sign of a female. During the sixteenth month, the formation becomes still more perfect, and the life of the footus becomes quite distinct. In the seventeenth month, there is every chance’ of a premature birth, on account of the efforts made by the fetus to move, till, in the eighteenth month, the young one is born.

According to others, the sperm gets solid in the first month; the eyes, ears, the nose, mouth, and tongue, are formed in the second; in the third month, the limbs make their appearance; in the fourth month, the foetus grows and gets strong; in the fifth, it commences to quicken ; in the sixth, it gets sense, which appears more marked during the seventh month ; in the eighth, there is some chance of a miscarriage ; during the ninth, tenth, and eleventh months, the foetus grows, and is born during the twelfth. It will be a male young one, if the greater part of the sperm came from the male ; and it will be a female young one, if the reverse isthe case. If the sperm of both the male and female is equal in quantity, the young one will be a herm- aphrodite. The male foetus lies towards the right side; the female towards the left ; a hermaphrodite in the middle.

Female elephants have often for twelve days a red discharge, after which gestation commences. During that period, they look startled, sprinkle themselves with water and earth, keep ears and tail upwards, and go rarely away from the male. They will rub themselves against the male, bend their heads below his tusks, smell at his urine and dung, and cannot bear to see another female near him. Sometimes, however, a female shews avorsion to intercourse with the male, and must be forced to copulate, when other fomale elephants, at hearing her noise, will come to her rescue.

In former times, people did not breed elephants, and thought it unlucky ; by the command of His Majesty, they now breed a very superior class of ele- phants, which has removed the old prejudice in the minds of men. A female elephant has generally one young one, but sometimes two. For five years the young ones content themselves with the milk’of the mother; after that period they commence to eat herbs. In this state they are called dd. When ten years old, they are named pit; when twenty years old, bikta; when thirty years old, kalbah. In fact the animal changes appearance every year, and then gotsa new name. When sixty years old, the elephant is fullgrown. The skull then looks like two halves of a ball, whilst the ears look like winnowing

1 The words of the text are ambiguous. month, the effort of the fetus to move They may also mean: In the seventeenth causes the female to sink down. ,

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fans. White eyes mixed with yellow, black, and red, are looked upon as a sign of excellence. The forehead must be flat without swellings or wrinkles. The trunk is the nose of tho animal, and is so long as to touch the-ground- With it, it takes up the food and puts it into the mouth ; similarly, it sucks up water with it, and then throws it into the stomach. It has eighteen tééth ; sixteen of them are inside the mouth, eight above and eight below, and two are the tusks outside, The latter are one and more yards long, round, shining, very strong, white, or sometimes reddish, and straight, the end slightly bent upwards. Some elephants have four tusks. With a view to usefulness as also to ornament, they cut off the top of the tusks, which grow again. With some elephants they have to cut the tusks annually; with others after two or three years ; but they do not like to cut them when an elephant is ten and eighty years old. An elephant is perfect when it is eight dast high, nine dast long, and ten dast round the belly, and along the back. Again, nine limbs ought to touch the ground, namely, the fore feet, the hind feet, the trunk, the tusks, the penis, the tail. White spots on the forehead are considered lucky, whilst a thick neck is looked upon as a sign of beauty. Long hairs on and about the ears point to good origin.

Some elephants rut in winter, some in summer, some in the rains. ° They are then very fierce, they pull down houses, throw down stone walls, and will lift up with their trunks a horse and and its rider. But elephants differ very much in the amount of fierceness and boldness.

When they are hot, a blackish discharge exudes from the soft parts

between the ears and the temples, which has a most offensive smell; it is sometimes whitish, mixed with red. They say that elephants have twelve holes in those soft parts, which likewise discharge the offensive fluid. The discharge is abundant in lively animals, but trickles drop by drop in slow ones. As soon as the discharge stops, the elephant gets fierce and looks grand; in this state he gets the name of Tufts or Sarhari. When the above discharge exudes from a place a little higher than the soft parts be- tween the ears and the temples, the elephant is called Singddhdl ; and when the fluid trickles from all three places, Zaljér. When hot, elephants get attached to particular living creatures, as men, or horses; but some elephants to any animal. So at least according to Hindu books.

The Bhaddar ruts in Libra and Scorpio; the Mand in spring; the Mirg

in Capricorn and Sagittarius; the Mer in any season. Elephant drivers

• Ghallah afshdn. This word, oorer ment with both hands, they throw up the 6

common, is not in our dictionaries.

js a flat piece of wicker work, from one totwo feet square. Three sides of the square are slightly bent upwards, They put grain on it, and seizing the instru-

grain, till the husks, stones, and all other refuse, collect near the side which is not bent upwards, when the refuse is removed with the hand. We use sieves for such

purposes,

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have a, drug which causes an artificial heat; but it often endangers the life of the beast. The noise of battle makes some superior elephants just as fierco as at the rutting season ; even a sudden start may have such an effect. Thus His Majesty’s elephant Gajmuktah ; he gets brisk, as soon as he hears the, sound of the Imperial drum, and gets the above mentioned discharge. This peculiar heat generally makes its first appearance, when elephants have reached the age of thirty ; sometimes, howevor, earlier, at an age of twenty- five. Sometimes the heat lasts for years, and some of the Imperial elephants have continucd for five years in an uninterrupted alacrity. But it is mostly male elephants that get hot. They then commence to throw up earth, and run after a female, or roll about in mud, and daub themselves all over with dirt. “When hot, they are very irritable, and yawn a great deal, though they sleep but little. At last, they even discontinue eating, and dislike the foot-chain ; they try to got loose, and behave noisily.

The elephant, like man, lives to an age of one hundred and twenty

• years.

The Hindi language has several words for an elephant, as hasti, gaj, pu, hat?hé, &e. Under the hands of an experienced keeper, it will much improve, so that its value, in a short time, may rise from one hundred to ten

thousand rupees. The Ilindus believe that the eight points of the earth are each guarded

by a heavenly being in the shape of an elephant; they have curious legends regarding them. Their names are as follows: 1. Airdate, in the East; 2. Pundarika, South-east ; 8. Béman, South; 4. Kumada, South-west; 5. Aryan, West; 6. Puhpadanta, North-west ; 7. Sdrbhabhima, North ; 8. Supratika, North-east. When occasions arise, people read incantations in their names, and address them in worship. They also think that every elephant in the world is the offspring of one of them. Thus, elephants of a white skin and white hairs are related to the first; elephants with a large head, and long hairs, of a fierce and bold temper, and eyelids far apart, belong to the second ; such asare ….*, good looking, black, and high in the back, are the offspring of the third ; if tall, ungovernable, quick in wndorstanding, short- haired, and with red and black eyes, they come from the fourth; if bright black, with one tusk longer than the other, with a white breast and belly, and long and thick fore-feet, from the fifth; if fearful, with prominent, veins, with a short hump and ears, and a long trunk, from the sixth; if thin-bellicd, rod-eyed, and with a long trunk, from the seventh ; and if of a combination of the preceding seven qualities, from the eighth.

a I A a a I a a a

• The MSS. have an unintelligible the correct reading, word. Perhaps khushsanj, graceful, is °

16

12

The Hindus also mako the following division into eight classes. 1. Ele- phants whose skin is not wrinkled, who are never sick, who are grand looking, do not run away from the battle-field, dislike meat, and preferclean food at pro- per times, are said to be Déw mizdj (of a divine temper). 2. Such as posgoss all the good qualities of elephants, and are quick in learning, moving about

_ the head, ears, trunk, forelegs, hind legs, and the tail, and do no one harm, except they be ordered to do so, are Gandharba mizdj (angelic). 3. If irritable, of good appetite, fond of being in water, they are Barhaman mizaj (of a brabminical temper). 4. Such as are very strong, in good condition, fond of fighting, ungovernable, are said to have the temper of a Jthetri, or warrior. 5. Those which are of a low stature, and forgetful, self-willed in their own work, and neglectful in that of their master, fond of unclean food, and spiteful towards other elephants, are Sidra mizdj. 6. Elephants which remain hot for along time, and are fond of playing tricks, or destructive, and lose the way, have the temper of a serpent. 7. Such as squint, and are slow to learn, or feign to be hot, have the temper of a Pishicha * (spectre). 8. Those which are violent, swift, and do men harm, and are fond of running about at night, have the qualities of a Rdchhas (demon).

The Hindus have written many books in explanation of these various tempers, as also many treatises on the diseases of the elophants, their causes and proper remedies.

Elephants are chiefly found in the Stbah’ of Agrah, in the forests of Bay4waén and Narwar’, a8 far as Bardr ; in the Sabah of [lahabas (Allahabad), in the confines of Pattah (?), and G’horég’hét, and Ratanpir, Nandanpir, Sargachh, and Bustar; and in the Sabah of Malwah, near Handiyah, Uchhod, Chandéri, Santwis, Bijigarh, Raisin, Hoshangdbid, Gadh, Hary4- gadh; in the Sibah of Bah4r, in the neighbourhood of Rahtés and Char Whand; and in tho Stibah of Bengal, in Oriss4, and Sitganw (Higli). The

elephants of Pattah (?) are the best. .

A herd of elephants is called in Hindi sahn. They vary in number ; sometimes a herd amounts to a thousand elophants. Wild elophants are very cautious. In wintor and summer, they select a proper place, and break down

2 Narwar, where Abul. Faz! was subse- quently murdered at the instigation of PrinceSalim (Jahangir), Long. 77° 5, Lat. 25° 89°; Grhorda’ hal, near Dinagepore, Long. 89° 17”, Lat. 25° 12’; Ratunpir

and 24° (Gwalidr). For Uchhod (o7421) the third book has Unchkhod (o7422%5!)- The Fort of Raht&s, the scene of Sher Shih’s first exploit, lies Long. 84°, Lat. 24° 38’. The name Padttah (S33) is

(Abul Faz] evidently means the one south~ east of Sarguchh) Long, 82°, Lat. 22° 145 Sargackh, Long. §3° 8’, Lat. 23° 8’; Bustar, Long. 81° 58’, Tat. 199 13’. The towns from _Handivah to Marydgaidh lie all between Long.78° and 79°, and Lat.21°

doubtful, each MS. having a different veading.

Wild clephants have now-a-days dis- Appeared in nearly all the places mentioned by Abulfazl.

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a whole forest near thoir sleeping place. For the sake of pleasure, or for food and drink, they often travel over great distances. On the journey one runs far in front of the others, like a sentinel; a young female is ‘gencrally selected for this purpose. When they go tosleep, they send out to the four Sides of the sleeping place pickots of four female elephants, which relieve each other.

Elephants will lift up their young ones, for three or four days after their birth, with their trunks, and put them on their backs, or lay them over their tusks. They also prepare medicines for the females whon they are sick or in labour pains, and crowd round about them. When some of them got caught, the female elephants break through tho nets, and pull down the elephant-drivers. And when a young elephant falls into a snare, they hide themselves in an ambush, go at night to the place where the young one is, set it at liberty, and trample the hunters to doath. Sometimes its mother slowly approaches alone, and frees it in some clever way. I have heard the following story from His Majosty.—‘ Once a wild young one had fallen into apit. As night had approachod, we did not-care to pull it out immediately, and left it; but when we came next morning near the place, we saw that some wild elophants had filled the pit with broken logs and grass, and thus pulled out the young one.” Again, “ Once a female olephant played us a trick. She feigned to be dead. We passed her, and went onwards; but when at night wo returned, we saw no trace left of her.”

There was once an elephant in the Imporial stables, named Ayds. For some reason, it had got offended with the driver, and was for ever watch- ing for an opportunity. Once at night, it found him asleep. It got hold of a long picce of wood, managod to pull off with it the man’s turban, seized him by his hair, and tore him asunder.

Many examples are on record of ‘the extraordinary cleverness of elephants; in some cases it is difficult to believe them.

Kings have always shewn a great predilection for this animal, and done every thing in thoir power to collect alarge numbor. Elephant-keepers aro much esteemed, and a proper rank is assigned to such as have a special knowledge of the animal. Wicked, low men see in an elephant a means of law- lessness; and unprincipled evildoers, with the help of this animal, carry on their nefarious trade. Hence kings of former times never succeeded in suppressing the rebellious, and were thus disappointed in their best intontions.’ But His Majesty, though overwhelmed with other important matters, has beon able, through God’s assistance and his numorous elephants, to check those low but haughty men; he teaches them to desire submission, and . bestows upon them, by wise laws, the blessings of peace.

His Majesty divided the lmperial elephants into sections, which ho

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put in charge of honest Déroghahs. Certain elephants were also declared khagah, +. e., appointed for tho exclusive use of His Majesty.

AIN 42. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE IMPERIAL ELEPHANTS.

His Majesty made a seven-fold division, based upon experience ;

1. Mast (full blood) ; 2. Shergir (tiger-seizing) ; 3. Sddah (plain) ; 4. Manjholah (middlemost) 3, 5 Karha; 6. Phandurkiya; 7. Mokal. The first class comprises young elephants, possessed of the péculiar heat which renders the animal so strong. The second class contains likewise young ones, which once or twice have given signs of perfection, and exhibit an uninterrupted alacrity. The third class comprehends useful elephants, which are nearly as good as the preceding. The fourth class contains elephants of a somewhat inferior value. Those of the fifth class are younger than those of the fourth. The elephants of the sixth class are smaller than those of the fifth. The last class contains all young ones still unfit for use.

Each class is divided into three subdivisions, viz., large sized, middle, young ones; the last class contains ten kinds. A certain quantity of food has been fixed for each class. ‘

AIN 43. THE FOOD ALLOWED TO THE ELEPHANTS.

Formorly the classification of the elephants was never’ attended to; hence in feeding them a large quantity of the stores was wasted. But when His Majesty, soon after lifting the veil,* commenced to care for the happiness of his subjects, this matter was properly inquired to, and wise regulatidns wore issued for guidance. 1. Mast elephants. Large ones get daily 2 mans 24 sere x, middle-sized, 2 m. 19 8.; small ones, 2m. 148. 2. Shergirs. Large ones, 2 m. 9 8.; middle-sized ones, 2 m. 4 s.; smal: ones, 1 m. 39 ¢. 8. Sddahs. Large ones, 1 m. 34 ¢.; middle-sized ones, 1 m. 29 s. ; small ones, 1m. 248. 4. Manjholahs. Large ones, 1m. 228.; middle-sized ones, 1 m. 20 s.; small ones, 1 m.18 8. 5. Karhas. Large ones, 1 m. 14 8.; middle- sized ones, 1 m. 9 8. ; small ones, 1 m.48. 6. P’handurkiyas. Large ones, 1 im. ; middle-sized ones, 86 s.; small ones, 326. 7. Mokals. Large ones, 26 3. ; middle-sized ones, 248; third class, 22 s.; fourth class, 20 s.; filth class,

2 The same phrase as on p. 13,1. 12. fell in disgrace, and Akbar assumed the It refers to the year 1560, when Bairain reins of the government,

125 :

18 s. ; sixth class, 16 s.; seventh class, 14 s.; eighth class, 12 s.; ninth class,

10 s.; tenth class, 8 s. Female elephants have been divided into four classes, ¢7z., large onos,

middle-sized ones, small ones, Mokals. The first two classes are divided into ,three; the third, into four; the fourth, into nine subdivisions.

1. Large ones. Big, 1 m. 22 s.; middling, 1 m. 18 s.; small ones, 1 m. 14 8.
2. Middle-sized ones. Big, 1 m. 10 s.; middling, 1m. 6s. ; small, 1m. 28. 8. Smal? ones. Big, 87 s.; middling, 32 s.; small, 27 s.; still smaller, 22s. 4. dlvkals. First class, 22 s.; second, 20 s. ; third, 18 s.; fourth, 16 s. ; fifth, 14 s.; sixth, 12 s. ; seventh, 10 s.; eighth, 8 s.; ninth, 6 s. :

AIN 44, THE SERVANTS OF THE ELEPHANT STABLES.

1. Afast elephants. There are five and a half’ servants for each, r7z., Jirst, a Mahdwat, who sits on the neck of the animal and directs its movements. He must be acquainted with its good and bad properties, and thus contribute to its usefulness. He gots 200 ddéms per month; but if the elephant be | Phutahar, @. ¢, wicked and addicted to pulling down the driver, he gets 220 d. Secondly, a Bhoi, who sits behind, upon the rump of the elephant, and assists in battle and in quickening the “speed of the animal ; -but he often performs the duties of the Mahdwat. His monthly pay is 110d. Thirdly, the Met’hs, of whom there are three and one-half, or, only three in case of small elephants.’ A met’h fetches fodder, and assists in caparisoning the elophant. Met’hs of all classes get on the march four dams daily, and at other

times, three and a half. 2. For every Shergir, there are five servants, v7z., a Mahiwat, at 180 d.; e

& Bhoi, at 103-d.; and three Met’hs as before. 3. For every Sddah, there are four and a half servants, v7z., a Mahawat,

at 160 d., a Bhoi at 90 d.; and two and a half Met’hs. 4. For every Jfanjholah, there are four servants; viz., a Mahdwat, at

140 d.; a Bhoi, at 80 d.; and two Met’hs. 6. For every Aarha, there are three and a half servants ; ¢¢s., a Mahawat

at 120 d., a Bhoi at 70 d.; and one and a half Met’hs. 6. For every P*handurkiya, there are two servants; vis., a Mahawat, at

100 d., and a Met’h. 7. For evory Mokal, there are likewise two servants ; ¢7z., a Mahdwat,

at 50 d., and a Met’h.

2 J.¢., either eleven servants for two | elephants, or the last was a boy.

—_

/

126

Female Elephants. 1. Large oncs have four servants, ¢7:., 2 Mahawat

, at 100 d.; a Bhoi, at 60 d.,two Met’hs. 2. Middle sized ones have three

and a half servants; vz., a Mab&wat, at 80 d.; a Bhoi, at 50 d.; and one _and a half Met’hs. 3. Small ones have two; viz., a Mahawat, at 60 d.; and —

a Meth. 4. Mokals have likewise two; vz. a Mahéwat, at 60 a and a

Met’h. , A “The Faudar.

His Majesty has appointed a Superintendent over every troop of ten, twenty, and thirty, elephants. Such a troop is called a halgah; the superin- tendent is called Fuujdér. THis business is to look after the condition and the training of the elephants; he teaches them to be bold, and to stand firm at the sight of fire, and at the noise of artillery; and he is responsible for their behaviour ‘in these respects. When a Faujdér is raised to the dignity of a Gadi (a commander of. one hundred), or higher, he has twenty- five elephants assigned to himielf, the other Faujdars, as Bistis (commanders of twenty) and Dahbdshis (commanders of ten) being under his orders. The same order is followed from the Dahbdshis up to the Hazdris (commanders of one thousand). The pay of officers above the Gadi is different. Some Fauj- dars have been raised to the dignity of grandees of the court. A Gadi marks two horses. A Jtsti of the first grade has 30 Rupees per mensem ; second. grade, 25 R; third grade, 20 #. A Dahbdshi of the first grade has twenty R. ; second grade, 16 R&.; third grade, 12 &. Bistis and Dahbashis mark one ° horse, and belong to the Ahadis. Such Faujdars as have thirty or twenty- five elephants assigned to themselves, have to pay the wages of the Mahé- wat and of one Bhoi of that elephant, which they select for their own use ; but such as have twenty or ten, only pay for a Mahdwat.

The above arrangoment regarding the sorvants was not thought sufficient by His Majesty, who has much experience in this matter. He therefore put several halgahs in charge of every grandee, and.required him to look afler them. The fodder also is now supplied by the government. A trustworthy clerk has, besides, been appointed, who isin charge of the correspondence of this branch ; he looks after the receipts and expenditure, and sees that the orders of His Majesty are carried out. He also parades the elephants in the order described below (Ain 78).

AIN 45. THE IIARNESS OF ELEPHANTS.

1, The Dharnah is a large chain, made of iron, gold, or silver. It is made of sixty oval links, each weighing three sers; but the chain differs in length and thickness according to the strength of the elephant. One end of

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the chain is fixed in the ground, or fastened toa pillar; the other end is tied to the left hind leg of the elephant. Formerly, they fastened this chain to the forefoot; but as this is injurious for the chest of the elephant, His Majesty ordered to discontinue the usage.

2..The Andi is a chain, with which both forefeet aro tied. As it annoys the elephant, His Majesty ordored it to be discontinued.

3. The Ber? is a chain for fastening both hindfeet.

4, The Baland is a fetter for the hindfcot, an invention of His Majesty. It allows the elophant to walk, but prevents him from running.

5. The Gaddh bert resembles the And, and is an additional chain for the hindlegs of unruly and swift elephants.

6. The Loh langar is a long chain, suitable for an elephant. One end is tied to the right fore foot, and the other end to a thick log, a yard in length. This the driver kceps near him, and drops it, when the elophant runs too swiftly, or gets so unruly as no longer to obey. The chain twists round his leg, and the log will annoy the animal to such an extent that it necessarily stops. This useful invention, which has saved many lives, and protected huts and walls, is likewiso due to His Majesty.

7. Tho Charkht is a piece of hollowed bamboo, half a yard and two ‘tassajes long, and has a hole in the middle. It is covered with sinews and filled with gunpowdor, an earthen partition dividing the powder into two halves. A fuzce wrapt in papor, is put into each end. Fixed into the holo of the bamboo at right angles is a stick, which serves asa handle. Upon fire being put to both ends, it turns round, and makes a frightful noise. When clephants fight with each other, or are otherwise unruly, a bold man on foot takes the burning bamboo into his hand, and holds it before tho animals, when they will get quiet. Formerly, in order to separate two elephants that were fighting, they used to light a fire ; but people had much trouble, as it seldom had the desired effect. His Majesty invented the present method, which was hailed by all.

8. Andhiyéré, ¢. e., darkness, a name which His Majesty changed into Ujyali, 2. e., light, is a piece of canvass above one and a half yards square. It is made of brocade, velvet, &c., and tied with two ends to the Avldwah (vide next). When the elephant is unruly, it is let fall, so that he cannot See. This has been the saving of many. As it often gives way, especially when tho elephant is very wild, His Majesty had three heavy bells attached to tho ends of the canvass, to keep it bottor down. This completed the arrangoment. |

9. The Hildwal? consists of a fow twisted ropes, about one and a half

2 This should be AulZdwah. Abulfazl edition, p. 186, 1. 16. It looks as if 8pells the word wrong; vide my Text Abulfazi had mistaken this Persian werd

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yards long. ‘They are laid at the side of each other, without however being interwoven among themselves, the whole being about eight fingers broad.’ A: ring ig drawn through both ends of the ropes, aud fastened where the

. throat of the elephant is: the elephant driver rests his feet in it, and thus | sits firmly. Sometimes it is made of silk or leather. Others fix small pointed iron-gpikes to the kalawah, which will prevent an unruly elephant from throwing down the driver by shaking its head.

10. The Dul#’hi is a rope, five yards long, as thick asa stick. This they tie over the kalawah, to strengthen it. .

11. The Kandr is a small pointed spike, half ayard long. This they likewise attach to the kalawah, and prick the elephant’s ears with it, in order to make the animal wild, or to urge it on. ;

12. The Dér is a thick rope passing from the tail to the throat. When properly tied, it isan ornament. Thoy also catch hold of it, when ‘the elephant makes an awkward movement. They also attach many other trap- pings to it. ;

13. The Gadelah, is a cushion put on the back of the elephant, below the dul’hi. It prevents galling, and is a source of comfort.

14. The Gudaut¢ is a chain of brass. They attach it near the tail, which it prevents from getting injured by the dult’h{. It is also ornamental.

15. The Pichwah is a belt made of ropes, and is fastened over the buttocks of the elephant. It is a support for the Biot, and of much uso to him in firing. :

16. The Chaurdst consists of a number of bells attached to a piece of broadcloth, which is tied on before and behind with a string passed through it. It looks ornamental and grand.

17. Pithachh is the name of two chains fastened ovor the elephant’s sides. Attached to them, a bell hangs below the belly. It is of great beauty | and grandeur.

18. Large chains. They attach six on both sides, and three to the kalawah, the latter being added by His Majesty.

19. Qufds (the tail of the Thibetan Yak). There are about sixty, more or less, attached to the tusk, the forehead, the throat, and the neck. mney are either white, or black, or pied, and look vory ornamental.

20. The Tayyd consists of five iron plates, oach’a span long, and four fingers broad, fastened to each other by rings. On both sides of the Tayy4 there aré two chains, each a yard long, one of which passes from above the ear, and the other from below it, to the kalawah, to which both are attuched.

i for a Hindé term; else, why encutt he khait for khat, and ba tanid for his

have any spelling at all, In Vullers’ ? Persian Dictionary, Il, p. 862, read Senet) tabysa.

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Between them there is another chain, which is passed over thé head and tied to the kaléwah ; and below, crossways, there are four iron spikes ending in a curve, and adorned with knobs. The Qutdés are attached -here:’ At their lower end, there are three other chains similarly arranged. Bosides, four other chains are attached to the knob; two of them, like the first, end inca knob, “whilst the remaining two are tied to the tusks. To this knob again three chains are attached, two of which are tied round about the trunk, the’middle one hanging down. Qufds and daggers are attached to the former knobs, but the latter lies over the forehead. All this is partly for ornament, partly to

frighten other animals. 21. The Pdi’har is like an armour, and is made of steel ; there are sepa-

_ rato pieces for the head and the trunk.

22. The Gazyhamp is a covering put as an ornament above the pak har. It looks grand. It is made of three folds of canvass, put together and sewn, broad ribbons being attached to the outside.

23. The deg’ dambar is an awning, to shade the clepliant driver, an invention by His Majesty. It also looks ornamental.

24. The Ranpiyala is o fillet for the forehead, made of brocade or similar stuffs, from the hem of which nice ribbons and gutés hang down.

25. The Gateli consists of four links joined together, with three above them, and two others over the latter. Itis attached to the feet of the

elephant. Its sound is very effective.

26. The Pdi raryan consists of several bells similarly arranged.

27. The Axnkus is a small crook. His Majesty calls it Gajbdg’h.’ It is used for guiding the elephant and stopping him.

28. The Gad is a spear which has two prongs, instead of an iron point. The Bhoi makes use of it, when the elephant is refractory.

29. The Bangrt is a collection of rings made of iron or brass. The rings are put on the tusks, and serve to strengthen as well as to ornament them.

30. The Jagdwat resembles the Gad (No. 28), and is a cubit long. The Bhof uses it, to quicken the speed of the elephant.

31. The Jhandd, or flag, is hung round with Qutds, like a togh.*? It is fixed to the side of the elephant.

But it is impossible to describe all the ornamental trappings of elephants.

For each Mast and Shergir and Sddah, seven pieces of cotton cloth are annyally allowed, each at a price of 83 ddms. Also, four coarse woollen, pieces, called in Hind{ hambal, at 10 d. each, and eight ox hides, each at 8 d.

1 T.e., an elephant-rein. His’ Majesty Hence the Persians pronounce it had reason to change the name Ankus, anguch. “which sounds offensive to a Persian ear.” #* Togh is the same as tég. Vide Ain Rashidé. 19, p. 50,

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For Manjholah and Karke elephants, four of the first; three of the second ; and seven of the third, are allowed. For P’handurkiyass and Mokals, and female elephants, three of the first; two -of the second ; four of the third. The saddleclothis made of cloth, lining, and stuff for edging it zound about; for sewing, half a ser of cotton thread is allowed. For every ’ man of grain, the halgah ddr is allowed ten sers of iron for chains, &c., at 2d. per ser; and for every hide, one ser of sesame oil, at 60 d. per man. Also, 5 8. coarse cotton thread for the haldwah of the elephant on which the Faujdér vides, at 8 d. per ser; but for other elephants, the men have ‘to make one of leather, &., at their own expense.

A sum of twelve dams is annually subtracted from the servants; but

they get the worn out articles.

AIN 46. THE ELEPHANTS FOR HIS MAJESTY’S USE (KHAQGAH).

There are one hundred and one elephants selected for the use of His Majesty. Their allowance of food is the same in quantity as that of the other elephants, but differs in quality. Most of them also get 5 2. of sugar, 4 8. of g’hi, and half a man of rice mixed with chillies, cloves, &c. ; and some have one and a half man’ of milk in addition to their grain. In the sugar-cane season, each elephant gets daily, for two months, 300 sugar- canes, more or less. His Majesty takes the place of the Mahdwat.

Each elephant requires three bhols in the rutting season, and two, when cool. Their monthly wages vary from 120 to 400 d., and are fixed by His Majesty himself. For each elephant there are four Dfet’hs. In the LHalgahs, female elephants are but rarely told off to accompany big male ones; but for each khdcah elophant there are three, and sometimes even — -appointed. First class big female elephants have two and one-half met’hs second class do., two ; third class do., one and one-half ; for the other ldaes, the same as in the Halgahs. “

As each Halgah is in charge of one of the Grandees, so is every khdcah elephant, put in charge of one of them. Likewise, for every ten khdgah elephants, a professional man is appointed, who is called Dahdidér. They draw twelve, ten, and eight rupees per mensom. Besides, an active and honest superintendent is appointed for every ten elephants. He is talled Nagitb (watcher), and has to submit’a daily report, when elephants eat little, or get 4 shortened allowance, or in cases of sickness,or when anything unusual happens. He marks a horse, and holds the rank of an 4hadi, His Majesty

more * Liquids are sold in India by the weight,

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also weekly dispatches some of the servants near him, in the proportion of one for every ten elephants, who inspect them and send in a‘report.

’ ATN 47..

THE MANNER OF RIDING KHACAH-ELEPHANTS.

His Maj esty, the royal rider of the plain of auspiciousness, mounts on every kind of elephants, from the first to the last class, making them,

‘notwithstanding their almost supernatural strength, obedient to his command. His Majesty will put his foot on the tusks, and mount them, even when they are in the rutting season, and astonishes experienced people.’

They also put comfortable turrets on the backs of swift-paced elephants, ’ which serve as a travelling sleeping apartment. An elephant so capari- soned, is always ready at the palace.

Whenever His Majesty mounts an elephant, a month’s wagos are given as a donation to the Bhois. And when he has ridden ten elephants, the following donatidns are bestowed, v7s., the near servant who has weekly to report on the elephants, receives a present; the former, 100 2.; the Dahf&i, 31 R.; the Nagib, 15 #.; the Mushrif (writer), 74 2. Bosidos, the regal rewards given to them at times when they display a particwar zeal or attentiveness, go beyond the reach of speech.

Each elephant has his match appointed for fighting: some are always ready at the palace, and engage when the order is given. When a fight is over, if the combatants were kidgah elephants, the bhois receive 250 dams as a present; but if other elephants, the bhois got 200 d.

The Dahdtddér of khacah elephants receives one dam for every rupee paid as wages to the Bhois and Met’hs; the Mushrif is entitled to $ d., and the Naqib to 3 d. In the case of Halgah elephants, the ‘Cadiwal, the Dahbasht, and the Bistt, are entitled to 1 d. for every rupee; and the Mushrif and the Naqib receive the allowance given for kh4cah elephants.

AIN 48. ON FINES.

In order to prevent laziness, and to ensure attentiveness, His Majesty, as for all ‘other departments, has fixed a list of finds. On the death of a male or a female khdcah elophant, the Bhois are fined three months’ wages. If any part of the harness is lost, the Bhofs and Met’hs are fined two- SHA NII i et i AC ESC Ne SRR Coc ROLES

• Jahangir, in his Memoirs, gives |, respect; vide Tuzuk, p. 16,

several examples of Akbar’s daring in this

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thirds of the value of the article; but in the case of a saddle cloth, the full price. When a female elephant dies from starvation, or through want: of care, the Bhois have to pay the cost price of the animal.

If a driver mixes drugs with the food of an elephant, to make the animal hot, and it dies in consequence thereof, he is liable to capital punish- ment, or to have a hand cut off, or to be sold as aslave. If it was a khacah elephant, the Bhois lose three months’ pay, and are further suspended for one year. ;

Two experienced men are monthly dispatched, to enquire into the fatness or leanness of khdgah elephants. If elephants are found by them out of flesh, to the extent of a quarter, according to the scale fixed by the Pdgosht Rogulation (vide Ain 83), the grandees in charge are fined, and the bhois are likewise liable to lose a month’s wages. In the case of Halgah elephants, Ahadis are told off to examine them, and submit a report to His Majesty, If an elephant dies, the Mahdwat and the Bhoi are fined three months’ wages. If part of an elephant’s tusk is broken, and the injury reaches as far as tho fali—this is a place at the root of the tusks, which on being injured is apt to fester, when the tusks get hollow and become useless—a fine amounting to one-eighth of the price of the elephant is exacted, the dérogah paying two-thirds, and the Faujdér one-third. Should the injury not reach as far as the dali, the fine is only one-half of the former, but the proportions are thesame. But, at present, a fine of one - per cent, has become usual ; in the case of khdgah elephants, however, such punishment is inflicted as His Majesty may please to direct.

AIN 49. THE IMPERIAL HORSE STABLES.

His Majesty is very fond of horses, because he believes them to be of great importance in the three branches of the government, and for expeditions of conquest, and because he sees in them a means of avoiding manoh inconvenience.

Merchants bring to court good horses from “Iraq i Arab aid Trég i’Ajam, from Turkey, Turkestan, Badakhshan, Shirwin, Qirghiz, Thibet, Kashmir, and other countries. Droves after droves arrive from Tirén and Tran, and there are now-a-days twelve thousand in the stables of His Majesty. And in like manner, as they are continually coming in, so there are others daily going out as presents, or for other purposes.

Skilful, experienced men have paid much attention to ike breeding of this sensible animal, many of whose habits resemble those of man; and after a short time Hindustan ranked higher in this respect than Arabia,

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whilst many Indian horses cannot be distinguished from Arabs or from ’Irdqi breed. There are fine horses bred in every part of the country ; but those of Cachh excel, being equal to Arabs. Itis said that a long time ago an Arab ship was wrecked and driven to the shore of Cachh; and that it had seven choice horses, from which, according to the general belief, the breed of that country originated. In the Panjéb, horses are bred resembling “Iraqis, especially between the Indus and the Bahat (Jhelum): they go by the name of Sanit ;* so also in the district of Pati Haibatptr,? Bajwarah, Tahdrah, in the Sibah of Agrah, Mewat, and in the Sibah of Ajmir, where the horses have the name of pachwarryah. In the northern mountainous district of Hindustan, a kind of small but strong horses is bred, which are called gut; and in the confines of Bengal, near Kich [- Bahér], another kind of horses occurs, which rank between the gt and Turkish horses, and are called tdng han: they are strong and powerful.

His Majesty, from the light of his insight and wisdom, makes himself acquainted with the minutest details, and with the classification and the condition of every kind of article ; he looks to the requirements of the times, and designs proper regulations. Hence he also pays much attention to every thing that is connected with ‘this animal, which is of so great an importance for the governm@nt, and an almost superiaearal: means for the attainment ‘ of personal greatness.

First, he has set apart a place for horse-dealers, where they may, ‘without delay, find convenient quarters, and be secure from the hardships of the seasons. By this arrangement, the animals will not suffer’ from that hardness and avariciousness so often observed in dealers of the present time ; nor will they pass from the hands of well intentioned merchants into those of others. But dealers who are known for their uprightness and humanity, may keep their horses where they please, and bring them at an appointed time. Secondly, he appointed a circumspect man to the office of an Amin t Kérwénsard, who from his superior knowledge and experiences keeps the dealers from the path of disobedience, and ties the mischievous tongues of such as are wicked and evasive. Thirdly, he has appointed a clever writer, who keeps a roll of horses that arrive and have boen mustéred, and who sees that the orders of His Majesty.do not fall into abeyance. Fourthly, he has appointed trustworthy men, acquainted with the prices of horses, to examine the animals, and to fix their prices, in, the order in which they are imported. His Majesty, from his goodness, generally gives

• Several good MSS. read Satijt. domestic animals, Towiwds the end of Pe haar Oe ae we Hong. Ae ie life, as shall be mentioned. oa Yabéreh, La °, Long. 7: e@ even gave up hunti d anim Ser ee fights g ip bunting and an

• Akbar abborred cruelty towards

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half as much again above the price fixed by them, and does not keep them waiting for their money.’

r

ATN 50. THE RANKS OF THE HORSES.

There are two classes of horses: 1. Hhdgah; 2. Those that are not khdgah. The khdgah horses are the following—six stables, each containing forty choice horses of Arabia and Persia; the stables of the princes; the stables of Turkish courier horses; the stables of horses bred in the Imperial studs. They have each a name, but do not exceed the number thirty. His Majesty rides upon horses of the six stables.

The Second class horses are of three kinds, viz., st-aspt, bist-aspt, duh-aspt #. ¢, belonging to the stables of thirty, twenty, and ten. A horse whose value comes up to ten muhurs, is kept in a Dah-muhrt stable; those worth from eleven to twenty muhurs, in a Bist-muhré stable, and so on.

" Grandees and other MMangabddrs, and Senior Ahadis are in charge of the stables. Hay and crushed grain are found by the government for all horses, except for the horse which the Yatdgddér (guard) gf every stable is allowed to ride, and which he maintains in grain and grass at his own expense. ’

AYN 41.

THE FODDER ALLOWED IN THE IMPERIAL STABLES.

A khégah horse was formerly allowed eight sers fodder per diém, when the ser weighed twenty-eight ddms. Now that the ser is fixed at thirty déms, a khiigah horse gets seven and a half sers. In winter, they give boiled peas or vetch; in summer, grain. The daily allowance includes two sers of flour, and one and a half sers of sugar. In winter, before the horse gots fresh grass, they give it half a ser of g’At. Two ddms are‘taily allowed for

a lot of transfer receipts, and left him in

2 Abulfazl mentions this very often in the hands of the collectors (muhagcil),

the Ain, Contaactors generally received

cheques on a local treasury; but they might be sent from there to another local treasury, unless they bribed the collector, or made over their cheques, for a consideration, to Mahfjans (ban. kers). It win the same in Persia, “The clerks whose habit it is to annoy people, gave him (Wazir Mirza Calih, brother of the great Persian historian Sikandar Beg) in payment of his claims

who, like the clerks, always pretend to be in a hurry; and although Mirsada Rahim, a relation of his, tried to come to an_ understanding with them, in order to help Mirzé Galih out of his wretched plight, they ruined him, in a short time, to such an extent, that they had to provide in lieu a daily subsistence allowance. He died of a broken heart.” Tahir Nagrabddt’s Ladzkirah.

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hay; but hay is not given, when fresh grass is available. About three big’has of land will yield sufficient fodder for a horse. When, instead of sugar, the horses get molasses, they stop the g’hi ; and when the season of* fresh grass comes, they give no grain for the first three days, but allow afterwards six sersof grain and two sers of molasses per diem. In other ‘Irdgt and Turk stables, they give seven and a half sers of grain. During

the cool six months of the year, they give the grain boiled, an allowance

of one dém being given for boiling one man of it. The hirses also get once a

week a quarter ser of salt. When g’/i and fresh grass are given, each horse,

provided its price be above thirty-one muhurs, gets also one ser of sugar ;

whilst such as are worth from twenty-one to thirty muhurs, only get half a

ser. Horses of less value get no sugar at all. Before green grass is given,

horses of a value from twenty-one to upwards of one hundred muhurs, get

one man and ten sers of g’hi ; such as are worth from eleven to twenty muhurs,

thirty sers; but horses up to ten muhurs got neither g’hi, brown sugax,

nor green oats. Salt is given at the daily rate one-fiftieth of a dam, though it

is mostly given inalump. ’Ir4qi and Turki horses which belong to the

court, are daily allowed two d. for grass; but such of them as are in the

country, only ong and ahalf. In winter, each horse gets a big’ha of fresh

oats, the price of which, at court, is 240 d., and in the country, 200 d. At

the time of fresh oats, each horse gets two mans of molasses, the same

quantity being subtracted from the allowance of grain.

Experienced officers, attached to the Imperial offices, calculate the. amount required, and make out an estimate, which in due course is paid. When a horse is sick, every necessary, expense is paid on the certificate of the’ horse doctor.

Every stallion to @ stud of mares receives the allowance of a khdcah horse. The gif horses get five and a half sers of grain, the usual quantity of salt, and grassat the rate of one anda half d. per diem, if at court, and atthe rate of 1,3; d., when in the country; but they do not get g’hi, molasses, or green pate Qisrdgs, 7. e., female horses, get, at court, four and a half sers of grain, the usual allowance of salt, and one d. for grass ; and in the country, the same, with the exception of the grass, for which only three fourths of a dm are allowed. Stud mares get two and three fourths sers of grain; but the allowance for grass, salt, and fuel, is not fixed.

A foal sucks its dam for three months; after which, for nine months, it is allowed the milk of two cows; then, for six months, two and three- fourths sers of grain per diem; after which period, the allowance is every six months increased by a ser, till it completes the third year, when its food is determined by the above regulations.

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AYN 52. ON HARNESS, &c.

It would be difficult and tedious to describe the various ornaments, jewels, and trappings, used for the khdcah horses on which His Majesty rides out.

For the whole outfit of a khdégah horse, the allowance is 2774 d. per annum; viz., an artak, or horse quilt, of wadded chintz, 47 d.; a ydlposh (a covering for the mane) 32 d. ; a woollen towel, 2 d.—these three articles are renewed every six months; in lieu of the old artak, half the cost price is deducted, and one-sixth for the old ydiposh—; asaddle cloth, the outside of which is woven of hair, the lining being coarse wool, 42 d.; halters for the nakhtah (headstall) and the hind feet,’ 40 d.; a pusht-tang (girth), 8d. ; a magas-rdn (a horse tail to drive away flies), 3 d.; a nakhtah and gaizah (the bit), 14 d.; acurry-comb, 14d.; a grain bag, 6 d.; a basket, in which the horse gets its grain, 1 d.* These articles are given annually, and fifteen dams, ten jetals, subtracted in lieu of the old ones.

In the other stables, the allowance for horses whose value is not less than twenty-one muhurs, is 1964 d. per annum, the rate of the articles being the same. Twenty-five and a half dams are subtracted lieu of the old articles.

In stables of horses worth twenty to eleven muhurs, the annual ~ . allowance is 155} d.; vis., for the artak, 393d. ; the ydlposh, 273 d.; a _ coarse saddle cloth, 30 d. ; the girth, 6 d.; the nakhtah and qaizah, 10 d., and the nakhtah ropes and feet-ropes, 32 d.; the magasrdn, 2 d.; a towel, 14 d.; @ curry-comb, 14 d.; a basket, 1 d.; a grain bag, 44 d. Twenty dims are subtracted for the old articles. ° .

For horses worth up to ten muhurs, and gisrdgs* and git, the allowance is 1174 d. ;° viz., an artak, 37 d.; a ydlposh, 244 d.; ajul, 24d.; a nakhtah band and a pdiband, 8 d.; a nakhtah and qaizah, 8d.; a pusht-tang, 5 d.; a magasrdn and a towel, each 14 d.; a curry-comb, 1} d.; a basket, 1 d.; a grain bag, 44 ¢d. The amount subtracted is the same as before.

word xakktah, which, like hundreds of

2 In consequence of the climate, horses ] other words, is mot given in our dic-

are kept, in the East, much more outside

than in the stables. When being cleaned or fed, each of the hindlegs is fastened Y Means of a rope to a peg in the ground, In the case of wicked horses, @ rope is attached to each side of the head stall, and fastened, like tent ropes, ‘to pegs in the ground. Native grooms in teeding horses, generally squat on the ground, pushing the grain in the basket towards the mouth of the horse. The

tionaries, is generally pronounced nugtah. Similarly, gaizah is pronounced gdizah ; vide Journal As. Soc. Bengal for 1868, I. PF 36 b. c.

Altogether 1963 d., and 81 d. on account of the first three articles renewed after six months, The deduction in leu of old articles refers, of course, to the wages of the grooms,

a The items added only give 116} d.

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1. The Xaréh is an iron vessel for boiling grain sufficient for ten -horses. The price of a kardh is at the rate of one hundred and forty dams per man of iron ; but this includes the wages of the maker. 2. The dfissin Satl, or brass bucket, out of which horses drink. There is one for every ten khdcah Horses. The price of making one is 140 d. For other horses, as in the . stables of thirty, &c., there is only one. 38. The Kamand is a halter, attached to iron pegs, for fastening the horses. In stables of forty, there are three ; in stables of thirty, two; in others, one. The weight ofa halter is half a man; its cost price is 140 d., and 16 d. the wages of the rope ntaker.
2. The Ahanin mekh, or iron peg, of which there are two for every halter. Each peg weighs five sers, and costs 15 d. 5. The Zubartukhmdg, or hammer, weighs five sers, and is used for fang the iron pegs. There is one in every stable.

All broken and old utensils of brass and iron, in the AAdgah stables, if repairable, are repaired at the expense of the Daroghahs; and when they are past mending, their present value is deducted, and the difference paid in cash. In other stables, a deduction of one-half of their value is made every third year. :

6. Wa’l, or horseshoes, are renewed twicea year. Formerly eight déms were given for a whole set, but now ten. 7. Aindlén. One is allowed for ten horses.’ The price of it is 802 2.

AIN 53.

THE OFFICERS AND SERVANTS ATTACHED TO THE IMPERIAL STABLES.

1. The A’tbegé is in charge of all horses belonging to the government. He directs all officers charged with the management of the horses. This office is one of tho highest of the State, and is only held by grandees of high rank: at present it is filled by the Khdn Idhdéndn* (Commander-in-Chief).
2. The Déroghah. There is one appointed for each stable. This post may be held by officers of the rank of commanders of five thousand down to Senior Ahadis. 8. The Mushrif, or accountant. He keeps the roll of the horses, manages all payments and fines, sees that His Majesty’s orders are

2 This appears to be the same as dic 2 ee ae eee i. 6, on Hind. Yos55, which our meagre dic- urrahim, son of Bairfm Khén; vide Sipndrice oe as “a kind of tent ‘e List of Grandees, IInd book, No. 29.

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carried out, and prepares the estimate of the stores required for this depart- ment. He is chosen from among the grandees. 4. The Diduhwar, or inspector. Their duty is occasionally to inspect the horses, before they are mustered by His Majesty; they also determine the rank and the conditiomof the . horses. Their reports are taken down by the Mushrif. This office may be held by Mansabdars or Ahadis.. 5. The <Akhtachis look after the harness, . and have the horses saddled. Most of them get their pay on the list of the Ahadis. | 6. The Chdbuksuwdr rides the horses, and compares their speed with the road, which is likewise taken down by the Mushrif. He receives the pay of an Ahadi. 7. The Hédé: This name is given to a class of Rajputs, who teach horses thé elementary steps. Some of them get their pay on the list of the Ahadis. 8. The I/érdahah is an experienced groom placed over ten servants. He gets the pay of an Ahadi: but in other khdgah stables, he only gets 170 d. ; in the country-bred stables, 160 d.; in the other Staspz stables, 140 d.; in the Bistaspt stables, 100 d.; and in the Dah-aspi stables, 30 d. Besides he has to look after two horses. 9. The Barfdr, or horse-doctor, gets the pay of an Ahadi. 10. The Wags, or watcher. Some active, intelligent men are retained for supervision. They report the condition of each stable to the Déroghahs and the Mushrif, and it is their duty to have the cattle in readiness. The two head Naqibs are Ahadis, and they have thirty people under them, who receive from 100 to 120d. 11. The Séds, or groom. There is one groom for every two horses. In the Chihilaspt stables, -each groom gets 170 d.; in the stables of the eldest prince, 138 d.; in the stables of the other princes, and in the courier horse stables, 136 d.; in the country bred stables, 126 d.; in the other Stasp¢ stables, 106 d.; in the Bistaspt stables, 103 d.; and in the Dahaspt stables, 100d. 12. The Jilauddr (vide Ain 60) and the Pask (a runner). Their monthly pay varies from 1200 to 120 d., according to their speed and manner *of s8rvice. Some of them will run from fifty to one hundred kroh (kos) p. day. 13. The ‘Na’lband, or farrier. Some of them are Ahadis, some foot soldiers. They receive 160 d@. 14, The Zindér, or saddle holder, has the same rank and pay as the preceding. In the Khiagah stable of forty horses, one saddle is allowed for every two horses, in the following manner: for the first and twenty-first; for the second and twenty-second, and so on. If the first horse is sent out of the stable, the saddle remains at its place, and what was the second horse becomes first, and the second saddle falls to the third horse, and soon to the end. Ifa horse out of the middle leaves, its saddle is given to the preceding horse. 15. The Abkash, or water-carrier. Three are allowed in the stables of forty; two in.stables of thirty, and only one jn other stables. The monthly pay is 100d. 16. The Farrdsh (who dusts the furniture). There is one in every lgacah stable. His pay is 130 d.

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17. A Sipandso# is only allowed in the stables of forty horses ; his pay is 100 d.
18. The AKhdkrib, or sweeper. Sweepers are called in Hindustan Laldlkhur ;? His Majesty brought this name en vogue. In stables of forty, there are two; in those of thirty and twenty, one. Their monthly pay is 65 d. ., During a march, if the déroghaks are in receipt of a fixed allowance for _ coolies, they entertain some people to lead the horses. In the stables of thirty horses, fifteen are allowed. And in the same proportion does the government appoint coolies, when a d4éroghah has not received the extra-

allowance. Tach cooly gets two dams per diem. ®

ATN 54, THE BARGIR. ,

His Majesty, from the regard which he pays to difference in rank, believes many fit for cavalry service, though he would not trust them with the keeping of a horse. For these he has told off separate stables, with particular Déroghahs and Mushrifs. When their services are required, they are furnished with a horse on a written order of the Bitikcht (writer) ; but they have not to trouble themselves about the keoping of the horse. A man so mounted is called a Bargirswedr.

% AIN 55. REGULATIONS FOR BRANDING HORSES. In order to prevent fraudulent exchanges, and to remove the stamp of

doubtful ownership, horses were for sometime marked with the word _ (nazar

sight), sometimes with the word glo (ddgh, mark), and sometimes with the « a)

• The seeds of stpand (in Hind. sar- son, a kind of mustard seed) are put on a heated plate of ivon. Their smoke is an effectual preventive against the evil eye (nazar t bad, chashm rasidan), which is even dangerous for Akbar’s choice horses. The seeds , burn. awa: slowly, and emit a crackling ound The man who burns them, is called Sipandséz. Vide the poetical extracts of the IInd book, under Shikeb?. Instead of Sipand, grooms sometimes keep a monkey overthe entrance of the stable. The intluence of the evil eye passes from the horses to the ugly monkey.

Another remedy consists in nailing old horse shoes to the gates of the stables. Hundreds of such shoes may still be seen on the gates in Fathpur Sikri. #

® Akbar was very fond of changing names which he thought offensive, or of giving new names to things which he liked ; vide p. 46, 1. 28; p. 58, 1. 18; p. 65, 1. 16; p. 90, 1. 22; also Forbes’ Dictionary under rangtard. Haldlkhur, 2. e., one who eats that which the cere- monial law allows, is a euphemism for hardmkhur, one who eats forbidden things, as pork, &c. The word haldl- khur is still in use among educated Muhammadans; but itis doubtful whether it was Akbar’s invention. he word in common use for a sweeper is smihéar, a prince, which like the proud title of khaltfah, now-a-days applied to cooks, fsilore &c., is an example of the irony of ate.

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numeral v (seven). Every horse that was received by government had the mark burnt on the right cheek; and those that were returned, on the left side. Sometimes, in the case of “Jrdgt and Mujannas* horses, they branded the price in numerals on the right cheek; and in the,pase of. Turki and Arab horses, on the left. Now-a-days the horses of every stable are distinguished by their price in numerals. Thus, a horse of ten muhurs, is marked with the numeral ten; those of twenty muhurs, have a twenty, and soon. When horses, at the time of the musters, are put into a higher or a lower grade, the old brand is removed.

a AIN 56. REGULATIONS FOR KEEPING UP THE FULL COMPLEMENT OF HORSES.

Formerly, whenever there had been taken away either ten horses from the stables of forty, or from the stud-bred horses, or five from the couricr horses, they were replaced in the following manner. The deficiency in . the stables of forty was made up from horses chosen from the stables of the princes; the stud-bred horses were replaced by other stud bred ones, and the’courier horses from other stables, Again, if there were wanting fifteen horses in the stables of the eldest prince (Salim), they were replaced _ by good horses of his brothers; and if twenty were wanting in the stables of the second prince (Mur4d), the deficiency was made up by horses taken from the stables of the youngest prince and from other stables; and if twenty-five were wanting in the stables of the youngest prince (Dinyal), the deficiency was made up from other good stables.

But in the thirty-seventh year of the Divine Era (A. D. 1593), the order was given that, in future, one horse should annually be added to ,each stable. Thus, when, in the present year, the deficiency in the khdgoh stables had come up to eleven, they commenced to make up the complement, the deficiency of the other stables being made up at the time of the ‘puster parades.

AIN 57. ON FINES. When a khdgah horse dies, the Déroghah has to pay one rupee, and the Mirdahab ten d., upon every muhur of the cost price; and the

1 Vide Ains 7 and 8 of the second book. Khilji err Sher Shah; vide Badéont, The branding of horses was revived in pp. 173, 1 A. H. 981, A.D. 1573, when shales : jacah a. e., put nearly equal had been appointed Mir Bakhsht. em =» ee horse) ; vide IInd book, followed the regulations of “alipadee {

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grooms lose one-fourth of their monthly wages. When a horse is stolen, or injured, His Majesty determines the fine, as it cannot be uniform in each case.

In the other stables, they exacted from the Daroghah for a single hotse that dies, one rupee upon every muhur; for two horses, two rupees upon every muhur; and from the Mirdahah and the grooms the above proportions. But now, they take one rupee upon every mubur for one to three horses that die; and two upon every muhur, for four horses ; and three upon every muhur, for five.

If the mouth of a-horse gets injured, the Mirdahab is fined ten dams upon every muhur, which fine he recovers from the other grooms.

AIN 58. ON HORSES KEPT IN READINESS.

There are always kept in readiness two shdgah horses; but of courier- horses, three, and one of each stable from the seventy muhurs down to the ten muhur stables and the Gufs. They are formed into four divisions, and each division is called a mis/.

First mist, one from the chihilaspt stables; one from the stable of the eldest prince ; one from those of the second prince; one from the stable of khdcah courier horses. Second misl, one from the stable of the youngest prince; one from the studbred; one from the chihilaspi stables; one courier horse. Zhird misl, one horse from the stables of the three princes ; one stud bred. Fourth misl, one horse from each of the stables of horses of forty, thirty, twenty, and ten muhurs.

His Majesty rides very rarely on horses of the fourth misl. But when prince Shih Muréd joined his appointment,’ His Majesty also rode the best horses of the stables of forty muhurs. The arrangement was then as follows. rst misl, one horse from the stables of forty; one horse from the stables of the eldest and the youngest prince, and a courier horse. Second mist, stud bred horses from the stables of horses above seventy muhurs; Ahdgah horses of forty muhurs, and courier horses. Zhird mist,

“Prince Murad, in the beginning of the fortieth year (1596) of Akbay’s reign, was put in command of the army of Gujrat, and ordered to take Ahmadnagar. But when, some time after, Akbar heard that Murad’s army was in a wretched condition, chiefly through the carelessness and drunken habits of the prince, the

emperor resolved to go himself (43rd year), and dispatched Abulfazl, to bring the prince back to court. Abulfaz] came just in time, to see the prince die, who from the preceding year had been suffer- ing from epileptic fits (ga’, delirium tremens P) brought on by habitual drunk- enness.” 2Zir.dé,

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one horse from the stables of each of the two princes, the stud bred, and the seventy muhur horses. Fourth mist, horses from the stables of sixty, forty, and thirty muhurs. :

Horses are also kept in readiness from the stables of twenty gud ten . muhurs and the Guts.

ATN 59. ON DONATIONS.

Whenever His Majesty mounts a horse belonging to one of the six khdgah stables, he gives something, according to a fixed rule, with the view of increasing the zeal and desire for improvement among the servants. For some time it was arule that, whenever he rode out on a khdgah horse, a rupee should be given, vz., one dim to the Atbegi, two to the Jilaudar ; eighteen and one-half to the grooms, the rest being shared by the Mushrif, the Naqfb, the Akhtach{, and the Zind4r. In the case of horses belonging

,to the stables of the eldest prince, thirty déms were given, each of the former recipients getting a quarter of a dam less. For horses belonging to stables of the second prince, twenty dams were given, the donations decreas- ing by the same fraction ; and for horses belonging to the stables of the youngest prince, as also for courier horses, and stud-breds, ten dims, according to the same manner of distribution. -

Now, the following donations are given :—For a horse of a stable of forty, one rupee as before; for a horse belonging to a stable of the eldest prince, twenty dams; for a horse belonging to the youngest prince, ten

dams ; for courier horses, five ; for stud breds, four; for horses of the other stables, two.

AIN 60. REGULATIONS FOR THE JILAWANAH.

‘Whenever a horse is given away as a present, the price of the horse is calculated fifty per cent. higher, and the recipient has to pay ten déms upon every muhur of the value of the horse. These ten d4ms per muhur are

• Jilaw is the string attached to the bridle, by which o horse is led. A led horse is called jandbah. The adjective jilawdnah, which is notin the diction- aries, Means referring to a led horse. We have to write jilawdnah, not jilaudnah, according to the law of the Persian language, to break up a final diphthong in

derivatives ; as na-in, jawin, from nat, jau, not nai-in, or jau-in. The jilau- addr, or janibahdar, or janibahkash, is the servant who leads the horse. The jilaubegt is the superintendent of horses selected for presents. The tahgilddr collects the fee.

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divided as follows :—The Atbegi gets five dams; the Jilaubegi, two anda

• half; the Mushrif, one and a quarter; the Naqibs, nine jetals; the grooms,

a quarter dim; the Tahcildar, fifteen jetals ; the remainder is equally divided among the Zindar and Akhtachi.

’ Tn this country, horses commonly live to the age of thirty years. Their

price varies from 500 muhurs to 2 Rupees.

AIN 61. THE CAMEL STABLES.

From the time His Majesty paid regard to the affairs of the state, he has shewn a groat liking for this curiously shaped animal; and as it is of great use for the three branches of the government, and well known to the emperor for its patience under burdens, and for its contentment with little food, it has received every care at the hands of His Majesty. The quality of the country breed improved very much, and Indian camels soon surpassed those of Tran and Tirén.

_From a regard to the dignity of his court, and the diversion of others, His Majesty orders camel-fights, for which purpose several choice animals are always kept in readiness. The best of these skdcah camels, which is named Shdhpasand (approved of by the Shah), is a country bred twelve years old: it overcomes all its antagonists, and exhibits in the manner in which it stoops down and draws itself up, every finesse of the art of wrestling.

Camels are numerous near Ajmir, Jodhpir, Nagér, Bikénir, Jaisalmir, Batindé, and Bhatnir; the best are bred in the Stibah of Gujrat, near Cachh. But in Sind is the greatest abundance: many inhabitants own ten thou- sand camels and upwards. The swiftest camels are those of Ajmir; the best for burden are bred in T’hat’hah. '

The success‘ of this department depends on the Ariwdnahs, ¢. ¢., female camels. In every country, they get hot in winter, and couple. The male of two humps goes by the name of Bughur. The young ones of camels are called nar (male), and mdyah (female), as the case may be; but His Majesty has given tothe nar the name of Bughdi, and to the female that of Jemmdzah.

• The dughdi is the better for carrying burdens and for fighting ; the jammdzah exccls in swiftness. ‘The Indian camel called Lok, and its female, come close to them in swiftness, and even surpass them. The offspring of a bughur and a jammdzah goes by the name of g’nwd; the female is called mdyah

• In the text mdyah, which also preface, p. 6. Regarding the wordbughur means @ female camel—a very harmless vide Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for pun. Vide Dr. Sprenger’s Gulistin, 1868, p. 59.

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ghurd. Tf a bughdi, or a lok, couples with a sjammdzah, the young -one is called bughdi or Ipk respectively. But if a bughdé or a lok couples with an © arwdnah, the young male is named after its sire, and the young female after its dam. The ok is considered superior to the g’hurd, and the mdyalty’ hurd. ©

When camels are loaded and travel, they are generally formed into gatdrs (strings), each gatdr consisting of five camels. The first camel of each gatér is called peshang ;* the second, peshdarah ; the third, miydnah gatdr ; the fourth, dumdast ; the last camel, dumddr.

ATN 62. THE FOOD OF CAMELS.

The following is the allowance of such bughdis as are.tu carry burdens. At the age of two and a half, or three years, when they are taken from the herd of the stud dams, a dughdi gets 2 s. of grain; when three and a half to four years old, 5 s.; up to seven years, 9 s.; at eight years, 108. The same rule applies to bughurs. Similarly in the case of jammézahs, g’hurds, méyah g’hurds, and loks, up to four years of age; but from the fourth to the seventh year, they get 7. 4. ; and at the age of eight years, 74 s., at’ the rate of 28 dims p. ser. As the ser has now 30 dédms, a corresponding deduction. is made in the allowance. When bughdis are in heat, they eat less. Hence also concession is made, if they get lean, to the extent of 10 s., according to the provisions of the Pdgosht rule (Ain 83); and when the rutting season is over, the Déroghahs give out a corresponding extra allowance of grain, to make up for the former deficiency. If they have made a definite entry into their day-book, and give out more food, they are held indemnified according the Pdgosht rule; and similarly in all other cases, note is taken of the deductions according to that rule.

At Court, camels are found in grass by the government for eight months. Camels on duty inside the town, are daily allowed grass at the rate of 2d. per head; and those outside the town, 14d. During the four rainy months, and on the march, no allowance is given, the drivers taking ~ the camels to meadows to graze.

• So according to the best MSS. The darah means ‘ in front of the belly, or word is evidently a vulgar corruption of middle, of the gafar.’

posh-dhang, the leader of a troop. Pesh-

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AIN 63. THE HARNESS OF CAMELS.

The following articles are allowed for khdcah camels :—an Afsdr (head stall); a Dum-afsdr, (crupper); a Mahér kat’ht (funiture resembling a horse-saddle, but rather longer,—an invention of His Majesty); a hiché (which serves as a saddle-cloth); a Qatérchi; a Sarbeht ;* a Tang (a girth) ; a Sartang a (head-strap) ; a Shebband (a loin-strap); a Jaldjil (a breast rope adorned with shells or bells); a Gardanband (a neckstrap); three Chédare (or coverings) made of broadcloth, or variegated canvass, or waxcloth. The value of the jewels, inlaid work, trimmings, and silk, used for adorning the above articles, goes beyond description.

Five gatdrs of camels, properly caparisoned, are always kept ready for riding, together with two for carrying a Afhaffak, which is a sort of wooden turrot, very comfortable, with two poles, by which it is suspended, at the time of travelling, between two camels.

A’ camel’s furniture is either coloured or plain. For every ten gatérs, they allow three gajdrs coloured articles. ;

For Bughdis, the cost of the [coloured] furniture is 225} d., v’s., a head- stall studded with shells, 204 d.; a brass ring, 14d. ; an iron chain, 44 d.; a kallagt (an ornament in shape of a rosette, generally made of peacock’s feathers, with a stone in the centre), 5 d.; a pushtposs (ornaments for the strap which passes along the back), 8 d.; a dum-afsar (a crupper), 14 d.; for a takalté, (saddle quilt) and a sarbchi, both of which require 5 sers of cotton, 20 d.; a jul (saddle-cloth), 68 d.; a jahdz ¢ gajkért,” which serves as a mahdrkat’ht (vide above), 40 d.: a tang, shebband, guliband (throat-strap), 24 d.; a tandb (long rope) for securing the burden—camel-drivers call this rope tdgah tandb, or kharwdr—88 d.; a bdldposk, or covering, 15 d.*

For Jammdzahs, two additional articles are allowed, v., a gardanband, 2d.; and a sinah band (chest-strap), 16 d. ‘

The cost of a set of plain furniture for Bughdis and Jammdzahs amounts to 1684 @., vz., an afsdr, studded with shells, 10 d.; a dum-afsér, } d.; a jahds,

• The meaning is doubtful. The not 2253, as stated by Abulfazl. When

Arab. sarb, like gitér, signifies a troop discrepancies are slight, they will be found of camels. From the following it ap- to result from a rejection of the fractional pears that sarbchi is a sort of quilt. parts of the cost of articles. The dif-

? Gajkdrt appears to be the correct fer8nce of 20} d. in this case can only reading. The Arab. jahdz means what- have resulted from an omission on the ever is upon a camel, especially the part of the author, because all MSS. saddle and its appurtenances, generally agree in_ the several items. Perhaps made of coarse canvass, steeped in lime some of the articles were not exchanged (gaj). Hence gajkari, white-washed. triennially, bub had to last a longer

These items added up give 246 d., time.

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164 d.; a jul, 524 d.; a tang, a shebband, and guliband, 24 d.; a tdqah tandb, 374 d.; a bdldposh, 28 d.’

For Zoks, the allowance for furniture is 143 d., viz., an afsdr, jahdz, kharwdr, according to the former rates; a jul, 374 d.; a tang, shebband, “ guliband, 14% d. ;,a bdldposh, 28 d.?

The coloured and plain furniture is renewed once in three years, but not so the iron bands and the wood work. In consideration of the old coloured furniture of every gatdr, sixteen ddms, and of plain furniture, fourteen ddéms, are deducted by the Government. At the end of every three years, they draw out an estimate, from which one-fourth is deducted ; then after taking away one-tenth of the pends, an assignment is given for the rest.*

” Alaft camels (used for foraging) have their furniture renewed annually, at the cost of 524 d. for countrybred camels and Joks, viz., [for countrybred camels] an afsdr, 5 d.; a jul, 364d; a sardoz,$d.; a tang, and a shebband, 10$ d.;* and [for loks], an afsdr, a tang, and a shebband, as before; a jul, 453 d.; a sardoz, 2 d.

From the annual estimate one-fourth is deducted, and an assignment is given for the remainder.

Shalttah tdéts, or canvass sacks, for giving camels their grain, are allowed one for every gatdr, at a price of 303 d. for bughdis and eet and 244 d. for loks. ais

Hitherto the cost of these articles had been uniformly computed - fixed by contract with the camel-drivers. But when in the forty-second year of the divine era [1598 A. D.], it was brought to the notice of His Majesty that these people were, to a certain extent, losers, this regulation was abolished, and the current market price allowed for all articles. The price is therefore no longer fixed.

On every New Year’s day, the head camel-drivers receive permission for shearing the camels, anointing them with oil, injecting oil into the noses of the animals, and indenting for the furniture allowed to ’ Ala/t camels.

AIN 64. REGULATIONS FOR OILING CAMELS, AND INJECTING OIL INTO THEIR NOSTRILS. The scientific terms for thege operations are tatliyah and tajr?’, though we might expect tafliyah and tdnshig, because tanshig means injecting into the nose.

• These items added up give 169 d@., rule, 5% % 3 = 3% of the estimates instead of Abulfazl’s 1684 2 presented.

2 The items added sp, give 144 d., * The addition gives 523 d. instead of

instead of Abulfazl’s 143 d 523. The following items, for /oks,

® Hence the Government paid, as a give added up 62}.

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For each Bughdi and Jammdzah 3} sers of sesame oil are annually allowed, vz., three sers for anointing, and } ser for injection into the nose. ‘So also ? s. of brimstone, and 6$ s. of butter-milk. For other kinds of camels the allowance is § s. of brimstone, 64s. of butter-milk, and ? «. of grease for injecting into the nose-holes.

Formerly these operations were repeated three times, but now only once

a year.

AIN 65. ,

THE RANKS OF THE CAMELS, AND THEIR SERVANTS.

His Majesty has formed the camels into gatdrs, and given each gatdr in charge of a sdrbdn, or driver. Their wages are four-fold. The first class get 400 d.; the second, 340 d.; the third, 280 d@.; the fourth, 220 d., per mensem.

The gatdrs are of three kinds—1. Every five gatdrs are in charge of an experienced man, called bistepanjt, or commander of twenty-five. His salary is 720 d. He marks a Yd¢béi horse, and has four drivers under him. 2. Double the preceding, or ten gatdrs, are committed to the care of a Panjaht, or commander of fifty. He is allowed a horse, draws 960 d., and has nine drivers under him. 3. Every hundred gatdrs are in charge of a Panjcadi, or commander of five hundred. Ten gatdrs are under his personal superin- tendence. With the exception of. one gatér, Government finds drivers for the others. The Panjéhis, and Bistopanjts are under his orders. Their salary varies: now-a-days many Yuzbasbis’ are appointed to this post. One camelistold off for the farrdshes. A writer also has been appointed. His Majesty, from his practical knowledge, has placed each Pancadi under a grandee of the court. Several active foot-soldiers have been selected, to enquire from time to time into the condition of the camels, so that there may be no neglect. Besides, twice a year some people adorned with the jewel of insight, inspect the camels as to their leanhess or fatness, at the beginning of the rains, and at the time of the annual muster.

Should a camel get lost, the Sdrbdn is fined the full value; so also the Panjahé and the Pangadi. If camel get lamo or blind, they are fined the fourth part of the price. Raibéri.@

Raibdrt is the name given toa class of Hindus who are acquainted with the habits of the camel. They teach the country bred lok camel so to step as to pass over great distances in a short time. Although from the capital

ve ec a

? Corresponding to our Captains of the Army, commanders of 100 soldiers.

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to the frontiers of the empire, into every direction, relay horses are stationed, and swift runners have been posted at the distance of every five kos, a few of these camel riders are kept at the palace in readiness. Each Razbdré is also put in charge of fifty stud arwanahs, to which for the purpbse of breeding, one dughur and two loks are attached. The latter (the males) get the usual allowance of grain, but nothing for grass. The fifty arwdnahs get no allowance for grain or grass. For every bughur, bughdt, and jam- mdzah, in the stud, the allowance for oiling and injecting into the nostrils, is 4, 8. of sesame oil, 2 s. of brimstone, 63 s: of butter milk. The first includes ? s. of oi] for injectiom Loks, arwdnahs, ghurds, and mdyah g’hurds, only get 3§ s. of sesame oil—the deduction is made for injection,—64 s. of butter milk, and $ s. of brimstone.

Botahs and. Dumbdlahs—these names are given to young camels ; the former is used for light burdens—are allowed 24. of oil, inclusive of 4 ». for injection into the nostrils, 4 s. of brimstone, and 4} s. of butter-milk.

. Full grown stud camels get weekly 4 s. of saltpetre and common salt; botahs get s.

The wages of a herdsman is 200 d. per mensem. For grazing every fifty stud camels, he is allowed five assistants, each of whom gets 2 d. per diem. A herdsman of two herds of fifty is obliged to present His Majesty three arwdnahs every year; on failure, their price is deducted from his. salary. : 7

Formerly the state used to exact a fourth part of the wool sheared from every bughdi and jammdzah, each camel being assessed to yield four sors of wool. This His Majesty has remitted, and in lieu thereof, has ordered the drivers to provide their camels with dum-afsdrs, wooden pogs, &c.

The following are the prices of camels :—a bughd?, from 5 to 12 Muhurs ; ajammdzah, from 8 to 10..; a bughur, from 8 to 7 .; a mongrel lok, from 8 to 9 M.; a country-bred, or a Balichi lok, from 3 to 8 MZ; an arwdnah, from 2 to 4 Wf.

His Majesty has regulated the burdens to be carried by camels. A first class bughdi, not more than 10: mans; a second class do., 8 m.; superior jammdzahs, loks, &c., 8 m.; second class do, 6 m.

In this country, camels do not live above twenty-four years.

Oxrn 66. THE GAOKHANAH OR COW-STABLES.

Throughout the happy regions of Hindustan, the cow is considered auspicious, and held in great veneration; for by means of this animal, tillage is carried on, the sustenance of life is rendered possible, and the table of

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the inhabitant is filled with milk, butter-milk, and butter. It is capable of carrying burdens and drawing wheeled carriages, and thus becomes an excellent assistant for the three branches of the government.

Though every part of the empire produces cattle of various kinds, those of Gujrat are the best. Sometimes a pair of them are sold at 100 muhurs. They will travel 80 kos [120 miles} in 24 hours, and surpass even swift horses. Nor do they dung whilst running. The usual price is 20 and 10 muhurs. Good cattle are also found in Bengal and the Dakh’in. They kneel down at the time of being loaded. The cows give upwards of half a man of milk. In the province of Dihlf again, cows are not more worth than 10 Ripees. His Majesty once bought a pair of cows for two lacs of ddms [5000 Rupees].

In the neighbourhood of Thibet and Kashmir, the Qatds; or Thibetan Yak, occurs, an animal of extraordinary appearance.

’ A cow will live to the age of twenty-five.

From his knowledge of the wonderful properties of the cow, His Majesty, who notices every thing which is of value, pays much attention to the improvement of cattle. He divided them into classes, and committed each to the charge of a merciful keeper. One hundred choice cattle were selected as khdgah, and called kotal. They are kept in readiness for any sorvice, and forty of them are taken unladen on hunting expeditions, as shall be mentioned below (Book U, Ain 27.). Fifty-one others nearly as good are called half-kota?, and fifty-one more, quarter-hotal. Any deficiency in the first class is made up from the second, and that of the middle from the third. But these three form the cow-stables for His Majesty’s use.

Besides, sections of cattle have been formed, each varying in number from 50 to 100, and committed to the charge of honest keepers. The rank of each animal is fixed at the time of the public muster, when each gets its proper place amofg sections of equal rank. A similar proceeding is adopted for each section, when selected for drawing waggons and travelling carriages, or for fetching water (vide Ain 22).

There is also a species of oxen, called gaint, small like git horses, but very beautiful.

Milk-cows and buffaloes have also been divided into sections, and handed over to intelligent servants..

AIN 67. THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD.

Every head of the first tAdcah class is allowed daily 6} s. of grain, and 14d. of grass. The whole stable gets daily 1 man, 19 2. of molasses, which

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is distributed by the Darogah, who must be a man suitable for such a duty and office. Cattle of the remaining khdgah classes get daily 6 s. of grain, and grass as before, but no molasses are given.

In other cow-stables, the daily allowance is as follows. First hind, 6 s. *of grain, 13 d. of grass at court, and otherwise only 1d. The second kind get 5 s. of grain, and grass as usual. The oxen used for travelling carriages get 6s. of grain, and grass as usual. First class gainis got 3 «. of grain, and 1 d. of grass at court, otherwise only } d.. Second class do., 24 s. of grain, and 2 d. of grass at court, otherwise only 3 d.

A male buffalo (called Arnah) gets 8 s. of wheat flour boiled, 2. of ghi, 4 8. of molasses, 14 ¢. of grain, and 2d. of grass. This animal, when young, fights astonishingly, and will tear a lion to pieces. When this peculiar strength is gone, it reaches the second stage, and is used for carrying water. It then gets 8s. of grains, and 2 d. for grass. Female buffaloes used for carrying water get 6 s. of grain, and 2 d. for grass. First class oxen for leopard-waggons* get 6} s. of grain; and other classes, 5 3s. of grain, but the same quantity of grass. Oxenfor heavy waggons got formerly 5 s. of grain, and 1}$d. for grass; but now they get a quarter ser less, and grass as before.

The milk-cows and buffaloes, when at court, have grain given them in proportion to the quantity of milk they give. A herd of cows and buffaloes is called fAdt. A cow will give daily from 1 to 158. of milk; a buffalo from 2 to 308. The buffaloes of the Panjab are the best in this respect. As soon as the quantity of milk given by each cow has been

ascortained, there are demanded two dams weight of g’hi for every ser of milk.

AIN 68. THE SERVANTS EMPLOYED IN THE COW-STABLES.

In the thdcah stables, one man is appointed to» look after four head of cattle. Hightoen such keepers in the first stable get 5 d. per diem, and the remaining keepers, 4d. In other stables, the salary of the keepers is the same, but each has to look after six cows. Of the carriage drivers, some, get their salaries on the list of the Ahadis; others get 360 d., others 256 d. down to 112d. Bahals, or carriages, are of two kinds:—1. Chatriddr or covered ‘carriages, having four or more poles (which support the chatr, or umbrella); 2. without a covering. Carriages suited for horses are called g lurbahals. Yor every ten waggons, 20 drivers and 1 carpenter are allowed. i tat nt OP i a i tn ei peer anemia

• Carriages for the transport of trained hunting leopards. Vide Book II, Ain 27.

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The head drivor, or Afirdahah, and ‘the carpenter, get each 5 d. per diem ; the others, 4d. For some time 15 drivers had been appointed, and the carpenter was disallowed: the drivers themselves undertook the repairs, and received on this account an annual allowance of 2200 déms [55 Rupees. }

. Af a horn of an ox was broken, or the animal got blind, the Déroghah was fined one-fourth of the price, or.even more, according to the extent of the injury. :

’ Formerly the Déroghahs paid all expenses on account of repairs, and received for every day that the carriages were used, half a dém ung money— dag is hemp smeared with g’hi, and twisted round about the axle-tree which, like a pivot, fits into the central hole of the wheel, and thus prevents it from wearing away or getting broken. When afterwards the Dérogahship was transferred to the drivers, they had to provide for this expense. At first, it was only customary for the carts to carry on marches a part of the baggage belonging to the different workshops; but when the drivers performed the duties of the Déroghahs, they had also to provide for the carriage of the fuel required at court, and for the transport of building materials. But subsequently, 200 waggons were set aside for the transport of building materials, whilst 600 others have to bring, in the space of ten months, 1,50,000 mans of fuel to the Imperial kitchen. And if officers of the government on any day use the Imperial waggons for other purposes, that day is to be separately accounted for, as also each service rendered to the cout. The drivers are not subject to the Pdgosht regulation (vide Ain 83). If, however, an ox dies, they have to buy another.

But when it came to the ears of His Majesty that the above mode of contract was productive of much cruelty towards these serviceable, but mute animals, he abolished this systom, and gave them again in charge of faithful servants. The allowance of grain for every cart-bullock was fixed at 4 8. and 13 d. were given for grass. For other bullocks, the allowance in one-half of the preceding. But during the four rainy months no money is allowed for grass. There were also appointed for every eighteen carts twelve drivers, one of whom must understand carpenter’s work. Now, if a bullock dies, government supplies another in his stead, and Jikewise pays for the zg, and is at the expense of repairs.

The cattle that are worked are mustered once a year by experienced men who estimate their fatness or leanness; cattle that are unemployed are inspected every six months. Instead of the above mentioned transport of firewood, &c., the carters have now to perform any service which may be roquired by the government.

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ATN 69.” |-+ THE MULE STABLES.

The mule possesses the strength of a horse, and the patience ofs an ass ; end though it has not the intelligence of the former, it has not the stupidity of the latter. It never forgets the road which it h.s once travelled. Hence it is liked by His Majesty, whose practical wisdom extends,to every thing, and the breeding is encouraged. It is the best animal for carrying burdens, and travelling over uneven ground, and has avery soft step. People generally believe that the male ass couples’ with a mare, but the opposite contexion also is known to take place, as mentioned: in the books of antiquity. The’ mule resembles its dam. His Majesty had a ‘young ass coupled with a mare, and they produced. a very fine mule.

In many countries just princes prefer travelling about on a mule; and people can therefore easily lay their grievances before them,’ without — inconveniencing the traveller.

Mules are only bred in Hindustan in Pak’hali,? and its neighbourhood The simple inhabitants. of this country used to look upon mules as asses, and thought it derogatory to ride upon them; but in consequence of the interest which His Majesty takes in this animal, so great a dislike is now nowhere to be found. :

Mules are chiefly imported from “Iraq i ’Arab and “Iréq i ’Ajam. ~Very superior mules are often sold at Rs. 1,000 per head.

Like camels, they are. formed into gatdrs of five, and have the same names, except the second mule of each gatdér, which is called bardast, [instead of peshdarah, vide Ain 61, end].

Mules reach the age of fifty. .

; AIN 70. ‘ : THE DAILY ALLOWANCE OF FOOD FOR MULES. Such mules as are not country-bred, get at court, 6 s. of grain, and 2 d. for grass; otherwise, only.14°d. Country-bred mules get 4 s. of grain, and

14 d. of grass, when at court; otherwise, 1 d. for grass. Each mule is allowed every week 34 setals for salt ; but they give the salt in a lump. .

• Which the subjects could not. so 2 The Sarkér of Pak’hali lies between easily do, if the princes, on their tours Atak (Attock) and Kashmir, a_ little of administration of justice, were to north of Rawul Pindee. Vide* towards

ride on elephants, because the plaintiff | the end of Book III. would stand too far from the king,

153 -.

AIN. 71, THE FURNITURE OF MULES.

For imported mules, a head stall of leather, 20} d.; an ivon chain weighing 2s., 10 d.; a ranakt (crupper) of leather, 4 d.; a pdlén (pacly, saddle), 102 d.; a shdltasg (shawl strap), and a palds-tang (blanket strap), -

36} d.; a tdgah tandb (a rope for fasteniug the burden,) 63 d. ; a gatir shaldg (a short whip), 6 d.; a bell, one for every gafdr, 10 dsj a horse hair saddle» 404.3 a kaldwah (vide Ain 4 45, No. 9) of leather, 13 ¢.; a set of ropes, 9 4., a saddle cloth, 4} d.; ‘a sardos (a common head stall)‘4 ds3 a Iehurjin (wallet), 15 d.; a fodder-bag, 4 d,; a magas-rdn (to drive away flies) of leather, .1’d.; a euxry-comb and & hair-glove (for, washiltg), 4d, Total, 345380 ;

For country-bred mules the allowance is 151} d., viz… head stall of leather, 4 d.; pack-saddle, 51 d. 18} 7. ; the two straps, 16} d.; 5a tigah a tandb and sardr, 40 d.;.a bell, 5 d.;.a fodder-bag, 3 @. ; a cmapper, 3a.3 & saddle, 24 d.3. a curry-comb and & hair-glove,4d. ‘

The furniture is renowed every third year ;ybut, for all iron and wood . work, half the price is deducted. The annua} allowance- for the repair of the furniture is 40 d.; but on the march, the time of renewal depends on the wear. Mules are shied every six months at a cost of 8 d. per head.

Each getdr is in chargo of a keeper. Turdnis, Trénis, and ‘Indians, are appointed to this offices the first two get from 400 to 1929 d,; and the third class, from 240 to 256 d. pex mensem. Such keepers ag have monthly salaries of 10 R. _ [400 d. | ‘and upwards, have to find the peshang (first mule of their gatdr) in- grain and grass. Experienced” people inspect the mules twice 0 year as to leannoss or fatness. * Once @ year they are paraded before His Majesty.

Ifa mule gets. blind ‘or bine. the icine is fined. one-fourth of the cost price ; and one-half, if it is lost.

Asses also atc employed for carrying butdens and fetching water. They got 3s. of grain, and | d. for grass. The “furniture for asses is the same as that for country-bred mules, but no saddlé-i ‘is given. Thé annual allowance for ropains is 23 d. The keepers ‘do not’ get above 120 @. per

mensem: “ AYN “72. THE MANNER. IN WHICH HIS MAJESTY SPENDS HIS TIME, " Tho success of the throe branches of the government, and tho fulfilment of the wishes of tho subjects, whether grea or small, depond.upen the , “20 %

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manner in which a king spends his time. The care with which His Majesty guards over his motives, and watches over his emotions, bears on its face the sign of the Infinite, and the stamp of immortality ; and though thousands of important matters.occupy, at one and the same time, his attention, they do

• got stir up ‘the rubbish of confusion in tho temple of his mind, nor do thoy

allow the dust of dismay to settle on the vigour of his mental powers, or

. the habitual earnestness with which His, Majesty contemplates the charms

of God’s.world. His anxiety to do the will of the Creator is ever increasing ; and thus his insight and wisdom are éver deepening. From his practical knowledge, and- capacity for every thing excellent, he can sound men of experience, though rarely casting a glance on his own ever oxtending excellence. He listens to great and small, expecting that a good thought, or the relation of a noble deed, may kindle in his mind a new lamp of wisdom, though ages have past without his having found a really groat man.

‘Impartial statesmen; on seeing the sagacity of His Majesty, blotted put the

book of their own tvisdom, and commenced a new leaf: But with the magnanimity which distinguishes him, and with his wonted zeal, he continues

‘his search for superior men, and findsa reward in the care with which he

selects such as are fit for his society.

Although surrounded by every externah pomp and display, and by every inducement to lead a life of luxury and ease, he does not allow his desires, or his wrath, to renounce allegiance te Wisdom, his sovereign—-how much less would he permit them to load him toa bad deed! Even the . telling of stories, which ordinary people use as as a means of lulling themselves into sleep, serves to keep His Majesty awake. | ;

, Ardently feeling — after God, and ‘searching for truth, His Majosty

. exercises upon ‘himself both inward and outward austeritios, though he

occasionally joins public worship, in order to hush the slandering tongues of the bigots of the present age. But the great object of his life is the acquisition of that sound morality, the sublime loftincss of which captivates the hearts of thinking sages, and silences the taunts of zealots and sectarians. : “ . Knowing the value’ of a lifetime, -he. never wastes his time, nor does he omit any necessary duty, so that in, the light of his upright in- tentions, every action of his life may be considered as an adoration of God. It is beyond my power to describe in adequate terms His Majesty’s devotions, He passes every moment of his life in self-examination or in adoration of God. Te especially does so at the time, when morning spreads her azure silk, and scatters abroad her young, gotden beams ; and at noon,

“when the light of the world-illuminating sun embraces the universe, and

thus becomes a source of joy for all men; in the evening, when that

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fonntain of light withdraws from the eyes of mortal man, to the bewildering grief of all who are friends of light; and lastly at midnight, when that great cause of’ life turns again to ascend, and to bring the news of renewed «. cheerfulness to all who, in the melancholy of the night, are strickon with sotrdw. All these grand mysteries are in honor of God, and in adoration .of the Creator of the world; and if dark-minded, ignorant men cannot . comprehend their signification, who is to be blamed, and‘ whose loss is it ? Indeed, every man acknowledges that we owe gratitude and reverence to our benofactors ; and hence it’is incumbent-on us, though our strength may , fail,.to show gratitude for the blessings we receive from the sun, the light of all lights, and to enumerate.the benefits which he bestows.’ This is essentially the duty of kings, upon ;whom, according fo the opinion of the wise, this sovereign of the heavens sheds an immediate light. And this is the vory motive which actuates His Majesty to vonezate fire and reverence lamps. ”

But why should I speak of the mysterious blessings of the sun, or of the transfer of his greater light to lamps? Should I not rather dwell on the perverseness of those weakminded zealots, who, with much concern, talk of His Majesty’s religion as of a deification of- the Sun, and the introduc- tion of fire-worship? But I shall dismiss them with a smile. ~

Tho compassionate heart of His Majesty finds no pleasure in erviclties, -or in causing sorrow to others > he is ever sparing of the lives of his subjects, wishing. to bestow happiness upon all. 3 :

His Majesty abstains much from flesh, so that whole months pass away without his touching any animal food, which, though prized by most, is ~ nothing thought of by the sage. His august nature cares but little for the - pleasures of the world. In the course of twenty-four hours, he never makes more than one meal. He takes a delight in spending his time in performing whatever is necessary and proper. -Lle takes a little repose in the evening, and again for a short time in the morning ; . but hig sleop looks: more like waking. : ; fs

His Majesty is accustomed to spend the how’s of the night profitably ; to the private audience hall are thin admitted eloquent philosophors, and h virtuous Gufis, who are seated according to their rank, and entortain His

Majesty with wise discourses. “On such occasions His Majesty fathoms them, and tries thom on the touch-stone of knowledge.- Or the object of an ancient institution is disclosed, or. new thoughts are hailed with delight. Hore young men of talent learn to revere and adore His Majesty, and experience the happiness of having thoir wishes fulfilled, whilst old men of impartial a

• Vide Abullazl’s Preface, p. iii., and p. 49,

va

judgment see themselves on the oxpanso of sorrow, finding that they have to pass through 9 new course of instruction.

Thére are also present in these assemblies, unprejudiced historians, who do not mutilate history by adding or suppressing facts, and welate the @upressive events of ancient times. His Majesty often makes remarks wonderfully shrewd, or starts a fitting subject for conversation. On other. occasions matters referring to the empire and the revenue, are brought up, when His Majesty gives orders for whatever is to be done.in each case.

About a watch before day-break, musicians of all nations are introduced, who. recreate. the assembly with music. and songs, and religious strains; and when four P hayes are left till morning, His Majesty retires to his private apartments, brings his external appearance in harmony with the simplicity of his heart, and launches forth into the ocean of contemplation.

.In the meantime, at the close of night, soldiers,.merchants, peasants, trades-

people, and other professions, gather round the palace, patiently waiting to catch a glimpse of His Majesty. Soon after day-break, they are allowed to make the hornish (vide Ain 74). After this, His Majesty allows the attendants of the Harem to pay their compliments. During this time various tatters of worldly and religious import are brought to the notice of His Majesty. As soon as they are settled, he returns to his private apartmonts, and reposes a little.

The good habits of His Majesty areso numerous, that. I-cannot adequately describe them. If I were to compile dictionaries 0 on this subject, ay would not be exhaustive.

~

AIN 78. : REGULATIONS FOR ADMISSION TO COURT.

Admittance to Court is a distinction conferred on the nation at large ;” it is a pledge that the three branches. of the government are properly

‘looked after, and enables subjects personally to apply for redress of their

grievances. Admittance to the ruler of the Jand is for the- success of his government, what irrigation is for a flower-bed; it is the field, on which_ the hopes of the nation ripen into fruit.

His Majesty generally receives twice in the course of twenty-four hours, when people of all classes can satisfy their eyos and hearts with the light of his countenance. iret, after performing his morning devotions, ho is visible, from outside the awning, to people of all ranks, whether they be given to worldly pursuits, or to a life of solitary contemplation, without any molostation from the mace-bearers. This mode of shewing himsclf is

J57

called, in tho language of the country, darsan (view); and it frequently happens that business is transacted at this time. The second time of his being visible is in the State Hall, whither he generally gocs aftor the first watch of the day. . But this assembly is sometimes announced towards the close of day, or at night. He also frequently appears at a window which opens into the State Hall, for the transaction of business; or he disposes therg justice calmly and serenely, or examines into the dispensation of justice, or the merit of officers, without being influenced in his Judgment by any predilections, or any thing impure and contrary to the will of God. Every officer of government then presents various reports, or explains his several wants, and is instructed by His Majesty how to proceed. From his knowledge of the character of the times, though in opposition to the practice ‘of kings of past ages, His Majesty looks upon the smallest details as mirrors capable of reflecting a comprehensive outline; he does not reject that which superficial observers call unimportant, and counting the happiness of his subjects as essential to his own, never suffers his equanimity to be disturbed.

Whenever His Majesty holds court,’ they beat a large drum, the sounds of which are accompanied by Divine praise. In this manner, people of all classes receive noticé. His Majesty’s sons and grandchildren, the grandoes of the Court, and all other men who have admittance, attend to mako the sornish, and remain standing in thoir proper places. Learned men of ronown and skilful mechanics pay their respects; the Daroghahs © and Bitikchis (writers) set forth their several wants; and the officers. of justice givo in their reports. His Majesty, with his usual insight, gives orders, and settles everything in a satisfactory manner. During the whole timo, skilful gladiators and wrestlers from all countries hold themselves in readiness, and singers, male and fomale, are in waiting. Clever jugglers, and funny tumblers also are anxious to exhibit thoir dexterity and agility.

His Majesty, on such occasions, addresses himself to many of those who have been presented, impressing all with the correctness of his intentions, the .unbiaseduess of his mind, the humility of his disposition, the magnanimity of his heart, the excellence of his nature, the cheerfulness of his countenance, and the frankness of his manners; his intelligence pervades the whvlo assombly, and multifarious matters are easily and ‘ satisfactorily settled by his truly divine power.

This valo of sorrows is changed to a place of rest: tho army and the nation are coutont. May the empive flourish, and theso blessings endure!

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AIN 74. REGULATIONS REGARDING THE KORNISH AND THE ea iki

Superficial observers, correctly enough, look upon @ king as dis origin of the peace and comfort of the subjects. But men of. deeper insight are of opinion that even. spiritual progress among a people would be impossible, unless emanating from the king, in whom the light of God dwells; for near the throne, men wipe off the stain of conceit, and build up the ach of true huuility.”

With the view, then, of promoting this true humility, kings in their wisdom have made regulations for the manner in which people are to shew their obedience. Some kings have adopted the bending down of the head. His Majesty has commanded the palm of the right hand to be placed upon ‘the forehead, and the head to he bent downwards. This mode of salutation, in the language of the present age, is called kornish, .and signifios that the saluter has placed his head (which is the seat of the’senses and tho mind) into the hand of humility, giving it to the royal assembly as a present, and has made himself in obedience rool for any service that may. be required of him.

The salutation, called tealtm, consists in placing the back of the right . hand onthe ground, and then. raising it gently till the person stands erect, when he puts the palm of his hand upon the crown of his head; which pleasing manner of saluting ee that he is any to ee himself as an ollerisig..”

His Majesty relates as follows: ‘One day: my royal father bestowed upon me one of his own caps, which I put on. Becauge the cap of the king was rather large, I had to hold it with my [right] hand; whilst bending my head downwards, and thus performed the manner of salutation (kornish) above described. The king was pleased with this new method, and from his feeling of propriety ordered this to be the mode of the kornish and ¢aslim.

Upon taking leave, or presentation, or upon redéiving a mansab, a jagtr, or a dress of honour, or an elephant, or a horse, the rule is to make three taslins ; but only one on all other occasions, when salaries are paid, or presents are made. :

Such a degree of obedience is also shewn by servants to their masters, and looked upon by them as a source of blessings. once for the disciples of

2 Hence the presence of the king the head of the New Church, the subjects _ ; promotes humility, which is the founda- occupy the position of disciples. Vide

tion of all spiritual life. So especially Ain 77, and the Note after it. in the case of Akbar, towards whom, as a e Note after it. .

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His Majesty, it was necessary to add something, 27z., prostration’ (sijdah) ; ‘and they look upon a prostration before His Majesty as a prostration performed before God; for royalty is an emblem of the power of God, and a light-shedding ray from this Sun of the Absolute.

‘+ Viewed in this light, the prostration has become acceptable to many, and proved to them a source of blessings upon blessings.

But as some perverse and dark-minded mon look upon prostration as blasphemous man-worship, His Majesty, from his practical wisdom, has ordered it to be discontinued by the ignorant, and remitted it to all ranks, forbidding even his private attendants from using it in the Darbdr ¢’A’m (general court-days). However, in the private assembly, when any of those are in waiting, upon whom the star of good fortune shines, and they receive the order of scating themselves, they certainly perform the prostration of gratitude by bowing down their forcheads to the earth, and thus participate in the halo of good fortune.

In this manner, by forbidding the people at large to prostrate, but allowing the Elect to do so, His Majesty fulfills the wishes of both, and shows the world a fitting oxample of practical wisdom.

AIN 75. *

Just as spiritual leadership requires ‘a regulated mind, capable of controlling covetousness and wrath, so does political leadership depend. on an extornal ordor of things, on the regulation of the difforence among. men in rank, and the power of liberality. Ifa king possess a cultivated mind, his position as the spiritual leader of the nation will be in harmony with his temporal office ; and the performance of each of his political duties will be equivalent to au adgration.of God. Should any one search for an oxamplo, I would point to the practice of His Majesty, which will be found to exhibit | ‘that happy harmopy of motives, the contemplation of which rewards the

kings, at whose courts the zposxuvely 1, had been the usual salutation. “ It was Nizdm of Badakhshin who inventad the

2 The prostration, or sijdah, is one of the positions at prayer, and is there- fore looked upon by all Muhammad-

ans as the exclusive right of God. When Akbar, as the head of his new faith, was treated by his fluttering friends, perhaps against his calmer judg- ment, as the representative of God on earth, he had to allow prostration in the assemblies of the Elect. ‘The people at large would never have submitted. The vactice evidently pleased the emperor, Resse he looked with fondness upon every custom of the ancient Persian

prostration when the emperor was still at Fathptir [before 1586]. The suc- cess of the innovation made Mulls A’lam of Kabul exclaim, “ O that T had, been the inventor of this little business !” Bad. VXI, P: 153. Regarding Nizim, or Ghésf Khan, vide Abulfazl’s list of Grandees, [Ind book, No. 144. The sijdah asan article of Akbar’s Divine Religion, will be again referred to in the note to Ain 77,

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searcher with an increase of personal knowledge, and leads him to worship this ideal of a king.’ ,

When His Majesty seats himself on the throne, all that are present perform the kornish, and then remain standing at their places, according to their rank, with their-arms crossed,* partaking, in the light of his imperial countenance, of the elixir of life, and enjoying everlasting happiness in standing ready for any service. .

The eldest prinee places himself, when standing, ata distance of one to four yards from the throne, or when sitting, at a distance from two to eight. The second prince stands from one and one-half to six yards from the throne, and in sitting from three to twelve. So also the third; but sometimes he is admitted to a nearer position than the second prince, and at other times both stand together at the same distance. But His Majesty generally places the younger princes affectionately nearer.

Then come the Elect of the highest rank, who are worthy of the spiritual guidance of His Majesty, at a distance of three to fifteen yards, and in sitting from five to twenty. After this follow the senior grandees from threo and a half yards, and then the other grandees, from ten or twelvo and a half yards from the throne. :

All others stand in the Yasal.* One or two attendants* stand nearer

than all.

• The words of the text are ambiguous They may also mean, and leads him to ‘praise me qs the man who directed him towards this example. ® The finger tips of the left hand touch the right elbow, and those of the right hand, the left elbow; or, the fingers of

each hand rest against the inner upper .

arm of the opposite side. The lower arms rest on the kamarband. When in, this position, a servant is called dmddah 4 khidmat, or ready for sorvice. Some- times the right foot algo is put over the left, the toes of the former ‘merely touching the ground. The shoes are, of course, left outside at. the gaff i ni’dl. The emperor sits on ‘the throne (vide Plate VIL.) with crossed legs, or chahdr- zdni,a position of comfort which Orientals allow to persons of rank. This however, is called jir’aunt nishast, or Pharach’s mode of sitting, if assumed

osition, -

by persons of no rank in the. presence of strangers. Pharaoh—Orientals mean the Pharaoh of the time of Moses—is pro- verbial in the East for vain-glory. ‘The position suitable for society is the duzdanzz- mode of ‘sitting, t.¢., the person first kneels down with his body straight ; he then lets the body gently sink till he sits on his heels, the arms being kept éx- tended and the hands resting on the knees!

® Yasal signifies the wing of an army, and here, the two wings into which the assembly is divided. ‘‘he place before the throne remains free. One wing was generally occupied by the grandees of the Court, and the chief functionaries ; on the other wing stood the’ Qu» (vide pp. 1Q9, 110), the Mull4s and the ’Ulama, &e.

• The servants who hold the sdibdn Ain 19, or the fans.

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ATN 76. THE MUSTER OF MEN.

The business which His Majesty daily transacts is most multifarious ; hence I shall only describe such affairs as continually recur. :

A large number of men are introduced on such days, for which an Anjuman t Déd o Dthish, or assembly of expenditure, has been announced. Their merits are enquired into, and the coin of knowledge passes current. Some take a burden from their hearts by expressing a wish to be enrolled among the members of the Divine Faith; others want medicines for their diseases. Some pray His Majesty to remove a religious doubt; others again seek his advice for settling a worldly matter.* There is no end to such requests, and I must confine myself to the most necessary cases.

The salaries of a large number of men® from Turan and ‘Trin, Turkey and Europe, Hindustan and Kashmir, are fixed by the proper officers in a manner described below, aud the men themselves are taken before His Majesty by the paymasters. Formerly it had been the custom for the men to come with a horse and accoutrements; but now-a-days only men appointed to the post of an Ahadi* bring a horse. The salary as proposed by the officers who bring them, is then increased or decreased, though it is generally increased ; for the market of His Majesty’s liberality is never dull. The number of men brought before His Majesty depends on the number of men available. Every Monday all such horsemen are mustered as were left from the preceding week. With the view of increasing the army and the zeal of the officers, His Majesty gives to each who brings horsemen, a present of two dams for each horseman.

Special Bitikchis’ [writers] introduce in the same manner such as are fit to be Ahadis. In their caso, His Majesty always increases the stipulated salary. As it is customary for every Ahadi to buy® his own horse, ‘His Majesty has ordered to bring to every muster the horses of any Ahadis that

• This is to be taken literally. The water on which Akbar breathed, was a universal remedy. Vide next Ain.

2 As settling a family-feud, recom- mending a matrimonial alliance, giving anew-born child a suitable name, &c.

• Abulfazl means men who were willing to serve in the several grades of the standing army. The standing army consisted of cavalry, artillery, and rifles. There was no regular Intantry. Men who joined the standing army, in the beginning of Akbar’s reign, brought their own horse and accoutrements with them ; but as this was found to be the cause of much inelliciency (vide Second

Book, Ain 1), a horse was given to each recruit on joining, for which he was answerable.

• As Ahadis drew a higher salary (U1,

. Ain 4), they could buy, and maintain,

horses of a superior kind. .

5 Ain 4 of the second book mentions only one officer appointed to recruit the ranks of Ahadis.

® So according to two MSS. My text edition, p. 158, 1. 10, has As ct 2s not customary for Ahadis to buy a house, gc. Both readings give a senso, though I should prefer the omission of the nega- tive word. According to Ain 4, of the second book, an Ahadi was supplied with

21

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may have lately died, which he hands over to the newly appointed Ahadis either as presents, or charging the price to their monthly salaries.

On such occasions, Senior Grandees and other Amirs introduce also any of their friends, for whom they may solicit appointments. His‘Majesty then fixes the salaries of such candidates according to circumstances ; but appointments under fifty rupees per mensem are rarely ever solicited in this manner,

Appointments to the ‘Imperial workshops also are made in such assemblies, and the salaries are fixed. ;

. AIN 77. HIS MAJESTY’ AS THE SPIRITUAL GUIDE OF THE’ PEOPLE.

God, the Giver of intellect and the Creator of matter, forms mankind as He pleases, and gives to some comprehensiveness, and to others narrow- ness of disposition. Hence the origin of two opposite tendencies among men, one class of whom turn to religious (diz), and the other class to worldly thoughts (dunyd). Each of these two divisions selects different leaders,? and ~ mutual repulsiveness grows to open rupture. It is then that men’s blindness and silliness appear in their true light ; itis then discovered how rarely mutual regard and charity are to be met with. Z

But have the religious and the worldly tendencies of men no commo grotnd? Is there not everywhere the same enrapturing beauty® which beams forth from so many thousand hidden places? Broad indeed is the carpet’ which God has spread, and beautiful the colours which He has given it.

The Lover and the Beloved are in reality one ;* . Ide talkers speak of the Brahmin as distinct from his idol. —_— 7

A horse when his first horse had died. God, there is a ground commion to both. To such cases the negative phrase would Hence mankind ought to learn that there

refer. But it was customary for Ahadis to bring their own horse on joining; and this is the case which Abulfazl evidently means ; for in the whole Ain he speaks of newcomers.

A note will be found at the end of this Ain.

? As prophets, the leaders of the Church ; and kings, the leaders of the State.

• God. He may be worshipped by the meditative, and by the active man. The former speculates on the essence of God, the latter rejoices in the beauty of the world, and does his duty as man. Both represent tendencies apparently antagonistic; but as both strive after

is no real antagonism between din and dunyd. Let, men rally round Akbar, who joins Gufic depth to practical wisdom. By his example, he teaches men how to adore God in doing one’s

• duties ; his superhuman knowledge

roves that the light of God dwells in hi. The surest way of pleasing God is to obey the king. ;

The reader will do well ta compare Abulfazl’s preface with this Ain. ;

• The world.

° These Cufic lines illustrate the idea that ‘the same enrapturing beauty’ is everywhere, God is everywhere, in everything : hence everything is God. Thus God, the Beloved, dwells in man,

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There is but one lamp in this house, in the rays of which, Wherever I look, a bright assembly meets me.

One man thinks that by keeping his passions in subjection he worships God; and another finds self-discipline in watching over the destinies of a nation. The religion of thousand others consists in clinging to an idea: they are happy in their sloth and unfitness of judging for themselves. But when the time of reflection comes, and men shake off the prejudices of their education, the threads of the web of religious blindness’ break, and the “eye sees the glory of harmoniousness.

But the ray of such wisdom does not light up every house, nor could every heart bear such knowledge. Again, although some are enlightened, many would, observe silence from fear of fanatics, who lust for blood, but look like men. And should any one “muster sufficient courage, and openly proclaim his onlightened thoughts, pious simpletons would call him a mad man, and throw-him aside as of no account, whilst ill-stared wrotches would at once think of heresy and atheisin, and go about with the intention of

. killing him.

Whenever, from lucky circumstances, the time arrives that a nation _ | learns to understand how to worship truth, the people will naturally look to their king, on account of the high position which he occupies, and expect him to be their spiritual leader as well; for a king possesses, independent of men, the ray of Divine wisdom,* which banishes from his heart every- thing that is conflicting. A king will therefore somctimes observe the element of harmony in a multitude of things, or sometimes, reversely, a multitude of things in that which is apparently one; for he sits on the throne of distinction, and is thus equally removed from joy or sorrow.

’ Now this is the case with the monarch of the present age, and this book is a witness of it. ;

Men versed in foretelling the future, knew this when His Majesty was born,’ and together with all others that were cognizant of the secret, they

or A. D. 1575] a great number of Portu- guese, from whom they likewise picked up doctrines justifiable by reasoning.” Baddoni UW, p. 281.

• Vide Abulfaz!’s preface, p. III, 1. 19, 5 This is an allusion to the wonderful

the lover, and both are one. Brahmin = man ; the idol = God; lamp = thought of God; house = man’s heart. The thoughtful man sees everywhere ‘ the bright assembly of God’s works.’

• The text has ¢aglid, which means

to puta collar on one’s own neck, to follow another blindly, especially in religious matters. “All things which refer to prophetship and revealed religion they [Abulfazl, Hakim Abulfath, &c.] called taglidiydt, ¢. e., things against reason, because they put the busis of religion upon reason, not testimony. Besides, there came [during A. H. 983,

event which happened at the birth of the emperor. Akbar spoke. “ From Mirzé Shéh Muhammad, called Ghaznin Khan, son of Shah Begkhan, who had the title of Diutin Khén, and was an Arghin by birth. The author heard him say at Lihor, in A. H. 1053,

• T asked Nawab ’Aztz Kokah, who has the title of Khan i A’zam [vide List of

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have since been waiting in joyful expectation. His Majesty, however, wisely surrounded himself for a time with a veil, asif he were an outsider, or a stranger to their hopes. But can man counteract the will of God? His ‘Majesty, at first, took all such by surprise as were wedded to the psejudices of the age; but he could not help revealing his intentions: they grew to maturity in spite of him, and are now fully known. He now is the spiritual guide of the nation, and sees in the performance of this duty a means of pleasing God. He has now opened the gate that leads to the right path, and satisfies the thirst of all that wander about panting for truth. “ But whether he checks men in their desire of becoming disciples, or - admits them at other times, he guides them in each case to the realm of bliss. Many sincere enquirers, from the mere light of his wisdom, or his holy breath, obtain a degree of awakening which other spiritual doctors could not produce by repeated fasting and prayers for forty days. Numbers of those who have renounced the world, as Sanndsts, Jogis, Serrds, Qalandars, Hakims, and Cufis, and thousands of such as follow worldly pursuits, as soldiers, tradespeople, mechanics, and husbandmen, have daily their eyes opened to insight, or have the light of their knowledge increased. Men of all nations, young and old, friends and strangers, the far and the near, look upon offering a vow to His Majesty as the means of solving all their diffi- culties, and bend down in worship on obtaining their desire. Othors again, from the distance of their homes, or to avoid the crowds gathering at -Court, offer their vows. in secret, and pass their lives in grateful praises. But when His Majesty leaves Court, in order to settle the affairs of a province, to conquer a kingdom, or to enjoy the pleasures of the chase, there is not a hamlet, a town, or a city, that does not send forth crowds of men and women with vow-offerings in their hands, and prayers on their lips, touching the ground with their foreheads, praising the efficacy of their vows, or proclaim- ing the accounts of the spiritual assistance received. Other multitudes ask for lasting bliss, for an upright heart, for advice how best to act, for strength of the body, for enlightenment, for the birth of a son, the reunion of friends, a long life, increase of wealth, elevation in rank, “and many other things. His Majesty, who knows what is really good, gives satisfactory answers to every one, and applies remedies to their religious perplexities. Not a day passes but people bring cups of water to him, beseéching-hifa to breathe upon it, Ife who reads the letters of the divine orders in the book of fate, on seeing the tidings of hope, takes-the water with his blessed hands, places .

Grandees, second Book, Adin 30], whether Edition, p. 390. Bombay edition, p. 260. the late emperor, like the Messiah, had The words which Christ spoke in the really spoken with his august mother. cradle, ave given in the Qoran, Sur. 19, He replied, ** His mother told me, it was and in the spurious gospel of the Infancy

true.” Dabistén ul Mazdhib, Calcutta of Christ, pp. 5, 113.

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it in the rays of the world-illuminating sun, and fulfils the desire of the supplant. -Many sick people’ of broken hopes, whose diseases the most eminent physicians pronounced incurable, have been, restored to health by this divine means. ; ;

A more remarkable case is the following. A simple-minded recluse had- cut off his tongue, and throwing it towards the threshold of the palace, said, “ If that certain blissful thought,? which I just now have, has been put into my heart by God, my tongue will ‘get well; for the sincerity of my belief must lead to a happy issue.” The day was not ended before he obtained his wish.

Those who are acquainted with the religious knowledge and the piety of His Majesty, will not attach any importance to some of his customs,® remarkable as they may appear at first; and those who know His Majesty’s charity and love of justice, do not even see any thing remarkable in them. In the magnanimity of his heart, he never thinks of his perfection, though

he is the ornament of the world. Hence he even keeps back many who } 4

declare themselves willing to become his disciples. He often says, ‘‘ Why should I claim to guide men, before I myself am guided?” But when a novice bears on his forehead the sign of earnestness of purpose, and he be daily enquiring more and more, His Majesty accepts him, and admits him on a Sunday, when the world-illuminating sun is in its highest splendour. Notwithstanding every strictness and reluctance shewn by His Majesty in admitting novices, there are many thousands, men of all classes, who have cast over their shoulders the mantel of belief, and look upon their con- version to the New Faith as the means of obtaining every blessing.

At the above-mentioned time of everlasting auspiciousness, the novice with his turban in his hands, puts his head on the feet of His Majesty. This is symbolical,* and expresses that the novice, guided by good fortune and the assistance of his good star, has cast aside® conceit and selfishness,

2“ He [Akbar] shewed himself every there remained in the breast of the mo-

\

k

morning at a window, in front of which multitudes came and prostrated them- selves; while women brought their sick

infants for his benediction, and offered’

presents on their recovery.” rom the ac- count of the Goa Missionaries who came to Akbar in 1595, in Dfurray’s Discoveries in Asia, II, p. 96. ;

2 His thought was this. If Akbar is a

prophet, he must, from his supernatural -

wisdom, find out in what condition I am lying here.

*** He (Akhar] showed, besides, no par- tiality to the Mahometans ; and when in straits for money, would even plunder the, mosques to equip his cavalry.. Yet

narch a stronghold of idolatry, on which they [the Portuguese Missionaries] could never make any impression. Not only did he’ adore the sun, and make long prayers to it four times a day ; he also held himself forth as an object of worship ; and though exceedingly tolerant as to . other modes of faith, never would admit of any encroachments on his own divi- nity.” Murray’s Discoveries, IT, p. 95.

• The text has zabdn i hdl, and a little lower down, zabdn i bezufint, Zabdn t hal, or symbolical language, is opposed to zabdn t magidl, spoken words.

• Or rather, jrom his head, as the text has, because the casting aside of seltish-

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the root of so many evils, offers his heart in worship, and now comes to en- quire as to the means of obtaining everlasting life. His Majesty, the chosen one of God, then stretches out the hand of favour, raises up the suppliant, and replaces the turban on his head, meaning by these symbolical-«actions - that he has raised up a man of pure intentions, who from seeming existence has now-entered into real life. His Majesty then gives the novice the Shagt,’ upon which is engraved ‘the Great Name,” and His -Majesty’s symbolical motto, ‘ Alldhu Akbar.’ This teaches the novice the truth that “ The pure Shagt and the pure sight never err.”

Seeing the wonderful habits of His Majesty, his sincere attendants are guided, as circumstances require it ; and from the wise counsels they receive, they soon state their wishes openly. They learn to satisfy their thirst in the spring of divine favour, and‘ gain for their wisdom and motives renewed light. Others, according to their capacities are taught wisdom in excellent advices.

But it is impossible while speaking of other matters besides, to give a full account of the manner in which His Majesty teaches wisdom, heals dangerous diseases, and applies remedies for the severest sufferings. Should my occupations allow sufficient leisure, avid should another term of life be” granted me, it is my intention to lay before the world a separate volume on this subject.

Ordinances of the Divine Faith.

The members of the Divine Faith, on secing each other, observe the following custom. One says, “ Alléhu Akbar ;” and the other responds, “ Jalla Jaldluhu.® The motive of His Majesty, in laying down this mode

root, nota derivative. All epithets of

ness is symbolically expressed by taking God are contained in it.” ashfullughdt.

off theturban. To wear a turban is a dis-

tinction. .

» Shagt means aim; secondly any thing round, cither a ring, or a thread, as the Brahminical thread. Here a ring seems to be meank Or it may be the likeness of the Emperor which, according to Badéoni, the members wore on their turbans.

2 The Great Name isa name of God. “Some say, it is the word Allah ; others say, ibis gamad, the eternal ; others, a/- hayy, the living ; others, algayytm, the everlasting; others, arrahmdn, arrahin, the clement and merciful ; others, a7mu- haimin, the protector. Ghids. ‘ Qazi Hanniduddin of Nigor says, the Great Name is the word Hu, or He (God), because it has a reference to God’s na- ture, as it shows that He has no other at Ilis side. Again, the word hid is a

® These formule remind of Akbar’s name, Jaldluddin Muhammad Akbar. The words Alldhu Akbar are ambi- guous : they may mean, God is great, or, Akbar is God. There is no doubt that Akbar liked the*phrase for its ambiguity ; for it was used on coins, the Imperial seals, and the heading of books, farmins, &c. His era was called the Divine era ; his faith, the Divine fuith ; and the note at the end of this Ain shews how Akbar, starting from the idea of the Divine right of kings, gradually came to look upon himself’ as the Mujtahid of the age, then as the prophet of God and God’s Vice re- gent on earth, and lastly as a Deity. “ It was during these days [A. H. 983, or A. D. 1575-76] that His Majesty once asked how people would like it, if he ordered the words Alldhu Akbar to be cut on

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of salutation, is to remind men to think of the origin of theix existence, and to keep the Deity in fresh, lively, and grateful remembrance.

It is also ordered by His Majesty that, instead of the dinner usually given in remembrance of a man after his death, each member should pre- parb a dinner during his lifetime, and thus gather provisions for his last journey. :

Each member is to give a party on the anniversary of his birth-day, and arrange a sumptuous feast. He is to bestow alms, and thus prepare provisions for the long journey.

His Majesty has also ordered that members should endeavour to abstain from eating flesh. They may allow others to eat flesh, without touching it themselves ; but during the month of their birth they are not even to ap- proach meat. Nor shall members go near anything that they have them- solves slain; nor eat of it. Neither shall they make use of the same vessels with butchers, fishers, and birdcatchers.

Members should not cohabit with pregnant, old, and barren women ; nor with girls under the age of puberty.

Nore By THE TRANSLATOR ON THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS OF THE Emperor AkBAR.

In connection with the preceding Ain, it may be of interest for the general reader, and of some value for the future historian of Akbar’s reign, to collect, in form of a note, the information which we possess regarding the religious views of the Emperor Akbar. The sources from which this information is derived, is, besides Abulfazl’s Ain, the Muntakhab ut Tawavikh by ’Abdul Qadir ibn i Mulak Shéh of Badéon —regarding whom I would refer the reader to p. 104, and to a longer article in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1869—and the Dabistin ul Mazdhib’, a work written about sixty yearg after Akbar’s death by an unknown Muhammadan writer of strong Parsi tendencies. Nor must we forget the valuable testimony of some of the Portuguese Missionaries whom Akbar called from Goa, as Rodolpho Aquaviva,

the Imperial seal and the dies of his coins. Most said, people would like it very

mucb.. But Haji Ibrabim objected, and,

said, the phrase had an ambiguous mean- ing, and the emperor might substitute the Qoran verse Lazikru Alldhi akbaru (To think of God is the greatest thing), because it involved no ambiguity. But is Majesty got displeased, and said,

it was surely sufficient that no man who felt his weakness, would claim Divyini- ty; he merely looked to the sound of the words, and he had never thought that a thing could be carried to such an extreme.” Baddon?, p. 210.

2 Printed at Calcutta in 1809 with o short dictionary, and reprinted at Bombay, A. H. 1272, (A. D, 1856]. This work

oe '

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Antonio de, Monserrato, Francisco Enriques, &c., of whom the first is mentioned by Abulfazl under the name of Pddrt Radalf’ There exist also two articles on Akbar’s religious views, one by Captain Vans Kennedy, published in the second volume of the Transactions of the Bombay Literary Society, and another by the late Horace Hayman Wilson, which had originally appeared in the Calcutta Quarterly Oriental Magazine, Vol. I., 1824, and has been reprinted in the second volume of Wilson’s works, London, 1862. Besides, a few extracts from Badéon{, bearing on this subject, will be foundin Sir H. Elliott’s Bibliographical Index to the Historians of Muhammadan India, p. 2438 ff. The Proceed- ings of the Portuguese Missionaries at Akbar’s Court are described in Murray’s Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in Asia, Edin- burgh, 1820, Vol. IT.

I shall commence with extracts from Badaoni.? The translation is” literal, which is of great importance in a difficult writer like Badéoni.

Abulfazl’s second introduction to Akbar. is pride.

{Badioni, edited by Maulawi Aghé Ahmad ’Ali, in the Bibliotheca Indica, Vol. IT, p. 198.]

“Tt was during these days [end of 982 A. H.] that Abulfazl, son of Shaikh Mubiarik of Nagor, came the second time to court. He is now styled: *Alldmt. He is the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Cabdhis, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight, and repre- senting himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round *his waist, according to the saying, ‘He who forms an opposition, gains power.’ ‘He laid before the Emperor a commentary on the A’yat ul-kursi,®

has also been translated into English at 988 — 17 February, 1580. the cost of the Oriental Translation 989 — 6 February, 1581. Fund. 990 — 26 January, 1582.

• Not Padre Radif, rw -ERY) yo, as in 991 — 15 January, 1583. _Elphinstone’s history, but Jy), the letter te — : January, 1584. (lim) having been mistaken for a 4 (yd). Bal me rf baat eK ? As in the following extracts the years 995 — 2 December, 1586. of the Hijrah are given, the reader may 996 — 22 November, 1587. convert them according to this table :— 997 — 10 November, 1588. The year 980 A. H. commenced 14 May 998,— 31 October, 1589. Sah ell 999 — 20 October, 1590. pet are ee Gey 1000 — 9 October, 1591. eae ev alie pore 1001 — 28 September, 1592. 983 — 12 April, 1576. 1002 — 17 September, 1593. 984 — 31 March, 1576. 1003 — 6 September, 1594, 985 — 21 March, 1:77. 1004, — 27 August, 1595.

986 — 10 March, 1578. ea i! aa ® Qor. Sur. II, 256.

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which contained all subtleties of the Qorén; and though people said that it had been written by his father, Abulfazl was much praised. The numerical value of the letters in the words Tafsir ¢ Akbart (Akbar’s com- mentary) gives the date of composition [983]. But the emperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abulfazl a man capable of teaching the Mullds a lesson, whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh, though this expectation was opposed to the confidence which His Majesty had placed in me. .

The reason of Abulfazl’s opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibi- lity was this. At the time when it was customary to-get hold of, and kill, such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters (as had been the case with Mir Habshi and others), Shaikh ’Abdunnabi and Makhdim ul mulk, and other learned men at court, unanimously represented to the emperor that Shaikh Mubarik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahdi, belonged to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they despatched police officers, to bring him before the emperor. But when they found that the Shaikh, with his two sons, had concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer-room. The Shaikh, at first, took refuge with Salim i Chishti at Fathpir, who then was in the height ‘of his glory, and requested him to intercede for him.- Shaikh Salim, however, sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him, it would be better for him to go away to Gujrét. Seeing that Salim took no interest in him, Shaikh Mubérik applied to Mirz4’Aziz Kokah [Akbar’s foster-brother}, who took occasion to praise to the emperor the Shaikh’s learning and volun- tary poverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubarik was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present, and that he [’Aziz] could really not see why the Shaikh was so much persecuted. The emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh. In a short time matters took a more favourable turn; and Abulfazl, when once in favor with the emperor, (officious as he was, and timé-sorviag, openly faithless, continually studying His Majesty’s whims, a flatterer boyond all bounds) took every opportunity of reviling in the most shame- ful way that sect whose labours and motives lave been so little appreciated, ° aud became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, pious men, of the helpless, and the orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down.

» Vide p. 106, Note 5. years Inter, Akbar used Mahdawi ru-

Badioni belonged to the believers in mours for his own purposes ; vide below.,)

the approach of the Millennium. A few The extract shows that there existed before * /

22

|

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He used to say, openly and implicitly,—

O Lord, send down a proof’ for the people of the world ! Send these Nimrods? a gnat as big as an elephant! These Pharaoh-like fellows have lifted up their heads ; Send them a Moses with a staff, and a Nile!

And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings, miseries and mis- fortunes broke in upon the ’Ulamd&s (who had persecuted him and his father), he applied the following Rubé’i to them :—

I have set fire to-my barn with my own hands,

As I am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy ? No one is my enemy but myself,

Woe is me! I have torn my garment with my own hands.

And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict of any Mijtahid®, he used to say, ‘Oh don’t bring me the arguments of this sweetmeat-seller, and that cobbler, or that tanner!” He thought himself capable of giving the lie to all Shailchs and ’Ulamés.”’

Commencement of the Disputations. [Badéoni II, p. 200.]

“During the year 983 A. H., many~places of worship were built at the command of His Majesty. The cause was this. For many years previous to 983, the emperor had gained in succession remarkable and decisive victories. The empire had grown in extent from day to day; everything turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples of the Mu’iniyyah sect, and passed much of his time in discussing the word of God (Qorén), and the word of the prophet (the ZHadés, or Tradition). Questions of Cufism, scientific discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty passed whole nights in thoughts of God; he continually occupied himself with pronouncing the nemes Yahi and Yd hddt, which had been mentioned to him,* and his

982, heretical innovators, whom the em- peror allowed to be persecuted. Matters soon- took a different turn.

That is, a man, capable of teaching the “Ulamis a lesson. Abulfazl means himaelf.

• Nimrod, or Namrdd, and Pharaoh, are pera in the East for their pride.

imrod was killed by a gnat which had crept through the nose to his brain. He could only relieve his pains by strikin the crown of head; but at last’ he di from the elfects of his own blows.

• A man of infallible authority in his

explanations of the Muhammadan law. There are few Mujtahids. Among the oldest there were several who plied a trade at the same time. The preceding Rabaé’i is translated by Sir H. TEMliott in the Muhammadan Historians of India, p. 244.

• By some ascetic. Yd hd means O He (God), and Ya hddi, O Guide. The frequent repetition of such names is & mgans of knowledge. Some faqirs repeat tliém several thousand times during a night. ~~

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‘heart was full of reverence for Him who is the true Giver. From a feeling _ of thankfulness for his past successes, he would sit many a morning alone in prayer and melancholy, on a large flat stone of an old building which lay near the palace in alonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, and gathering the bliss of early hours.”

Tn his religious habits the emperor was confirmed by a story which he had heard of Sulaimén,’ ruler of Bengal, who, in‘company with 150 Shaikhs and ’Ulamis, held every morning a devotional meeting, after which he used to transact state business; as_also ‘by the’ news that Mirz4 Sulaim4n, a prince of Giifi tendencies, and a Cahib 7 hal’ was

“ coming to him from Badakhshéan. :

Among the religious buildings was a meeting place near a tank called Aniptaldo, where Akbar, accompanied by a few courtiers, met the ’Ulamias and lawyers of the realm. The pride of the “Ulamas, and the heretical (Shiitic) subjects discussed in this building, caused Mullé Sheri, a poet of Akbar’s reign, to compose a poem in which the place was called a temple of Pharaoh and a building of Shadddd (ede Qor. Sur. 89). The result to which the discussions led, vill be seen from the . following extract. [Bad. IT, p. 202.]

‘For those discussions, which were held every Thursday® night, His Majesty invited the Sayyids, Shaikhs, “Ulamis, and grandees, by turn. But as the guests generally commenced to quarrel about their places, and the ordor of precedence, His Majesty ordered that the grandees should sit on the east side; the Sayyids on the west side; the ’Ulamas, to the south ; and the Shaikhs, tothe north. The emperor then used to go from one side to the other, and make his enquiries……, when all at once, one night, ‘the vein of the neck of the ’Ulamis of the age swelled up,’ and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude behaviour, and said to me (Badéoni], “In future report any of the ’Ulamas that cannot behave and talks nonsense, and I shall make him leave the hall.” I gently said to Agaf Khan, “If I were to carry out this order, most of the ’Ulam4s would have to leave,” when His Majesty suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer, he was highly pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him.”

7 The edition of Badéon{ calls him themselves by silent thought, or by pro- sly Karardni. He is sometimes call- nouncing the name of God. ed Kardnt 3 sometimes, Marzdzt. He Beir ores beet ald aly ah, the sage iy ene os Orr eam ot | nh of Poy, btu Memon . . ee LO ¢ 7; ‘ > . ® Hél is the state of ecstasy and close Thursday night. union with God, into which Gufis bring

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Soon after, another row occurred in the presence of the Emperor.

[Bad. II, p. 210.]

‘‘Some people mentioned that Haji Ibrahim of Sarhind had given a decree, by which he made it legal to wear red and yellow clothes,” quoting at the same time a Tradition as his proof. On hearing this, the Chief Justice, in the meeting hall, called him an accursed wretch, abused him, and lifted up his stick, in order to strike him, when the H4ji by some subter- fuges managed to get rid of him.”

Akbar was now fairly disgusted with the “Ulamas and lawyers; he never pardoned pride and conceit in a man, and of all kinds of conceit, the conceit of learning was most hateful to him.. From now he resolved to vex the principal ’Ulam4s; and no sooner had his courtiers discovered this, than they brought all sorts of charges against them. ;

(Bad. IT, p. 203.]

“His Majesty therefore ordered Mauléné ’Abdullah of Sulténpir, who had received the title of Makhdim ul mulk, to come to a-meeting, as he wished to annoy him,.and appointed Haji Ibrahim, Shaikh Abulfazl (who had lately come to court, and is at ptesent the infallible authority in all religious matters, and also for the New Religion of His Majesty, and the guide of men to truth, and their leader in general), and several other newcomers, to oppose him. During the discussion, His Majesty took every occasion to interrupt the Mauliné, when he explained any- thing. When the quibbling and wrangling had reached the highest point, some courfiers, according to an order previously given by His Majesty, commenced to tell rather queer stories of the Maulén4, to whose position one might apply the verse of the Qorén (Sur. XVI, 72), ‘And some one of you shall have his life prolonged to a miserable age, &c.? Among other stories, Khan Jahén said that he had heard that Makhdim ul mulk? had

, given a fatwa, that the ordinance of pilgrimage was no longer binding, but even burtfw. When people had asked him the reason of his ex- traordinary fatwa, he had said, that the two roads to Makkah, through Persia and over Gujrat, were impracticable, because people, in going by land (Persia), had to suffer injuries at the hand of the Qrzilbdshes (7. e., the Shi’ah inhabitants of Persia), and in going by soa, they had to put up with indignities from the Portuguese, whose ship-tickets had pictures of Mary and Jesus stamped on them. To make use, therofore, of the latter alternative would mean to countenance idolatry ; hence both roads avere closed up.

2 As women may use. Akbar did not probiba§ pilgrimages before

2 This extract as given by Sir H. Elliott 990 A: H. on p. 244 conveys a wrong impression.

173

Khén Jahén also related that the Mauléné had invented a clever trick by which he escaped paying the legal alms upon the wealth which he amassed every year. Towards the end of each year, he used to make over all his stores to his wife, but he took them back before the year had ‘actually run out,’

Other tricks also, in comparison with which the tricks of the children of Moses are nothing, and rumours of his meanness and shabbiness, his open cheating and worldliness, and his cruelties said to have been practised on the Shaikhs and the poor of the whole country, but especially on the Aimadirs and other deserving people of the Panj&b,—all came up, one story after the other. His motives, ‘ which shall be revealed on the . day of resurrection’ (Qor. LXXXVI, 9), were disclosed; all sorts of stories, calculated to ruin his character and to vilify him, were got up, till it was resolved to force him to go to Makkah:

But when people asked him whether pilgrimage was a duty for a man in his circumstances, he said No;? for Shaikh ’Abdunnabi had risen to power, whilst the star of the Maulénd was fast sinking.”

But a heavier blow was to fall on the “Ulamés. [Bad. IT, p. 207.]

“At one of the above-mentioned meetings, His Majesty asked how many jreeborn women a man was legally allowed to marry (by xzkdh). The lawyers answered that four was the limit fixed by the prophet. The emperor thereupon remarked that from the time he had come of age, he had not restricted himself to that number, and in justice to his wives; of whont he had a large number, both freeborn and slaves, he now wanted to know what remedy the law provided for his case. Most expressed their opinions, when the emperor remarked that Shaikh ’Abdunnabi had once told him that one of the Mujtahids had had as many as nine Wives. Some of the Ulamés present replicd that the Mujtahid alluded to was Ibn Abi Laila; and that some had even allowed eighteen from a too literal trans- lation of the Qorén verse (Qor. Sur. LV, 3), ‘‘ Marry whatever women ye - like, two and two,* and three and three, and four and four;” but this was improper. His Majesty then sent a message to Shaikh ’Abdunnabi,

2 Alms are duc on every surplus of stock or stores which a Sunni possesses at the end of a year, provided that surplus have been in his possession for a &hole year. If the wife, therefore, had the surplus for a part of the year, and the husband took it afterwards back, he escaped the paying of alms. .

27. e, he meant to say he was oor, and thus refuted the charges brought

against him.

® Thus they got 24+2, 343, 44+4=18. But the passage is usually translated, ‘Marry whatever women ye like, two, or three, or four.’ The Mujtahid who took nine unto himself, translated ‘two + three + four,’ == 9. The question of the emperor was most ticklish, because, if the lawyers adhered to the number fonr, which they could not well avoid, the hardmzddagi of Akbar’s Jrecborn prin-

‘cesses was acknowledged,

174

who replied that he had merely wished to point out to Akbar that a difference of opinion existed on this point among lawyers, but that he had not given a fatwa, in order to legalize irregular marriage proceedings. This annoyed His Majesty very much. ‘‘The Shaikh,” he said, ‘told me at that time a very different thing from what he now tells me.” He never forgot this.

After much discussion on this point, the ’Ulam4s, having collected every

’ Tradition on the subject, decreed, first, that, by dfut’ah [not by nikéh] a man might marry any number of wives he pleased; and secondly, that Mut’ah marriages were allowed by Imém Malik. The Shi’ahs, as was well known, loved children born in Jfut’ah wedlock more than those born by nikéh wives, contrary to the Sunnis and the Ahl i Jamé’at.

On the latter point also the discussion got rather lively, and I would refer the reader to my work entitled Wajdturrashid [ Vide note 2, p. 104], in which the subject is briefly discussed. But to make things worse, Nagqib Khan fetched a copy of the Ifuwatta of Im4m Malik, and pointed to a Tradition in the book, which the Im4m had cited as a proof against the legality of Afut’ah marriages.

• Another night, Q4zi Ya’qib, Shaikh Abulfazl, Haji Ibréhim, and a few others were invited to meet His Majesty in the house near tho Antptaléo tank. Shaikh Abulfazl had been selected as the opponent, and laid before the emperor several traditions regarding J/ui’ah marriages, which his father (Shaikh Mulbérik) had collected, and the discussion commenced. His Majesty then asked me, what my opinion was on this subject. I said, ‘The conclusion which must be drawn from so many contradictory traditions and sectarian customs, is this:—Im4m Malik and the Shi’ahs are unanimous in looking upon Mut’ah marriages as legal; Imém Shafi and the Great Imam (Hanifah) look upon Mut’ah marriages as illegal. But, should at any time a Qézi of the Méliki sect decide that Mut’ ah is legal, it is legal, according to the common belief, even for Shéfi’is and Hanafis. Every other opinion on this subject is idle talk.” This pleased His Majesty very much.”

The unfortunate Shaikh Ya’qib, however, went on talking about the extent of the authority of a Qézi. He tried to shift the ground ; but when he saw that he was discomfited, he said, “ Very well, I have nothing else to say,—just as His Majesty pleases.”

‘The emperor then said, ‘‘I herewith appoint the Méliki Q4zi Husain ’Arab as the Q4zi before whom I lay this case concerning my wives, and you, Ya’qub, are from to-day suspended.” This was immediately obeyed, and Qézi Hasan, on the spot, gave a decree which made Mfut’ah marriages legal.

175

The veteran lawyers, as Makhdtim ulmulk, Qézi Ya’qib, and others, made very long faces at these proceedings.

This was the commencement of ‘ their sere and yellow leaf.’

The result was that, a few days later, Maulén4 Jaléluddin of Multan a profound and learned man, whose grant had been transferred, was ordered from Agrah (to Fathpir Sikri,) and appointed Qézi of the realm. Qézi Ya’qub was sent to Gaur as District Qazi.

From this day henceforth, ‘the road of opposition and difference in opinion’ lay open; and remained so till His Majesty was appointed Mujtahid of the empire.” [Here follows-the extract regarding the formula ’4lldhu Akbar, given on p. 166, note 3.]

[Bad4oni I, p. 211.]

“During this year [983], there arrived Hakim Abulfath, Hakim Humiyin (who subsequently changed his name to Humfyin Quili, and lastly to Hakim Humim,) and Niruddin, who as poet is known under the name of Qardrt. They were brothers, and came from Gildn, near the Caspian Sea. The eldest brother, whose manners and address were exceed- ingly winning, obtained in a short time great ascendancy over the Emperor ; he flattered him openly, adapted himself to every change in the religious . ideas of His Majesty, or even went in advance of them, and thus became — in a short time, a most intimate friend of Akbar.

Soon after there came from Persia Mull4 Muhammad of Yazd, who got the nickname of Yazidi, and attaching himself to the emperor, com- menced openly to revile the Cahdbah (persons who knew Muhammad, except the twelve Iméms), told queer stories about them, and tried hard to make the emperor a Shi’ah. But he was soon left behind by Bir Bar—that bastard !—and by Shaikh Abulfazl, and Hakim Abulfath, who success- fully turned the emperor from the Islam, and led him to reject inspiration, prophetship, the miracles of the prophet and of the saints, and even the whole law, so that I could no longer bear their company.

At the same time, His Majesty ordered Qézi Jalaluddin and several ’*Ulamés to write a commentary on the Qorén; but this led to great rows among them.

Deb Chand Rajah Manjholah—that fool—once set the whole court in laughter by saying that Allah after all had great respect for cows, else the cow would not have been mentioned in the first chapter (Sirat ul bagarah) of the Qoran.

His Majesty had also the early history of the Islim read out to him, and soon commenced to think less of the Qukdbak. Soon after, the ob- servance of the five prayers and the fasts, and the belief in every thing connected with the prophet, were put down as taglidi, or religious blindness,

176

and man’s reason was acknowledged to be the basis of all religion. Portu- guese priésts also came frequently; and’ His Majesty enquired into the articles of their belief which are based upon reason.” [Badéoni I, p, 245.] .

“In the beginning of the next year [984], when His Majesty was at Dipélpér in Maélwah, Sharif of Amul arrived. This apostate had- run from country to country, like a dog that has burnt its foot, and turning from-one sect to the other, he went on wrangling till he became a perfect heretic. For some time he had studied Cufic nonsense in the school of Mauldné Muhammad Zéhid of Balkh, nepheew-of the great Shaikh Husain of Khwarizm, and had lived with derwishes. But as he had little of a derwish in himself, he talked slander, and was so full of conceit, that they hunted him away. The Mauldn4 also wrote a poem apanet: him, ‘in which the following verse occurs :

’

• There was a heretic, Sharif by name, Who talked very big, though of doubtful fame.

In his wanderings ke had come to the Dak’hin, where he made him- self so notorious, that the king of the Dak’hin wanted to kill him. But he was only put on a donkey and shewn about in the city. Hindustan, however, is a nice large place, where anything is allowed, arid no one cares for another, and people go on ‘as ‘they may. He therefore made for Mélwah, and settled at a place, five hos distant from tho Imperial camp. Every frivolous and absurd word he spoke, was full of venom, and became the general talk. Many fools, especially Persian heretics, (whom the Islim casts out as people cast out hairs which they find in dough—such heretics are called Nabatis, and are,destined to be the foremost worshippers of Antichrist) Zathered round him, and spread, at his order, the rumour that he was the restorer of the Millenium. The sensation was immense. As soon as His Majesty heard of him, he invited him one night to a private audienee in a long prayer room, which had been made of cloth, and in which the emperor with his suite used to say the five daily prayors. **Ridicu- lous in his oxterior, ugly in shape, with his neck stooping forward, he ~ performed his obeisance, and stood still with his arms crossed, and you could scarcely see how his blue eye (which colour’ is a sign of hostility to our prophet) shed lies, falsehood, and hypocrisy. There he stood for a long time, and when he got the order to sit down, he prostrated himself in worship, and sat down duszdni (vide p. 160, note 2), like an Indian camel. We talked

_privately to His Majosty; no one dared to draw near them, but I some-

• Chashmi i azrag. Europeans Haye Harfri and the Crusades. blue eyes. The expression is as old

177

times heard from a distance tho word ’#lm (knowledgé) because he spoke pretty loud. He. called his aye views ‘ the truth of truths,’ or ‘ the ground- work of things.’ : A fellow, ignorant of things external and internal,

• From silliness indulging idle talk. He is immersed in heresies infernal, -And prattles—God forbid !—of truth eternal.

The whole talk of the man was a mere repetition of the ideas of Mahmid of Basakhwén (a village in Gilin), who lived at the time of Timtr. ‘Mahmud had written thirteen treatises of dirty filth, full of such hypocrisy, as no religion or sect would suffer, and containing nothing but ¢ééd/, which name he had given tothe ‘science of expressed and implied language.’ The chief work of this miserable wretch is entitled Bahr o Kizah (the Ocean and the Jug), and contains such loathsome nonsense, that on listening to it ono’s ear vornits.. How the devil would have laughed into his face, if ; he had heard it, and how he would have jumped for joy! And this Sharif— that dirty thief—had also written a collection of nonsense, which he styled Tarashshukh 4 Zukir, in which he blindly follows Mir *Abdulawwal. This

‘book is writton in loose, deceptive aphorisms, each commencing with the words mifarmidand (the master said), a queer thing to look at, and a mass of ridiculous, silly nonsense. But notwithstanding his ignorance, according to the proverb, ‘ Worthies will meet,’ he has exerted such an influence on the spirit of the age, and on the people, that he is now [in 1004] a commander of One Thousand, and His Majesty’s apostle for Bengal, posses- sing the four degrees of faith, and calling, a8 the Lieutenant of the emperor, the faithful to these degrees.”

The discussions on Thursday Sings were continued for the next year. In 986, they became more violent, in as far as the elementary principles of the Islim were chosen as subject, whilst formerly the disputations had turned on single points. The Ulamés even in the

_ presence of the emperor, often lost their temper, and called each other Kafirs or accursed.

{Bad. II. p. 255.]

“Makhdim also wrote a pamphlet against Shaikh ’Abduanabi, in which he accused him of the murder of Khizr Khin of Shirwan, who was suspected to have reviled the prophet, and of Mir Habshi, whom he had ordered to be killed for heresy. But he also said in the pampliet that it was wrong to say prayers with ’Abdunuabi, because he had been undutitul towards his father, and was, besides, afflicted with piles. Upon this, Shaikh ?Abdunnali called Makhdim a fool, and cursed him. The ’Ulaindés now

23

178 °°

broke up into two parties, like the Sibtis and Qibtis, gathering either round the Shaikh, or round ,Makhdim ulnulk ; and the heretic innovators used this opportunity, to mislead the emperor by their wicked opinions and aspersions, and turned truth into falsehood, and represented lies as truth.

His Majesty till now (986) had shewn every sincerity, and was diligently searching for truth. But his education had been much neglected ; and surrounded as he was by men of low and heretic principles, he had been forced to doubt the truth of the Islam. Falling from one perplexity into the other, he lost sight of his real object, the search of truth; and when the strong embankment of our clear law and our excellent faith had once been broken through, His Majésty grew colder and colder, till after the short space of five or siz years not a trace of Muhammadan Seeling was left in his heart. Matters then became very different.”

[Bad. ZZ, p. 239.]

‘* In 984, the news arrived that Shah Tahmésp of Persia had died, and Shéh Ismé’il II. had succeeded him. The Térikh of his accession is given in the first letters of the three words woo, ee: and bf ot G+56 = 984]. Sh4h Isma’il gave the order that any one who wished to go to Makkah could have his travelling expenses paid from the royal exchequer. Thus thousands of people partook of the spiritual blessing of pilgrimage, whilst here you dare not now [1004] mention that word, and you would _ expose yourself to capital punishment, if you were to ask leave from court for this purpose.”

[Bad. 77, p. 241.]

In 985, the news arrived that Shah Ismi’il, son of Sh&h Tahmésp had been murdered, with the consent of the grandees, by his sister Part Jan Khdnum. Mir Haidar, the riddle writer, found the T4rikh of his accession in the words Shahinshdhi rid zamin [984,] ‘a king of the face of the earth,’ and the T4rikh of his death in Shahinshdhi zer ¢ zamin [985,] ‘a king below the face of the earth.” At that time also there appeared in Persia the great comet which had been visible in India (p. 240), and the consternation was awful, especially as at the same time the Turks conquered Tabriz, Shirw4n, and Mézandarén. Sultan Muhammad Khudabandah, son of Shah Tahmasp, but by another mother, succeeded ; and with him ended the time of reviling and cursing the Cahdbah.

But the heretical ideas had certainly entered Hindustan from Persia.”

*As Tahmfsp in his short Memoirs Isma’il IT. 984 to 985. m (Pers. Ms. 782, As. Soc. Bengal) gives the _Prinsep’s Tables (IInd edition, p- 208) word US sil [930] as the Térikh of his | give, accession, we have Tabmasp, 932 to 983,

Tahmasp from 930 to 984. Ismé’il IL., from 983 to 985.

179

Bava’onr’s SumMARY OF THE REASONS WHICH LED AKBAR TO RENOUNCE THE IsvAzxs. [Bad. ZZ, p. 256.]

The following are the principal reasons which led His Majesty from the right path. I shall not give all, but only some, according to the proverb, “That which is small, guides to that which is great, and a sign of fear in a man points him out as the culprit.”

The principal reason is the large number of learned men | of all deno- minations and sects that came from various countries to court, and received personal interviews. Night and day people did nothing but enquire and investigate; profound points of science, the subtleties of revelation, the curiosities of history, the wonders of nature, of which large volumes could only give a summary abstract, were ever spoken of. His Majesty collected the opinions of every one, especially of such as were not Muhammadans, retaining whatever he approved of, and rejecting every- thing which was against his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes. From his earliest childhood to his manhood, and from his manhood to old age, His Majesty has passed through the most various phases, and through all sorts of religious practices and sectarian beliefs, and has collected every thing which people can find in books, with a talent of selection peculiar to him, and a spirit of enquiry opposed to every [Islmitic] principle. Thus . a faith based on some elomentary principles traced itself on the mirror of his heart, and as the result of all the influences which were brought to bear on His Majesty, there grew, gradually as the outline on a stone, the con- viction in his heart that there were sonsible men in all religions, and abstemious thinkers, and men endowed with miraculous powers, among all nations. If some true. knowledge was thus everywhere to be found, why should truth be confined to one religion, or to a creed like the Islam, which was comparatively new, and scarcely a thousand years old; why should -one sect assert what another denies, and why should one claim a preference without having superiority conferred ‘on itself.

Moreover Sumanis’ and Brahmins managed to get frequent private interviews with. His Majesty. As they surpass other learned men in their treatises on morals, and on physical and religious sciences, and reach a high degree in their knowledge of the future, in spiritual power and human perfection, they brought proofs, based on reason and testimony, for the truth of their own, and the fallacies of other religions, and inculcated their .

a. Naan Ena E

• Explained in Arab. Dictionaries as ft convinced of the transmigration of souls, a sect in Sind who believe in the trans- and therefore rejected ‘the doctrine of

migration of souls (¢andswih.) Alcbar, resurrection.

as will be seen from the following, was

180 doctrines so firmly, and so skilfully represented things as quite self-evident which require consideration, that no man, by expressing his doubts, could now raise a doubt in His Majesty, even if mountains were to crumble to dust, or the heavens were to tear asunder.

Hence His Majesty cast aside the Islimitic revelations regarding resurrection, the day of judgment, and the details connected with it, as also all ordinances based on the tradition of our prophet. He listened to every abuse which the courtiers heaped on our glorious and pure faith, which can be so easily followed ; and eagerly seizing such opportunities, he shewed in words and gestures, his satisfaction at the treatment which his original religion received at their hands.

How wise was the advice which the guardian gave a lovely being,

+a

‘Do not smile at every face, as the rose does at every zephyr.” *

When it was too late to profit by. the lesson, She could but frown, and hang down the head.

For some time His Majesty called a Brahmin, whose name was Puzukho-

a tari, utiiLor of a commentary on the ..,? whom he asked to invent particular

" Sanscrit naines for all things in existence. At other times, a Brahmin of the name of Debi was pulled up the wall of the castle,’ sitting on a chdrpdt, till he arrived near a balcony where the emperor used to sleep. Whilst thus suspended, he instructed His Majesty in the secrets and legends of Hinduism, in the manner of worshipping idols, the fire, the sun and stars, and of revering the chief gods gf these unbelievers, as Brahma, Mahadev, Bishn, Kishn, Ram, and Maham4’‘, who are supposed to have beph men, but very likely never existed, though some, in their idle belief, look upon them as gods, and others as angels. His Majesty, on hearing further how much the people of the country prized their institutions, commenced to look upon them with affection. The doctrine of the transmigration of souls especially took a deep root in his heart, and he approved of the saying, —‘‘ There is no religion in which the Uoctrine of transmigration has not taken firm root.” Insincere flatterers composed treatises, in order to fix the evidence for this doctrine; and as His Majesty relished enquiries into the sects of these infidels (who cannot be counted, so numerous they are, and who have no end of revealed books, but nevertheless, do not belong to the Ahl ¢ Kitab (Jews, Christians, and Mubammadans), not a day passed, but a new fruit of this loathsome tree ripened into existence.

• Just as Akbar liked the zephyr of . 2 Thetexthasa few unintelligible words. A, enquiry into other religious systems. ? Perhaps in order not to get polluted, But zephyrs are also destructive: they, or because the balcony belonged to the scatter the petals of the rose. : Harem.

181

Sometimes again, it was Shackh Tdjuddin of Dihli, who had to attend the emperor. This Shaikh is the son of Shaikh Zakariyé of Ajodhan. The principal ’Ulamas of the ‘age call him TZdjul’drifin, or crown of the Qifis. He had learned under Shaikh Zamén of Panipat, author of a commentary on the Lawaih, and of other very excellent works, was in Cifism and pantheism second only to Shaikh Ibn ‘Arabi, and had written a comprehensive commentary on the Nuzhat ularwdah. Like the preceding he was drawn up the wall of the castle. His Majesty listened whole nights to his Qufic trifles. As the Shaikh was not overstrict? in acting ac- cording to our religious law, he spoke a great deal of the pantheistic presence, which idle Cufis will talk about, and which generally leads them to denial of the law and open heresy. He also introduced polemic matters, as the ultimate salvation by faith of Pharaoh—God’s curse be upon him !— which is mentioned in the Fugi¢ ulhikam,? or the excellence of hope over fear,® and many other things to which men incline from weakness of dis- position, unmindful of cogent reasons, or distinct religious commands, to the contrary. The Shaikh is therefore one of the principal culprits, who weakened His Majesty’s faith in the orders of our religion. He also said that infidels would, of course, be kept for ever in hell, but it was not likely, nor could it be proved, that the punishment in hell was eternal. His explanations of some verses of the Qordn, or of the Tradition of our prophet, were often far-fetched. Besides, he mentioned that the phrase ’Insdn i kamil (perfect man) referred to the ruler of the age, from which he inferred that the nature of a king was holy. In this way, he said many agreeable things to the emperor, rarely expressing the proper meaning, but rather the opposite of what he knew to be correct. Even the sidah (prostration), which people mildly call seminbos (kissing the ground,) he allowed to be due to the Insén i Kamil; he looked upon the respect due to the king as a religious command, and called the face of the king A@bah i Murddat, the sanctum of desires, and Qiblah + Hajdt, the cynosure of necessities. Such blasphemies* other people supported by quoting stories of no credit, aud by referring to the practice followed by disciples of some heads of Indian

? As long as a Cufi conforms to the a true prophet. ? Qoran, he is shar’t; but when he feels ®The Islim says, Aléndn baina-l

that he has drawn nearer to God, and does khauft warrijé, * Faith stands between no longer require the ordinances of the fear and hope.’ Hence it is sin to tear profanum vulgus, he is dzdd, free, and God’s wrath more than to hope tor God’s becomes a heretic. mervy + and so reversely.

® Pharaoh claimed divinity, and is there- * As the caminbos, or the use of holy fore medin, accursed by God. But ac- names as Awhah (the temple at Makkah) cording to some books, and among them or gihlak (Makkah, in as fav as people the Fugi¢, Pharaoh repented in the mo- turn to it their face when praying).

ment of death, and acknowledged Moses

—

ty Oy .

4% we*2 - 7

—— ¢ sects. And after this, when… an

Other great philosophical writers of the age also expressed opinions, for which there is no authority. Thus Shaikh Ya’qub of Kashmir, a well known writer, and at present the greatest authority in religious matters, mentioned some opinions held by ’Ain ulquzét of Hamadéin, that our prophet Muhammad was a personification of the divine name of Alhddt (the guide), and the devil was the personification of God’s name of Almuzill (the tempter),? that both names, thus personified, had appeared in this world, and that both personifications were therefore necessary.

Mull4 Muhammad of Yazd, too, was drawn up the wall of the castle, and uttered unworthy, loathsome abuse against the first three Khalifahs, called the whole Gahabah, their followers and next followers, and the saints of past ages, infidels and adulterers, slandered the Sunnis and the Akl i Jamé’at,® and represented every sect, except the Shi’ah, as damned and leadinf& men into damnation.

The differences among the ’Ulamés, of whom one called lawful what the other called unlawful, furnished His Majesty with another reason for apostacy. The emperor also believed that the “Ulamis of his time were superior in dignity and rank to Imém i Ghazz4li and Imam i Rézi,* and knowing from experience the’flimsiness of his ’“Ulam4és, he judged those great men of the past by his contemporaries, and threw them aside.

Learned monks also came from Europe, who go by the name of Pddre.*

,

‘They have an infallible head, called Pépd.’ He can change any religious

ordinances as he may think advisable, and kings have to submit to his authority. These monks brought the gospel, and mentioned to the emperor

™ their proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of

the Christian religion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murdd° to take a few lessons in Christianity by way of auspicious:

• The text has an unintelligible sen- matters. The most pee books of Zmdm

tence. : Ghazzdli ave the Lhyd ul’uliim, and the ? According to the Islam, God leads Kimiyé i Sa’ddat, whith, according to (hdd¢) men to salvation, but also to sin . 103, was one of the few books which and damnation. God created also wicked- bkar liked. ness. se, . * The text has (gy%aly.

• Ahi jamd’at is a term which is ¢ Prince Murad was then about eight

often joined with the word Suants. All years old. Jahangir (Salim) was born religious ordinances are either based upon *} on Wednesday, the 17 Rab{’ulawwal 977. the Qoran ; or upon the Tradition; or Three months after him, his sister Shahzd- upon the opinion (¢ tds) of famous Ga- dah Khdénumwas born ; and after her (per- hdbis ; or lastly, upon ymd’, agreement, hapsin year the 978) Skéh Murdd, who

or the custom generally followed during got the nickname of Pakdri, as he was the first century of the Hijrah. Hence born in the hilts of Fathpir Sikri. Dén- Akl 1 jamd’at comprises all such as be- Al was born in Ajmir during the night lieve jm’ binding. ieiseen Tuesday and Wednesday, the

*Two famous authorities in religions 10th the Jumédalawwal 979.

183

ness, and charged Abulfazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual Bismilléh-trrakmdn-trrahim,* the following lines were used—

Ai ndm 1 tu Jesus 0 Kiristo

(O thou whose names are Jesus and Christ)

which means, ‘O thou whose name is gracious and blessed ;’ and Shaikh Faizi added another half, in order to complete the verse

Subhdnaka ld stwika Ya hu.

(We praise Thee, there is no one besides Thee, O God !)

These accursed monks applied the description of cursed Satan, and of his qualities, to Muhammad, the best of all prophets—God’s blessings rest on him and his whole house !—a thing which even devils would not do.

Bir Bar also impressed upon the emperor that the sun was the primary origin of every thing. The ripening of the grain on the fields, of fruits and vegetables, the illumination of the universe, and the lives of men, depended upon the Sun. Hence it was but proper to worship and reverence this luminary; and people in praying should face towards the place where he rises, instead of turning to the quarter whore he sets. For similar reasons, said Bir Bar, should men pay regard to fire and water, stonos, trees, and other forms of existence, even to cows and their dung, to the mark on the forehead and the Brahminical thread.

Philosophers and learned men who had been at Court, but were in disgrace, made themselves busy in bringing proofs. They said, the sun was ‘the greatest light,’ the source of benefit for the whole world, the nourisher of kings, and the origin of royal power.

This was also the cause why the Nauriz i Jalali? was observed, on which day, since His Majesty’s accession, a great feast was given. His Majesty . also adopted different suits of clothes of seven different colours, each of which was worn on a particular day of the week in honor of the seven colours of the seven planets.

The emperor also learned from some Hindus formule, to reduce the influence of the sun to his subjection, and commenced. to read them mornings and_evenings as a religious exercise, He also believed that

it was wrong to kill cows, which the Hindus worship ; he looked upon cow- dung as pure, interdicted the use of beef; and killed beautiful men (?)

2 The formula ‘ Bismilldh, &c.’ is said 33, No. 32,) isimprobable. The formula

by every schoolboy before he commences to read from his text book.

The words 42 ndin i tu Jesus 0 Kiristo are taken from the Dabistin ; the edition of Badfonvt has Ai ndmnt wat zhazho Kiristo, which, though correct in metre (vide my ‘Prosody of the Persians, p.

as given in the Dabistan has @ common Masnawi metre, (vide my ‘ Prosody,’ p. 33, No. 31), and spells Jesus: S29 dezuz. The verse as given by H. Wilson (Works Ii, p. 387) has no metre.

8 Vide the Tartkh it Mulkj, in the beginning of Book IIT.

184 instead of cows. The doctors confirmed the emperor in his opinion, and told him, it was written in their books that beef was productive of all sorts of diseases, and was very indigestible.

Fire-worshippers also had come from Nauséri in Gujrat, and proved’ to His Majesty the truth of Zoroaster’s doctrines. They called fire-worship ‘the great worship,’ and impressed the emperor so favorably, that he learned from them the religious terms and rites of the old P4rsis, and ordered Abulfazl to make arrangements, that sacred fire should be kept burning at court by day and by night, according to the custom of the ancient Persian kings, in whose fire-temples it had been continually burning; for fire was one of the manifestations of God, and ‘ a ray of His rays.’

His Majesty, from his youth, had also been accustomed to celebrate the Zlom (a kind of fire-worship), from his affection towards the Hindu princesses of his Harem.

From the New Year’s day of the twenty-fifth year of his reign [988], His Majesty “openly worshipped the sun and the fire by prostrations ; and the courtiers were ordered to rise, when the candles and lamps were lighted in the palace. On the festival of the eighth day of Virgo, he put on the mark en the forehead, like a Hindu, and appeared in the Audience Hall, when several Brahmins tied, by way of auspiciousness, a string with jewels on it round his hands, whilst the grandees countenanced theso proceedings by bringing, according to their. circumstances, pearls and jewels as presents. The custom of Rakhi (or tying pieces of clothes round the wrists as amulets) became quite common. ,

When orders, in opposition to the Islam, were quoted -by people of eother religions, they were looked upon by His Majesty as convincing, whilst Hinduism is in reality a religion, in which every order is nonsense. Tho Originator of our belief, the Arabian Saints, all were said to be adulterers, ” and highway robbers, and all the Muhammadans were declared worthy of reproof, till at length His Majesty belonged to those of whom the Qoran says (Sur. 61, 8:) “ ‘They seek to extinguish God’s light with their mouths : but God will perfect his light, though the infidels be averse thereto.” In fact matters went so far, that proofs were no longer required, when any- thing connected with the Islam was to be abolished.” :

a Akbar publicly assumes the spiritual leadership of the nation. {Bad. II, p. 268.]

In this year [987], His Majesty was anxious to unite in his person the powers of the state and those of the Church; for he could not bear to be subordinate to any one. As he had heard that the prophet, his lawful successors, and some of the most powerful kings, as Amir Timur Cahibgitin, and Mirza Ulugh Bog i Gurgan, and several others, had

185

themselves read the Khuthah (the Friday prayer), he resolved to do the same, apparently in order to imitate their example, but in reality to appear in public as the Mujtahid of the age. Accordingly, on Friday, the first Jumida-lawwal 987, in the Jémi’ Masjid of Fathpir, which he had built — near thé palace, His Majesty aommenced to read the Khutbah. But all at once he stammered and trembled, and though assisted by others, he could searcely read three verses of a poem, which Shaikh Faizi had composed, came quickly down from the pulpit, and handed over* the duties of the Imém (leader of the prayer) to Hafiz Muhammad Amin, the Court Khatib. These dre the verses—

The Lord has given me the empire,

And a wise heart, and a strong arm,

He has guided me in righteousness and justice,

And has removed from my thoughts everything but justice.

Fis praise surpasses man’s understanding,

Great is His power, Alléhu Akbar !”

[p. 269.]

¢ As it was quite customary in those days to speak ill of the doctrine- and orders of the Qoran, and as Hindu wretches and Hindyizing Muhem- madans openly reviled our prophet, irreligious writers left out in the prefaces to their books the customary praise of the prophet, and after say- _ ing something to the praise of God, wrote eulogies of the emperor instead.” It was impossible even to mention the name of the prophet, because these liars (as Abulfazl, Faizi, &c.) did not like it. This wicked innovation gave general offence, and sowed the seed of evil throughout the country ; but notwithstanding this, a lot of low and mean fellows put piously on theit necks the collar of the Divine Faith, and called themselves disciples, either from fear, or hope of promotion, though they thought it impossible to say our creed.”

[ p. 270 to 272.]

“In the same year [987], a document made its appearance, which bore the signatures and seals of Makhdim ulmulk, of Shaikh’ ’Abdunnabi, cadruggudir, of Qazi Jalaluddin of Multan, Qazilquzat, of Gudr Juhdn, the mufti of the empire, of Shaikh Mubarik, the deepest writer of the agty and of Ghézi Kh4n of Badakhshén, who stood unrivalled in the various sciences.

2 As Abulfazl has done in the Ain. hence many would see the innovation

• But Faizi added the usual praise of the and imitate it. As the formula ‘ Bismi/- prophet (xa’t) to his Nal Daman, a short idh, Fe. had been change to Alldhu time before his death, at the pressing Akbar, we also find Adldhu Akbar in request of some friends.” Baddont. — the heading of books, as in the Ain.

Because books were sure to be copied ; ,

24

186

The object of the document was to settle the superiority of the Jmdm 7 ‘’ddil

• (just leader) over the Dfyjtakid, which was proved by a reference to an ill- supported authority. The whole matter is a question, regarding which people differ in’ opinion; but the document was to do away with the possibility of disagreeing about laws, whether political or religious, and was to bind the lawyers in spite of themselves. But before the instrument was signed, a long discussion took place as to the meaning of wtihdd, and as to whom the term Mytahid was applicable, and whether it really was the duty of a just Im4m who, from his acquaintance with politics, holds a higher rank than the Mujtahid, to decide, according to the requirements of the times, and. the wants of the age, all such legal questions on which there | existed a difference of opinion. At last, however, all signed the document, some willingly, others against their convictions. I shall copy the document verbatim.

The Document.

‘Whereas Hindistén has now become the centre of security and peace, and the land of justice and beneficence, a large number of people, especi- ally learned men and lawyers, have immigrated and chosen this ‘couhtry for their home. Now we, the principal ’Ulam4s, who are not only well versed in the several departments of the law and in the principles of jurisprudence, and well-acquainted with the edicts which rest on reason or testimony, but are also known for our piety and honest intentions, have, duly considered the deep meaning, first, of the verse of the Qordén (Sur. IV, 62,) “ Obey God, and obey the prophet, and those who have authority among you,” and secondly, of the genuine tradition, ‘‘ Surely, the man who %8 dearest to God on the day of judgment, is the Imdm i’ Adil: whosoever obeys the Amtr, obeys Me; and whosoever rebels against him, rebels against Me,” and thirdly, of several other proofs based on reasoning or testimony; and we have agreed that the rank of a Sultén? ’Adil (a just ruler) is higher in the eyes (1 God than the rank of a Mzwtahd. Further we declare that the king of the Islim, Amir of the Faithful, shadow of God in the world, Abul Fath Jaliluddin Muhammad Akbar Pédishdh i ghdzt, whose kingdom God perpetuate, is a most just, a most wise, and a most God-fearing king. Should therefore, in future, a religious question come up, regarding which the opinions of the Mujtahids are at variance, and His Majesty, in his penetrating understanding and clear wisdom, be inclined to adopt, for the benefit of the nation and as a political expedient, any of the conflicting opinions which exist on that point, and issue a decree to that effect, we do hereby agree that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the whole nation.

187

Further, we declare that, should His Majesty think fit to issue a new order, we and the nation shall likewise be bound by it, provided always that such an order be not only in accordance with some verse of the Qordn, but also of real benefit for the nation; and further, that any opposition on the part of the subjects to such an order as passed by His Majesty, shall involve damnation in the world to come, and loss of religion and property in this life. ~

~ This document has been wattien with honest intentions, for the glory of God, and the propagation of the Islim, and is signed by us, the principal . *Ulamis and lawyers, in the month of Rajab of the year 987 of the E‘jrah.’ ,_

The draft of this document when presented to the emperor, was in the handwriting of Shaikh Mubérik. The others had signed it against their will, but the Shaikh ‘had added at the bottom that he had most willingly signed his name; for this was a matter, which, for several years, he had been anxiously looking forward to.

; No sooner had His Majesty obtained this legal instrument, than the

road of deciding any religious question was open; the superiority of intellect of the Imém was establishod, and opposition was rendered impossible. “All orders regarding things which our law allows or disallows, were abolish- ed, and the superiority of intellect of the Imém became law.

But the state of Shaikh Abulfazl resembled that of the poet Hairati of Samarqand,’ who after having been annoyed by the cool and sober people of Méwaral-nehr (Turkistén),. joined the old foxes of Shi’itic Persia, and chose ‘the roadless road.’ You might apply the proverb to him, ‘ He prefers hell to shame on earth.’

On the 16th Rajab of this year, His Majesty made a pilgrimage to Ajmir. It is now fourteen years that His Majesty has not returned to that place. On the 5th Sha’b4n, at the distance of five kos from the town, the emperor alighted, and went on foot to the tomb of the saint (Mu’in- uddin). But sensible people smiled, and said, it was strange that His Majesty should have such a faith in the Khwajah of Ajmir, whilst he rejected the foundation of everything, our prophet, from whose ‘skirt’ hundreds of thousands of saints of the highest degree had sprung.”

[p. 278.] ~” “ After Makhdam ulmulk and Shaikh ’Abdunnabi had left for ME akkah’*’ (987), the emperor examined people about the creation of the Qorén, elicited '

? The birthplace.of the poet Hairatt is of places where wine-drinking was con- not exactly known, though he belongs to nived at. At last be settled at Kashan, Turkistin. It is anid that he was a great and became a Shi’ah. He was murdered wine-bibber, and travelled about in search there by a robber in 961.

“188

their belief, or otherwise, in revelation, and raised doubts in them regard- ing all things ‘connected with the prophet and the imams. He distinctly denied the existence of Jins, of angels, and of all other beings of the invisible world, as well as the miracles of the prophet and the saints; he rejected the successive testimony of the witnesses of our faith, the proofs for the truths of the Qoran as far as they agree with man’s reason, the existence of the soul after the dissolution of the body, and future rewards and punishments in as far as they differed from metempsychosis.

Some copies of the Qordn, and a few old graves Are left as witnesses for these blind men.

The graves, unfortunately, are all silent,

And no one searches for truth in the Qoran.

An ’I’d has come again, and bright days will come-—like the face of the bride.

And the cupbearer will again put wine into the jar—red like blood.

The reins of prayer and the muzzle of fasting—once more

Will fall from these asses—alas, alas !

His Majesty had now determined publicly to use the formula, ‘There is no God but God, and Akbar is God’s representative.’ But as this led to commotions, he thought better of it, and restricted the use of the for- ‘ mula to a few people in the Harem. People expressed the date of this event by the words finahi: ummat, the ruin of the Church (987). The emperor tried hard to convert Qutbuddin Muhammad Khén and Shahbéz Khén (vide List of grandees, Ild book, Nos. 28 and 80), and several others. But they staunchly objected. Qutbuddin said, ‘‘What would the kings of the West, as the Sultan of Constantinople, say, if he heard all this. Our faith is the same, whether a man hold high or broad views.” His Majesty then asked him, if he was in India on a secret mission from Constantinople, as he shewed so much opposition ; or if he wished to keep a small place warm for himself, should he once go away from India, and bea respectable man there: he might go at once. Shahbaz got excited, and took a part in the conversation; and when Bir Bar—that hellish dog— made a sneering remark at our religion, Shahbéz abused him roundly, and said, ‘‘ You cursed infidel, do you talk in this manner ? It would not take me long to settle you.” It got quite uncomfortable, when His Majesty said to Shahbaz in particular, and to the others in general, “ Would that a shoe- full of excremeuts were thrown into your fuces.”

• Badéoni bewails the blindness of | the means of grace of the Islam (prayers, Akbar, Abulfazl, &c., who threw away | fasts).

189

[p. 276.]

“Tn this year the Zamghd (inland tolls) and the Jazyah (tax on infidels), which brought in several krors of ddms, were abolished, and edicts to this effect tere sent over the whole empire.”

In the same year a rebellion broke out at Jaunpir, headed by Muhammad Ma’gim of Kabul, Muhammad Ma’cim Khén, Mu’izzul Mulk, ’Arab BahAdur, and othtr grandees. They objected to Akbar’s innovations in religious matterg, in as far as these innovations led to a withdrawal of grants of rent-free land. The rebels had consulted Mull4 Muhammad of Yazd (vide above, pp. 175, 182), who was Qazi-lquzdt at Jaunpir ; and on obtaining his opinion that, under the circumstances, rebellion against the king of the land was lawful, they seized some tracts of land, and collected a large army. The course which this rebellion took, is known from general histories ; vide Elphinstone, p. 511. Mullé Muhammad of Yazd, and Mu’izzulmulk, in the beginning of the rebellion, were called by the emperor to Agrah, and drowned, on the road, at the command of the emperor, in the Jamnah.

‘ In the same year the principal ’“Ulamads, as Makhdtm ul mulk, Shaikh Munawwar, Mullé ’Abdushshukur, &c., were sent as exiles to distant provinces.

[ p. 278.]

“ Haji Ibrahim of Sarhind (ride above, p. 105) brought to court an old, worm-eaten MS. in queer characters, which, as he pretended, was written by Shaikh Ibn ’Arabi. In this book, it was said that the Qahib it Zaman was to have many wives, and that he would shave his beard. Some of the characteristics mentioned in the book as belonging to him, were found to agree with the usages of His Majosty. He also brought a fabricated tradition that the son of a Cahddt (one who knew Muhammad) had oncé come before the prophet with his beard cut off, when the prophet had said that the inhabitants of Paradise looked like that young man. But as the H4ji during discussions, behaved impudently towards Abulfazl, Hakim Abulfath, and Shéh Fathullah, he was sent to Rantanbhir, where he died in 994. ,

Farmans were also sent to the leading Shaikhs and ’Ulamés of the various districts to come to Court, as Ilis Majesty wished personally to enquire into their grants (z/de IId book, Ain 19) and their manner of __iiving. When they came, the emperor examined them singly’, “giving

• Gahib i Zamdn, or ‘ Man of the Period,’ is a title frequently given to Imam Mahdi. e

190

‘them private interviews, and assigned to them some lands, as he thought fit. But when he got hold of one who had disciples, or held spiritual soirées, or practised similar tricks, he confined them in forts, or exiledsthem to Bengal or Bhakkar. This practice become quite common.* * * The poor Shaikhs who were, moreover, left to the mercies of Hindu Financial Secre- taries, forgot in exile their spiritual soirées, and had no ‘other place where to live, except mouseholes.”’ br

[ p. 284.)

‘‘In this year (988) low and mean fellows, who pretended to be learned, but were in reality fools, collected evidences: that His Majesty was the Géhib t Zamdn, who would remove all differences of opinion among the seventy-two sects of the Islam. Sharif of Amul brought proofs from the writings of Mahmid of Basakhwin (vide above, p. 177), who had said that, in 990, aman would rise up who would do away with all that was wrong** . And Khwajah Maulané of Shiréz, the heretic~of Jafrdén, came with a pamphlet by some of the. Sharifs of Makkah, in which a tradition was quoted that the earth would exist for 7,000 years, and as that time was now over, the promised appearance of Im4m Mahdi would immediately take place. The Mauléné also brought a pamphlet written by himself on the subject. The Shi’ahs mentioned similar nonsense connected with ’Ali, and some quoted the following Ruba’i, which is said to have been composed by Nacir i Khusrau,* or, according to some, by another poet :—

In 989, according to the decree of fate,

The stars from all sides shall meet together.

In the year of Leo, the month of Leo, and on the day of Leo, The Lion of God will stand forth from behind the veil.

All this made His Majesty the more inclined to claim the dignity ‘of @ prophet, perhaps I should say, the dignity of something else.””*

[p. 291.] “

“‘ At one of the meetings, the emperor asked those who were present, to. mention each the name of man who could be considered the wisest man of the age ; but they should not mentiorf kings, as they formed an exception. Fach then mentioned that man in whom he had confidence. Thus Hakim Humim (vide above, p. 175) mentioned himself, and Shaikh Abulfazl his own father.

1 The text here does not give a clear the time of Akbar. The Furhang i

meaning. Jahdnyiré is full of verses from the works ? A Persian poet of the fifth century of of this ancient poet. the Hijrah. As he was a free-thinker ® God.

and Shi’ah, his poems were much read at

191

During this time, the four degrees of faith in His Majesty were defined. The four degrees consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor property,’ life, honor, and religion. Whoever had sacrificed these four things, possessed four degrees ; and whoever had sacrificed one of these four, possessed | one degree.

All the courtiers now put their names down as faithful disciples of the / throne.” .

i p- 299.]

“ At this time (end of 989), His Majesty sent Shaikh Jamél Bakhtyar to bring Shaikh Qutbuddin of Jalesar who, though a-wicked man, pretended to be ‘ attracted by God.’ When Qutbuddin came, the emperor brought him to a conference with some Christian priests, and rationalists, and some other great authorities of the age. After a discussion, the Shaikh exclaimed,

" ¢ Let us make a great fire, and in the presence of His Majesty I shall pass through it. And if any one else gets safely through, he proves by it the truth of his religion.” The fire was made. ,The Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, ‘Come on, in the name of God!’ Butenone of the priests had the courage to go.

‘ Soon after the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bhakkar, together with other faqirs, as His Majesty was jealous of his triumph.

A large number of Shaikhs and Faqirs were also sent to other places, mostly to Qandahér, where they were exchanged for horses. About the same time, the emperor captured a sect consisting of Shaikhs and disciples, and known under the name of I/dhis. They professed all sorts of nonsense,. and practised deceits. His Majesty asked them whether they repented of their vanities. They replied, ‘‘ Repentance is our Maid.” And so they had invented similar names for the laws and religious commands of the Islam, and for the fast. At the command of His Majesty, they were sent to Bhakkar and Qandahiér, and were given to merchants in exenenge for Turkish colts.”

[p. 301.]

“His Majesty was now (990) gonvinced that the Millennium of the Isldmitic dispensation was drawing near. No obstacle, therefore, remained to promulgating the designs which he had planned in secret. The Shaikhs and ’Ulamas who, on account of their obstinacy and pride, had to be entirely discarded, were gone, and His Majesty was free to disprove the orders and principles of the Islam, and to ruin the faith of the nation by making new and absurd regulations. The first order which was passed was, that the coinage should shew the era of the Millennium, and that a history of the one thousand years should be written, but commencing from the death

192

of the prophet. Other extraordinary innovations were devised as political ‘expedients, and such orders were given that one’s senses got quite perplexed. Thus the sydah, or prostration, was ordered to be performed as being proper for kings ; but instead of s¢jdah, the word zaminbos was used. Wine also was allowed, if used for strengthening the body, as recommended by doc-

• tors ; but no mischief or impropriety was to result from the use of it, and strict punishments were laid down for drunkenness, or gatherings, and uproars. For the sake of keeping everything within proper limits, His Majesty established a wine-shop near the palace, and put the avife of the porter in charge of it, as she belonged to the caste of wine-sellers. The price of wine was fixed by regulations, and any sick persons could obtain wine on sending his own name and the names of his father and grandfather to the clerk of the shop. Of course, people sent in fictitious names, and got

supplies of wine; for who could strictly enquire into such a matter? It.

was in fact nothing else but licensing a shop for drunkards. Some people oven said that pork formed a component part of this wine! Notwith- standing all restrictions, much mischief was done, and though a large number of people were daily punished, there was no sufficient check.

_ Similarly, according to the proverb,’ ‘ Upset, but don’t spill,’ the pro- stitutes of the realm (who had collected at the capital, and could scarcely be

counted, so large was their number), had a sepaxate quarter of the town ~

assigned to them, which was called Shaitinpurah, or Devilsville. A Dérogab and aclerk also were appointed for it, who registered the names of such as went to prostitutes, or wanted to take some of them to their houses. People ‘might indulge in such connexions, provided the toll collectors knew of it. But without permission, no one was allowed to take dancing girls to his house. If any wellknown courtier wanted to have a virgin, they should first apply to His Majesty, and get his permission. In the same way, boys prpstituted themselves, and drunkenness and ignorance soon led to blood- shed. Though in some cases capital punishment was inflicted, certain privileged courtiers walked about proudly and insolerttly doing what they liked.

His Majesty himself called some of the principal prostitutes and asked

them who had deprived them of their virginity. After hearing their replies,

some of the principal and most renowned grandees were punished or censured, or confined for a long time in fortresses. Among them, His Majesty came

across one whose name was Rajah Bir Bar, a member of the Divine Faith, -

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P. 104, Note 2, read Panji for Béchi, and LHadis, &e., tor Hadis, P. 180, 1. 16, read Purukh’hotam for Puzukhotam. P. 190, 1. 15, read the heretical wizard, for the heretic of Jafrddn.

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193 .

x

who had gone beyond the four degrees, and acquired the four cardinal virtues.’ At that time he happened to live in his jagir in the Parganah of Karah; and when he heard of the affair, he applied for permissien to turn Jégi; but His Majesty ordered him to come to Court, assuring him that lie need_not be afraid. :

Beef was interdicted, and to touch beef was considered defiling. The rea- sonof this was that, from his youth, His Majesty had been in company with Hindu libertines, and had thus learnt to look upon a cow—which in their ‘opinian is one of the reasons why the world still exists—as something holy. Besides, the Emperor was subject to the influence of the numerous Hindu princesses of the Harem, who had gained so great an ascendancy over him, as to make him forswear beef, garlic, onions, and the wearing of a beard,” ’ which things His Majesty still avoids. He had also introduced, though modified by his peculiar views, Hindu customs and heresies into the court assemblies, and introduces them still, in order to please and win the Hindus and their castes ; he abstained from everything which they think repugnant to their nature, and looked upon shaving the beard as the highest sign of friendship and affection for him. Hence this custom has become very general. Pan- dering pimps also expressed the opinion that the beard takes its nourish- ment from the testicles; for no eunuch had a beard; and one could not exactly see of what merit or importance it was to cultivate a beard. More- over, former ascetics had looked upon carelessness in letting the beard grow, as one way of mortifying one’s flesh, because such carelessness expos- ed them to the reproach of the world ; and as, at present, the silly lawyers of the Islim looked upon cutting down the beard as reproachful, it was clear that shaving was now a way of mortifying the flesh, and therefore praiseworthy, but not letting the beard grow. (But if any one considers this argument calmly, he will soon detect the fallacy.) ‘Lying, cheating Muftis also quoted an unknown tradition, in which it was stated that ‘some Qézis’ of Persia had shaved their beards. But the words kamd yap’ alu ba’sulquzdte {as some Qézis have done), which occur in this tradition, are based upon a corrupt reading, and should be kamd yof alu ba’sul’ unde (as some wicked men have done). * * * *

The ringing of bells as in use with the Christians, and the showing of the figure of the cross, and’…….., and other childish playthings of theirs,

were daily in practice. The words Ku/r shdi’ shud, or ‘heresy became com-

2 Fazdil ¢ arba’ah, or the four virtues wis., hikmut wisdom; shujd’at courage ; iffat chastity ; ‘addlat justice. Books on Akhlig divide each into several kinds. Compare the above with the car- dinal virtues of the ancient justice, pru-

25

dence, temperance, and fortitude.

2< The last three things are incon- venient in kissing.’

• The text has o balbaldn (?) kik khushgdh i ishdnast, which I do not understand.

194

mon’, express | the 7 Térikh (985). Ten or, twelve years after tlie commence- ment of these doings, matters had gone so far that wretches: like Mirzé Jini, chief of Tattah, and other apostates, wrote their confessions on: paper as follows :=-‘ I, such a one, son of such a one, have willingly and cheerfully renounced and rejected the Islam in all its phases, whether low or high,

as I have witnessed it in my ancestors, and have joined the ‘Divine Faith, of Shah Akbar, and declare myself willing to sacrifice to him my property and life, my honor and religion.’ And these papers—there could be no inore effec- tive letters of damnation—were handed over to the Mujtahid (Abulfazl) ‘of the new Creed, and were considered a source of confidence or promotion.

The Heavens might have parted asunder, and earth might have anon her abyss, and the mountains have crumbled to dust! |

In opposition to the Islam, pigs and dogs were no longer lake upon as unclean. A large number of these animals was kept in the Harem, and » gn the vaults of the castle, and to inspect them daily, was considered a re- ligious exercise. The Hindus, who believe in incarnations, said that the boar belonged to the ten forms which God Almighty had oncé assumed.

‘God is indeed Almighty—but not what they say.’

The saying of some wise men that a dog had ten virtues, and that a , man, if he possess one of them, was: a saint, was also quoted as a proof. Certain courtiers and friends of His Majesty, who were known for their excellence in every department, and proverbial as court poets,’ used to put dogs on a tablecloth and feed them, whilst other heretical poets, Per- sians and Hindustanis, followed this example, even taking the tongues of dogs into their own mouths, and then boasting of it.

Tell the Mir that thou hast, within thy skin, a dog and a carcass.*

A dog runs about in front of the house ; don’t make him a messmate.

The ceremonial ablution after emission of semen® was no longer con+ sidered binding, and people quoted as proof that the essence of man was the sperma genttale, which was the origin of good and bad men. It was absurd that voiding urine and excrements should not require ceremonial ablutions, whilst the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate ablution; it would be far better, if people would first bathe, and then have connexion.

Further, it was absurd to prepare a feast in honour of a dead person ; for the corpse Was mere matter, and could derive no pleasure from the feast. People should therefore make a grand feast on their birth-days.* Such feasts were called A’sh ¢ haydt, food of life.*

The flesh of the wild boar and the tiger was also permitted, because ‘the

Faizi. required after jimd,’ and thtildm. 3 7. e., that you are a dog. . * For the poor. ® ‘According to the lay, bathing is § Provisions for the life to come.

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courage which these two animals possess, would be transferred to any one who fed’on.such meat.

It was also forbidden to marry one’s cousins or near relations, because such marriagés aré destructive of mutual love. Boys were not to marry before the age. of, 16, nor girls before 14, because the offspring of early marriages was weakly. The wearing of ornaments and silk dresses at the time of prayer was made obligatory. * * * *

The prayers of the Islam, the fast, nay even the pilgrimage, were henceforth forbidden. Some bastards, as the son of Mullé Mubirik, a

_ worthy disciple of Shaikh Abulfazl, wrote treatises, in order to revile and

• ridicule our religious practices, of course with proofs. His Majesty liked such productions, ‘and promoted the authors.

The era of the Hijrah was now abolished, and a new era was intro- duced, of which the first year was the year of the emperor’s accession (963). The months had the same names as at the time of the old Persian kings, and as given in the Nigdbuggibydn.? Fourteen festivals also were introduced Corresponding to the feasts of the Zoroastrians ; but the feasts of the Mu- salméns and their glory were trodden down, the Friday prayer alone being retained, because some old, decrepit, silly people*® used to go to it. The new era was called Zértkh ¢ Ildht, or ‘Divine Era.’ On copper coins and gold muhurs, the era of the Milleninm* was used, as indicating that the end of the religion of Muhammad, which was to last one thousand years, was drawing near. Reading and learning Arabic was looked upon as a crime; and Muhammedan law, the exogesis of the Qorin, and the Tradition, as also those who studied them, were considered bad and deserving of disapproval. Astronomy, philosophy, medicine, mathematics, poetry, history, and novels, were cultivated and thought necessary. Even the letters which are peculiar to tho Arabic language, as the &, eT vw, and £ wore avoided. Thus for Wioas Abdullah, people wrote &Miost Abdullah ; and for er) Ahadi, .go4! Ahadt, $c. All this pleased His Majesty. ‘Two verses from the Shthnémah, which Firdausi gives as part of a story, were fre- quontly quoted at court—

—e;,

From eating the flesh of camels and lizards . The Arabs have made such progress,

ree

» The Muhammoadan law enjoins Mus- 2 The text has an unintelligible

lims to go to the Mosques simply dressed. sentence. — Silk is forbidden. Muhammadans dis- * That is, the word a/f (one thousand) approve of our ‘Sunday dresses’ and was put on the coins, From this passage pewage. it would appear that coins with a/f on tt

_ 3 bide p. 41, note 2. (videMaraden,p.509) were struck about991.

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That they now wish to get hold of the kingdom of Persia.

Fie upon Fate ! Fie upon Fate ! °

Similarly other verses were eagerly seized, if they conveyed a calumny, as the verses from the ……,’ in which the falling out of the teeth of our prophet is alluded to.

In the same manner, every doctrine and command of the Islam, whether special or general, as the prophetship, the harmony of the Islim with reason, the doctrines of Réyat, Taklif, and Takwin,? the details pf the day \of resurrection and judgment,—all were doubted and ridiculed. And if any one did object to this mode of arguing, his answer was not accepted. But it is well known how little chance a man has who cites proofs against one who will reject them, especially when his opponent has the power of life and death in his hands ; for equality in condition is a sine gud non in arguing.

A man who will not listen, if you bring the Qorén and the Tradition,

, Can only be replied to by not replying to him.

Many a family was ruined by these discussions. But perhaps ‘ dis- cussions’ is not the correct name ; we should call them meetings for arro- gance and defamation. People who sold their religion, were busy to collect all kinds of exploded errors, and brought them to His Majesty, as if they were so many presents. Thus Latif Khw4jah, who came from a noble family in Turkistén, made a frivolous remark on a passage in Tirmizi’s Shamdil,* and asked how in all the world the neck of the prophet could be compared to the neck of an zdof. Other remarks were passed on the straying camel.* Some again expressed their astonishment, that the prophet, in the beginning of his career, plundered the caravans of Quraish ; that he had fourteen wives; that any married woman was no longer to ‘belong to her husband, if the prophet thought her agreeable, &c. ** * At night, when there were social

cy

• The word in the text is Sajardk (?). In an engagement Muhammad lost two of his teeth.

® Rrtyat, or diddr i Tléhé dar jannat, the actual seeing of God in Paradise, is a doctrine in high favour with the Sun- nis. The Shiahs say, there will be no actual seeing. ;

Vakiif. A man is called mukallaf bil- shar’, bound by the law, jirst, if he be- long ‘to the Isldm ; secondly, ifhe have: ’agt or a sound mind ; thirdly, if he have reached buligh, i.e¢., if he be of age.

Tukwin means existénce between two non-existences (‘adamain). Thusa pre sent event stands between a past and a future non-existence, This, the Islam

says, is the case with the world, which will come toan end. But Akbar denied it, as he did not believe in a day of judg- ment,

® The book of the famous Ifuhaddis (Collector of Traditions) Tirmizi, which contains all Traditions regarding the figure and looks of the prophet. The word idol is expressive of great beauty ; but the courtiers laughed at the phrase as unsuited to Muhammad, who had abo- lished idols,

• This refers to the charge of adulter brought against ’Atshak, Muhammad’s favorite wife. The whole story will be found in Sale’s Qoran, Sur. 24, p. 288.

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assemblies, His Majesty told forty courtiers to sit down as ‘ The Forty,’ and every one might say or ask what he liked. If then any one brought up a ‘question connected with law or religion, they said, ‘‘ You had better ask the Mullis about that, as we only settle things which appeal to man’s reason.” But it is impossible for me to relate the blasphemous remarks which they made about the Cahkdbah, when historical books happened to be read out, especially such ‘as contained the reigns of the first three Khalifahs, and the quarrel about Fadak, the war of Giffin,” &c.,—would that I were deaf! The Shi’ahs, of course, gained the day, and the Sunnis were defeated ; the good were in fear, and the wicked were secure. Every day a new order was given, and @ new aspersion or a new doubt came up; and His Majesty .saw in the discomfiture of one party a proof for his own infallibility, entirely forgetful of the proverb, ‘ Who slanders others, slanders himself.’* * * The ignorant vulgar had nothing on their tongues but ‘ Alldhu Akbar’, and they looked upon repeating this phrase, which created so much commotion, as a daily religious exercise. Mull4 Sheri, at this time, composed a qif’ah of ten Verses,

in which the following occur :—

It is madness to believe with the fool that love towards our prophet

Will ever vanish from the earth.

I smile, if I think that the following verse, in all its silliness, ‘Will be repeated at the feast of the rich, and as a prayer by the poor :

‘This year the emperor has claimed prophetship, Next year, if God will, he will be God.’

At the new year’s day feasts, His Majosty forced many of the ’Ulamés and the pious, nay even the Qizis and the Mufti of the realm, to drink wine,* ** And afterwards the Mujtahids of the Divine Faith, especially Faizi, called out, “Here isa bumper to the confusion of the lawyers !” On the last day of this feast, when the sun enters the nineteenth degree of Aries (a day called Sharafu-Isharaf, and considered particularly holy by His Majesty), the grandees were promoted, or received new jagirs, or horses,

2 The Chihil tandn, or 40 Abddls. After the death of Muhammad, the last of the long series of prophets, the earth complained to God, that henceforth she would no longer be honored by prophets walking on her surface. God promised her, that there should always be on earth forty (according to some, seventy-two) holy men, Abdils, for whose sake He would let tho earth remain. The chief of the Forty is called Ghaus.

2 Fadak is a village» not far from

e Makkah, which Fatimah claimed as her own ; bat Abii Bakr would not let her have it. Ciffix is a place near the Ku. phrates, where a battle took place between “Alf aud Mu’dwiyah.

Both aifairs form, even now-a-days, subjects of quarrel between Sunnis and Shfahs. Hence the author of the Dabi- stin has also made use of them in his Dialogues. The reader will find more particulars in the notes to the English translation of the Dabistén.

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or dresses of honor, according to the rules of hospitality, or in proportion of the tribute they-had brought.”

In this year Gulbadan Begum [Akbar’s aunt] and Salimah Sult4n Begum returned from a pilgrimage to Makkah. Soon after Shéh Aba Turdb also, and I’timéd Khan of Gujrat, returned from the pilgrimage, and brought an immense stone with them, which had to be transported on an elephant. The stone contained, according to Abu Turab, an impression of the foot of the prophet. Akbar—though it is difficult to guess the motive—went four kos to meet it, and the grandees were ordered to carry the stone themselves by turns, and thus it was brought to town.

[p. 812.] -

‘In this year, Shaikh Mubdrik of Nagor said in the presence of the emperor to Bir Bar, ‘‘ Just as there are interpolation§ in your holy books, so there are many in ours (Qoran) ; hence it is impossible to trust cither.’’

’ Some shameless and ill-starred wretches also asked His Majosty, why at the approaching close of the Millennium, he did not make use of the sword, ‘the most convincing proof,’ as Shah Ism4’il of Persia had done. But His Majesty, at last, was convinced that confidence in him as a leader was a matter of time and good counsel, and did not require the sword. And indeed, if His Majesty, in setting up his claims, and making his innovations, had spent a little money, he would have easily got most of the courtiers, and much more the vulgar, into his devilish nets.

The following Rub@’i of Nagir i Khusrau was often quoted at court. —

I see in 992 two conjunctions,

I see the sign of Mahdi and that of Antichrist : Fither politics must change or religion.

T clearly see the hidden secret.

At acouncil meeting for renovating the religion of the empire, Rajah Bhagawén said, “I would willingly believe that Hindus and Musalméns have each a bad religion ; but only tell us where the new sect is, and what opinion they hold, so tha?I may believe.” His Majosty reflected a little, and ceased to urge the Rajah. But the alteration of the orders of our glorious faith was continued. The Zértkh was found in the words Ihdds i aid’ at, the innovation of heresy (990).

During those days also the public prayers and the azdéx, which was chanted five times a day for assembly to prayer in the statechall, were abolished. Names like Ahmad, Muhammad, Muctafa, &c., became offensive to His Majesty, who thereby wished to please the infidels outside, and the princesses inside, the Harom, till, after some «time, those courtiers

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who had such names, changed them; and names as Yér Muhammad, Muhammad Khin, were altered to Rahmat. To call such ill-starred wretches by the name of our blessed prophet would indeed be wrong, and there was not only room for improvement by altering their names, but it was even necessary to change them, according to the proverb, ‘It is wrong to put fine jewels on the neck of a pig.’

And this destructive fire broke all’ out in Agrah, burnt down great and small families, and did not even spare their family tombs—May God forsake these wretches !”’

[p. 315.]

“In Rab?ussint 990, Mir Fathullah came from the Dak’hin (ride above p. 33).* *** As he had’ been:an immediate pupil of Mir Ghidsuddin Mangir of Shiriz, who had not been overstrict in religious matters, ILis Majesty thought that Fathullah would only be stoo glad to enter into his religious scheme. But Fathullah was such a stanch Shi’ah, and at the samo. time such a worldly office-hunter, and such a worshipper of mammon and of the nobility, that he would not give up a jot of the tittles of bigoted, Sh?ism. Even in the statehall he said, with the -greatest composure, his Shiah prayers—a thing which no one else would have darod todo. His Majosty, therefore, put him among the class of the bigots ; but he connived at his practices, because he thought it desirable to encourage a man of such attainments and practical knowledge. Once the ‘emperor, in Fathullah’s presence,’ said to Bir Bar, ‘I really wonder how any one in his senses can bolieve that a man, whose body has a certain weight, could, in the space of a moment, leave his bed, go up to heaven, there have 90,000 conversations with God, and yet on his return find his bed still warm ?” So also was the splitting of the moon ridiculed. ‘“ Why,” said His Majesty, lifting up one foot, ‘it is really impossible for me to lift up the other foot! What silly stories men will belteve.” ‘And that wretch (Bir Bar) and some other wretches—whose names be forgotten—said, ‘‘ Yea, we believe! Yea, we trust!” This great foot-experiment was repeated over and over again. But Fathullah—His Majesty had been every moment looking at him, because he wanted him to say something; for he was a new-comer—looked straight before himself, and did not utter a syllable, though he was all ear.” |

‘ Flere Baddoni mentions the translations from Sanscrit into Persian which have been alluded to above, p. 104. “It is not quite certain , Whether the translations wére made from Sanscrit, or from Hindf trans-

2 As Fathullah was a good mechanic, experiment with his foot, he would induce Akbar thought , that by referring to the Fathuliah, to make a remark on tle weight of a man, and the following prophet’s ascension (mi’rd/).

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lations, or from: both. Badéoni clearly states that for some translations, as as the At’harban, Hindus were used as interpreters. For other works as the Mahabharat, there may have been Hindi translations or extracts, beciuse Akbar himself (vide p. 105, note 1) translated passages to Naqib Khan. Abulfazl also states that he was assisted by Pandits when writing the fourth book of the Ain. Compare Sir H. Elliott’s Index to the Historians of India, p. 259. ; {p. 321. ]

“Tn these days (991) new orders were given. The killing of animals on certain days was forbidden, as on Sundays, because this day is sacred to the Sun; during the first cighteen days of, the month of Farwardin ; the whole month of Abén (the month in which His Majesty was born); and on several other days, to please the Hindus. This order was extended dver the whole realm, and capital punishment was inflicted on every one who acted against the command. Many a family was ruined. During the time of these fasts,’ His Majesty abstained altogether from meat, as a

“religious penance, gradually extending the several fasts during a year over six months and even more, with the view of eventually discontinuing the use of meat altogether.

A second order was given that the Sun should be worshipped four times a day, in the morning, and evening, and at noon and midnight. His Majesty had also one thousand and one Sanscrit names of the Sun collected, and read them daily, devoutly turning towards the sun; he then used to get hold of both ears, and turning himself quickly round about, used to strike the lower ends of the ears with his fists. He also adopted several other practices connected with sun-worship. He used to wear the Hindu mark on his forehead, and ordered the band to play at midnight and at break of day. Mosques and prayer-rooms were changed into store rooms, or given to Hindu Chaukidars. For the word jamd’at (public prayer), His Majesty used the term jimd’ (copulation), and for hayya? ala, he said yalald talald.

~The cemetry witlin’the town was ordered to be sequestered.” [p. 324.]

‘In the same year (991), His Majesty built outside the town two placos for feeding poor Hindus and Muhammadans, one of them boing called Khairpirah, and the other Dharmpirah. Some of Abulfazl’s people were * put in charge of them. They spont His Mujosty’s money in feeding the poor. As an immense number of Jogis also flocked to this establishment, a third,

rks Hayya *ala, for ‘ hayya ‘ala-cgalah’ in the dzdn. Yalald talala is a phrase [the wagf form of galdz]; «Come quick used by drunkards in the height of mirth. fo the prayer, is a phrase which occurs

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place was built, which got the name of Jogipiirah. His Majesty also called some of the Jogis, and gave them at night private interviews, enquiring into abstruse truths ; their articles of faith ; their occupations ; the influence of pensiveness ; their several practices and usages; the power of being absent from the body; or into alchemy, physiognomy, and the power of omnipresence of the soul. His Majesty even learned alchemy, and shewed in public some of the gold made by him. Once a year also during anight called Stordé, a great meeting was held of all Jogis of the empire, when the emperor ate and drank with the’principal Jogis, who promised him that he should live three and four times as long as ordinary men. His Majesty fully believed it, and connecting their promises with other inferences he had drawn, he got quite convinced of it. Fawning court doctors, wisely enough, found proofs for the longevity of the emperor, and said that the cycle of the moon, during which the lives of men are short, was drawing to its close, and that the cycle of Saturn’ was at hand, with which a new’ cycle of ages, and consequently the original longevity of mankind, would again commence. ‘Thus they said, it was mentioned in some holy bouks that men used to live up to the age of one thousand years, whilst in Sanscrit books the ages of some men were put down as ten thousand years; and in Thibet, there were even now a class of Ldmaks, or Mongolian devotees, and recluses, and hermits, that live two hundred years, and ‘more. For this reason, His Majesty, in imitation of the usages of these Lémahs, limited the time he spent in the Harem, curtailed his food and drink, but especially abstained from meat. He-also shaved the hair of the crown of his head, and let the hairs at the sides grow, because he believed that the soul of perfect beings, at the time of death, passes out by the crown (which is the tenth opening’ of the human body) under a noise resembling thunder, which the dying man may look upon as a proof of his happiness * : and salvation from sin, and as a sign that his soul, by metempsychosis, will pass into the body of some grand and mighty king.

His Majesty gave his religious system the neme of Tauhtd ¢ Tldhi, or ‘ Divine Monotheism.’ —_

% Zuhal, in Persian Kaiwda, Saturn. This planet is looked upon as the fountain of wisdom. Nizdmi says sawdd é safinah bakaiwdn supurd, ‘He (Muhammad) gave Saturn the power of writing.’ dnwdr Suhailt, in praise of some physician, Zuhadb shagird i u% dar nukhtahddni, ‘Saturn in wisdom is his pupil.’ Hence the famous astronomer Abulqiasim hasthe Zagab (title) of Ghuldm t Zuhal. Besides, there are several cycles of years, over which each of the seven planets reigns.

26

The first cycle was that of Saturn, during which the ages of men were long. The last cycle is that of the moon, during which people do not attain a very ol age. It existed already at the time of Hafiz, who says, In chia shorest kih der daur i gqamar mibinim, ‘What misfortune is this which we witness in the cycle of the moon.’ ,

• Vide my toxt edition, Fourth books, p. 8, 1.9.

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He also called, according to the manner of the Jogis, a number of special disciples Chelahs (slaves). A lot of vile, swindling, wicked birds, who were not admitted to the palace, stood every morning opposite to the window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared, they had made vows not to rinse their mouths, nor to eat and drink, before they had seen the blessed countenance of the emperor; and every evening, there was a regular court assembly of needy Hindus and Muhammadans, all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering, and a most terrible crowd. No soonerhad His Majesty finished saying the 1001 names of the ‘ Greater Luminary’, and stepped out into the baleany, than the whole crowd _prostrated them prostrated themselves. ~ Cheating, thieving’ Brahmins collected another set of 1001 names of ‘ His Majesty the Sun,’ and told the emperor that : he was an incarnation, like Ram, Kishn, and other infidel kings; and though Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanserit verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would honor Brahmins and cows, and govern the earth with justice. They also wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and shewed it to the emperor, who believed every word of it.

In this year also, in the state hall of ‘Fathpur, the ten cubit square of the Hanafis and the Quilatain’ of the Shaf’is and Shi’ahs were compared. The fluid quantum of the Hanafis was greater than that of the others.

His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnis should stand separately from the Shi’ahs, when the Hindustinis, without exception, went to the Sunni side, and the Persians ta the Shi’ah side.” '

[p. 336.]

«During this year [992], Mull4 llahd4d of Amrohah and Mull4 Sheri ° attended at Court, in order to flatter the emperor; for they had been appointed to Cadrships in’the Dudb of the Panjab. “Mull4 Sheri presented to His Majesty a poem made by him, entitled LZazdr Shud’, or ‘The Thousand Rays,’ which contained 1,000 gita’hs in praise of the Sun. His Majesty was much pleased.”

At the feast of the emperor’s accession in 992, numerous conversions took place, [Bad. II. p. 338.]

Quilatain, two large jars containing weigh not less than 1,200 ratl, or the cube 1,200 ragl ¢ indgé (iraqi pounds) of of 3h spans. Hanffuh fixed (10 Ftys)*, Se aCe = haa wn just deep enonet that had pan, in peek . oh a : . over it, do not touch the bottom. The pe ae se ted th soiled, fon oy rae experiment which Akbar made had for its ER Mere, Se Peon object to throw blame on the Hanafi Sunnis.

a

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“They were admitted as disciples in sets of twelve, one set at a time, and declared their willingness to adopt the new principles, and to follow the new religion. Instead of the usual tree,* His Majesty gave his likeness, upon which the disciples looked as a symbol of faith and the advancement j of virtue and prosperity. They used to wrap it up in cloth studded with jewels, and wore it on the top of their turbans. The phrase ‘ Alléhu Akbar’ was ordered to be used as the heading in all writings. Playing’with dice, and taking interest, were allowed, and.so in fact was every thing else admitted which is forbidden in the Islam. A play-house was even built at Court, and money from the exchequer was lent to the players on interest. (vide Second book, Ain 15). Interest and shatal (money given at the end of the play to the by-standers) were looked upon as very satisfactory things.

Girls before the age of fourteen, and boys before sixteen, were not to marry, and the story of the marriage night of the Prophet with Grddigah’ was totally disapproved of.? But why should I mention other blasphemies— May the attention which any one pays to them run away lke Quicksilver— roally I do not know what human ears cannot bear to hear!

The sins which all prophets are known to have committed, were cited as areason, why people should not believe the words of the prophets. So especially in the case of David® and the story of Uriah. Andif any one dared to differ from the belief of these men, he was looked upon as fit to be killed, or as an apostate and everlastingly damned, or he was called a law- - yer and enemy of the emperor. But according to the proverb, ‘ What people sow, that they shall yeap,’ they themselves became notorious in the whole world as the greatest heretics by their damnable innovations, and ‘the infallible authority’ got the nick name of Abijahl.* Yes, ‘If the king is bad,

inside, where several women were as-

• Heads of sects give their pupils sembled, who congratulated me, and

trees, not of genealogy, but of disiciple-

ship, as, Ahmad, disciple of ‘Ali, disciple of Mu’in, disciple of Bayazid, &c., ending with their own name and the name of that disciple to whom the tree (shajarah) is given.

• Giddigah is the title of’ Aishah, the daughter of Abii Bakr. “She was six years old, when she was engaged to Muhammad, who was then fitty years old. The actual marriage took place, when she was nine years old. ‘I sat,’ she relates, ‘ with other girls ina swing, when my mother called me. I went to her, not ‘Rnowing what she wanted. She took my hand, and led me to the door of the house. Inow guessed what she wished to do with me : my heart throbbed, but Isvon got again composed. IT washed my face and my head, and was taken

dressed me up. When they had done, they handed me over to the prophet.’ As she was so young, she took her toys to the house of the prophet. The pro- phet loved her so much, that even in the mosque, at the time of the service, he put his head under her veil, and caressed er,and played with her hair (Tha’labi Tafsir 2,180); and he told the faithful that she would be his wife in Paradise.” From Sprenger’s Life of M uhammad ITT. p. 62. ® David counts as a prophet. The book revealed to him is the zabzir, or the Psalms.

• Properly father of ignorance. Ba- dioni means Abulfazl, which name signifies father of wisdom. Besides, Abulfazl had the title(¢akhallug) Allam#, the most learned.

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‘the Vizier is worse.’ Looking after worldly matters was placed before reli- gious concerns ; but of all things, these-innovations were the most important, and every thing else was accessory. ”

In order to direct another blow at the honour of our religion, His Majesty ordered that the stalls of the Fancy b4zérs, which are held on New year’s-day, should, for a stated time, be given up for the enjoyment of the Begums and the women of the Harem, and also for any other married ladies. On such occasions, His Majesty spent much money; and the important affairs of Harem people, marriage-contracts, and betrothals of boys and girls, were arranged at such meetings.

. The real object of those who became disciples was to get into office ; and though His Majesty did everything to get this out of their heads, he acted very differently in the case of Hindus, of whom he could not get enough ; for the Hindus, of course, are indispensible ; to them belongs half the army and half the land. Neither the Hindistanis nor the Moghuls can point to such grand lords as the Hindus have among themselves. But if others than Hindus came, and wished to become disciples at any sacrifice, His Majesty reproved or punished them. For their honour and zeal he did not care, nor did he notice whether they fell in with his views or not.”

[p. 340.]

“In this year Sultin Khwéjah died. He also belonged to the elect disciples of His Majesty. After burying him, they laid down a new rule. They put a grate over his grave in such a manner that the light of the rising sun, which cleanses from all sins, could shine on the face of the corpse. People said, they had seen fiery tongues resting over his mouth, but God knows best.” :

During the month of afar (the second month of the year) 994, Akhar’s troops were defeated by the Yusufzais. Badéoni says (p. 350) :

“Nearly 8,000 men, perhaps even more, were killed. Bir Bay also, who had fled from fear of his life, was slain, and entered the row of the dogs in hell, and thus got something for the abominable deeds he had done during his lifetime. During the last night attack, many grandees and persons of renown were killed, as Hasén Khan,’ and Khwéjah ’Arab, paymaster (colonel) of Khén Jahén, and Mull4 Sheri, the poet, and many others whose names I cannot specify. The words az Khwdjah ’Arab haif*

? Vide List of nage Text edition edition, of Badéonf has wrong we His

Tussin oid Haocas in the, MGS. ot | fperepby ie tok given in the” Aleder UMA the Ain he is called (git 0 F gid. My MS. 2 The letters give 992; hence one

of the Tabaqat reads Wiggs Patant | more = 994. Afghan, and calls him a Hazdré, The ‘

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express the Tarikh of the defeat, by one less. Hakim Abulfath and Zain Khin, on the 5th Rabi’ulawwal, reached with their defeated troops the fort of Atak. *** But His Majesty cared for the death of no grandee more than + for that of Bir Bay. He said, “‘ Alas! they could-not even get his body out of the pass, that it might have been burned;” but at last, he consoled himself with the thought, that Bir Bar was now free and independent of all earthly fetters, and as the rays of the sun were sufficient for him, there was no necessity that he should be cleansed by fire.”

New orders were given in the beginning of 995. [Page 356.]

‘*No one was to marry more than one wife, except in cases of barren- ness ; but in ali other cases the rule was, ‘One God, and one wife.’ Women, on n reaching ‘the limit of their period of fertility, when their courses stop, should no longer wish for the husband. If widows liked to re-marry, they might do so, though this was’ against the ideas of the Hindus. A Hindu girl, whose husband had died before the’marriage was consummated, should not be burnt. If, however, the Hindus thought this a hardship, they should not be prevented (from burning the girl); but then a Hindu widow should take the girl…… ,

Again, if disciples meet each other, one should say ‘ Alléhu Akbar,’ and the other should respond ‘ Jalla Jaldluhu.’ These formulas were to take the place of our suldm, and the answer to the saliém. The beginning of counting Hindu months should be the 28th day, and not the 1th, because the latter “ was the invention and innovation of Bikraméjit. The Hindu feasts, likewise, were to take place in accordance with this rule. But the order was not obeyed, though farmins to that effect, as early as 990, had been sent to Gujrat and Bengal.

Common people should no longer learn Arabic, because such people were generally the cause of much mischief. Cases between Hindus should be decided by learned Brahmins, and not by Musalman Qazis. If it were necessary to have recourse to oaths, they should put heated irons into the hands of the accused, who was guilty if his hands-were burnt, but innocent if not; or they should put the hands of the accused into hot, liquid butter ; or the accused should jump into water, and if he came to the surface before an arrow had returned to the ground, which had been shot off when the man jumped into the water, he was guilty.

1 The text has wes not against the doubtful. The readings of the three MSS, ideas of the Hindus (?). which Maulawi Aghé Ahmad Ali had in 2 The text of the whole passage is editing Badioni, give no sense.

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People should be buried with their heads towards the east, and their feet towards the west.” His Majesty even commenced to sleep in this position.”

[p. $63.]

“Tn the same year the prohibition of the study of Arabic was extended to all. People should learn Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and Philosophy. The Tarikh of this order is Fuséd ¢ fazl (995).* *

On the 10th day of Muharram 996, His Majesty had invited the Khin Khandn, and Min Singh (who had just been appointed gover- nor of Bahbér, Hajipir and Patna); and whilst they were drinking, His Majesty commenced to talk about the Divine Faith, in order to test Man Singh.. He said without reserve, “If Your Majesty mean by the term of membership, willingness to sacrifice one’s life, I have given pretty clear proofs, and Your Majesty might dispense with examining me; but if the ‘term has another meaning, and refers to religion, surely 1 am a Iindu. And if Iam to become a Muhammadan, Your Majesty ought to say so— but besides Hinduism and Islam, I know of no other religion.” The emperor then gave up urging him.

During the month ‘of CGafar 996, Mirzé Filid Beg Barlis managed to get one night Mull4 Ahmad of T’hat’hah, on some pretext, out of his house, and stabbed at him, because the Mulla openly reviled [as Shi’ahs do} the companions of the prophet. The Térikh of this event is expressed by the words Zihe khanjar i Fildd, ‘Tail, steel of Fulad, or by Ahik ¢ sagart, ‘hellish hog !’ And really, when this dog of the age was in his agony, Isaw that his face looked just like the head of a pig,’ and others too witnessed it—O God! we take refuge with Thee against the evil which may befall us! Tis Majesty had Mirzé Fuléd tied to the foot of an clephant and dragged through the streets of Léhor ; for when Hakim Abulfath, at the request of the emperor, had asked the Mirz4, whether he had stabbed at the Mulla from religious hatred, he had said, ‘If religious hatred had been my motive, it would have been better to kill a greater one® than the Mulla.” The Hakim reported these words to His Majesty, who said, “This follow is a scoundrel ; he must not be allowed to remain alive,” and ordered his execution, though the people of the Harem asked the omperor to spare him for his genoral bravery and courage. The Mull outlived

2 This was an insult, because the

daoni, looked: and barked like a dog, Muhammadans in India face the west

when dying. Another thing which the

during prayer. Fide Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal for 1868, p. 56.

? Sunnis assert that this transfigura- tion imto an animal (maskh) happens very often to Shi’ahs, because they revile the Cuhdbah. Faizi, according to Ba-

Sunnis all over India quote as a great proof of the correctness of their mazhab, Is that no Shi’ah can ever become a hdjiz, a. ¢., no Shv’ah can commit the Qorén to memory.

§ Kither Akbar, or Abulfazl.

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the Mirz4 three or four days. The Shi’ahs, at the time of washing his corpse, say that, in conformity with their religion, they put a long nail into the anus, and plungéd him several times into the river.’ After his burial, Shaikh Faiz{ and Shaikh Abulfazl put guards over his grave; but notwith- standing all precaution,.during the year His Majesty went to Kashmir, the people of Lahor, one night, took the hideous corpse of the Mulla from the grave, and burned it.” [pp. 375, 376, 380. ]

“Tn 999, the flesh of oxen, buffaloes, goats, horses, and comels, was forbidden. Ifa Hindu woman wished to be burnt with her husband, they should not prevent her; but she should not be forced. Circumcision was forbidden before the age of twelve, and was then to be left to the will of the boys. If any one was seen eating together with a butcher, he was to lose his hand, or if he belonged to the butcher’s relations, the fingers whith he used in eating.

In 1000, the custom of shaving off the beard was introduced.”

In 1002, special orders were given’ to the kofwdals to carry out Akbar’s commands. They will be found in the Third book of the Xin, Ain 5. The following are new :

If any of the darsaniyyah? disciples died, whether man or woman, they should hang some uncooked grains and a burnt brick round the neck of the corpse, and throw it into the river, and then they should také out the corpse, and burn it at a place where no water was. But this order is based upon a fundamental rule, which His Majesty indicated, but which I cannot here mention.

If a woman was older than her husband by twelve years, he should not lie with hor, and if a young girl was found running about town, whether veiled or not, or if a woman was bad, or quarrelled with her husband, she should be sent to the quarter of the prostitutes, to do there what she liked.”

[py. 391.]

‘‘ At the time of famines and distress, parents were allowed to sell their children, but they might again buy them, if they acquired means to repay their price. Hindus who, when young, had from pressure become Musal- mans, were allowed to go back to the faith of their fathers. No.man should be interfered with on account of his religion; and every one should be allowed to change his religion, if he liked. ‘Ifa Hindu woman fall in love with a Muhammadan, and change hor religion, she should be taken from him

1 This was done to clean the intestines water. of faeces, which were thrown into the 2 From dursan, for which vide Pp. river from which the Sunnis got their 157, 1. 1.

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by force, and bé given back to her family. People should not be molested, if they wished to build churches and prayer rooms, or idol temples, or fire temples.”

mn [p. 898.]

“Tn this year A’zam Khan returned from Makkah, where he had suffered much harm at the hands of the Sharifs,‘ and throwing away the blessing which he had derived from the pilgrimage, joined, immediately on his return, the Divine Faith, performing the sydah and following all other rules of discipleship ; he cut off his beard, and was very forward at social meetings and in conversation. He learnt the rules of the new faith from the Reverend Master Abulfazl, and got Ghazipir and Hiyjipar as jdgir.”

[p. 404.]

“During the Muharram of 1004, Cadr Jahn, mufti of the empire, who

had been promoted to a commandership of One Thousand, joined the Divine

Faith, as also his two over-ambitious sons ; and having taken the Shagt? of ,

the new religion, he ran into the net like a fish, and got his Hazdriship. He even asked His Majesty what he was to do with his beard, when he was told to letit be. On the same day, Mull4’ Taqi of Shushtar*® joined, who looks upon himself as the learned of all learned, and is just now engaged in rendering the Shéhnimah into prose, according to the wishes of the emperor, using the phrase jallat ’asmatuhu wa ‘azza shdnuhu,* wherever the word Sun occurs. Among others ‘that joined were Shaikhzidah Gosélah Khén of Banéras; Mullé Shah Muhammad of Shah4béd;° and Cufi Ahmad, who claimed to belong to the progeny of the famous Muhammad Ghaus. They all accepted the four degrees of faith, and received appointments as Commanders from One Hundred to Five Hundred, gave up their beards agreeably to the rules, and thus looked like the youths in Paradise. The words mttardsh + chand, or ‘ several shavers’, express the ¢dérikh of this event (1004). The new candidates behaved like Hindus that turn Muhammadaa,°® or like those who are dressed in red clothes, and look in their joy towards their relations, who say to them, ‘‘ My dear little man, these rags will be old to-morrow, but the Islam will stillremain on your netk. This Ahmad, ‘the little Cufi’, is the same who claimed to be the pupil, or rather the perfect successor, of Shaikh Ahmad of Egypt. He said that at the express desire of that religious leader of the. age, he had come to India, and the Shaikh had frequently told him, to assist the Sultén of India, should he commit an

2 This is the title of the rwers of Makkah. * Because Muhammadans use such 2 Shagt, which has been explained on phrases after the name of God.

p. 166, also means a fish hook. * Vide p. 106, note 1. 3% Vide List of Grandees, Second Book, © That is, over-zealous.

No. 362.

o

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error, and lcad him back from everlasting damnation. But the opposite was the case.”

So far Badioni. We have, therefore, the following list of mem- bers ‘of the Divine Faith. With the exception of Bir Bar, they are all Muhammadans; but to judge from Badéoni’s remarks, the number of those that took the Shagt, must have been much larger.

Abulfazl.

Faizi, his brother, Akbar’s court-poet.

Shaikh Mubarik, of Nagor, their father.

Jv far Beg Xcaf Khan, of Qazwin, a historian and poet. Qasim i Kaht, a poet.

“Abdugcamad, Akbar’s court-painter ; also a post. A’zam [Chin Kokah, after his return from Makkah. Mullé Shah Muhammad of Shdhdbdd, a historian. « Cufi Ahmad.

10 to 12. Gadr Jahan, the crown-lawyer, and his two sons. 13. Mir Sharif of Amul, Akbar’s apostle for Bengal.

14. Sultan Khwajah, a cadr.

15, Mirz4 Jani, chief of T’hat’hah.

16. Taqi of Shustar, a poet and commander of two hundred.

17. Shaikhzddah Gosdlah of Banaras.

18. Bir Bar.

Nos. 4 to 6 are taken from the Ain; the others are mentioned in the above extracts from Badaoni. The literary element is well represented in the list.

The above extracts from Badaoni possess a peculiar value, because they show the rise and progress of Akbar’s views, from fhe first doubt of the cozrectness of the Islam to its total rejection, and the gradual” establishment of anew Faith combining the principal features of Hindu- ism and the Fireworship of the Parsis. This value does not attach to the scattered remarks in the Ain, nor to the longer article in the Dabistan.

As the author of the latter work has used Badaoni, it will only be necessary to collect the fow remarks which are new.

The following two miracles are connocted with Akbar’s birth.

[Dabistan, p. 890.’]

SS st Sr oo 89

1 Vide also Shea and Troyers’ English Translation of the Dabistan, ILI, p. 9. 27

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“ Khw4jah Mas’id, son of Khw4jah Mahmid, son of Khw4jah Murshid- ulhaq, who was a gifted Céhib ¢ hdl,’ said to the writer of this book, “ My father related, he had heard from great saints, that the Lord of the faith and the world ‘ reveals himself.’ -I did not know, whether that august personage had appeared or would appear, till, at last, one night I saw that event, and when I awoke, Isuddenly arrived at that place, where the blessed” Lord was born, namely on a Sunday of the month of Rajab of the year 949, the lord Jal4luddin Akbar, the august son of Huméyiin Paédishéh and Hamidah Bini Begum.”

The second miracle has been, related above, on p. 163, note 3. These two miracles make up the first of the four chapters, into which the author of the Dabistén has divided his article on the “ Divine Faith.” The second chapter contains religious dialogues, and extracts from Badaoni, which are rather conjecturally rendered in Shea’s Translation. The third chapter contains remarks on the worship of the sun and stars, chiefly with reference to the sun-worship of the Tatars.? The last chapter contains extracts from the third and fifth books of the Ain.

P. 410. ‘ His Majesty also sent money to Ivan, to bring to India a wise Zoroastrian of the name of Ardsher.’’* ;

P. 412, Abulfazl wrote, as a counterpart to his commentary on the Ayatul- hurst (p. 169), a preface to the translation of the Mahabharat (vide p. 105) of two juz.

P. 413. ‘When Sultan Khwajah,* who belonged to the members of the Divine Faith, was near his death, he sazd that he hoped, Ilis Majesty would not have him buried like a mad man. He was therefore buried in a grave with a peculiar lamp, and agrate was laid over it, so that the greater luminary, whose light cleanses from all sins, might shine upon him.* * *

Should a Hindu woman fall in love with a Muhammadan, and be converted to the Islam, she would be taken away by force and handed over to her family ; but so should also a Afusalmdn woman, who had fallen in love with a Hindu, be prevented from joining Hinduism.” “*

P. 414. “T heard from Mullé Tarson of Badakhshan, who was a Hanafi

2 Vide p. 171, note 2.

2 The author of the Dabistén gives much prominence to the idea that the power and success of the ‘Tatars was in some way mysteriously connected with their sun and star worship, and that their conversion to the Islam was looked upon as the beginning of their decline. It looks as if the writer wished to connect this idea with Akbar’g successes and sun- worship.

® Regarding this Ardsher, v7de Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal for 1868, p. 14. Akbar’s fire temple was in the Harem.

• Vide above, p. 204.

• The words in Italics aro not in Badéonf. The object of the order was evidently to prevent a woman from doing what she liked; for, according to the Muhammadans, women are looked upon as ndgi¢ wl’agl.

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by sect, that once during the year 1058, he had gone ona pilgrimage to Sikandrah, the burial place of Akbar. ‘One of my companions,” he said, ‘declined to enter the pure mausoleum, and even abused the Representative of God [Akbar]. My other companions said, “If Akbar possesses hidden knowledge, that man will certainly come to grief.” ‘Soon after a piece of a broken stone fell down, and crushed his toe.” ;

P, 481. “In Multén, I saw Shih Salémullah, who has renounced the world, and is a muahhid (Unitarian). He is very rigid in discipline, and avoids the society of men. He said, he had often been in company with J aldluddin, Akbar, and had heard him frequently say, ‘‘ Had I formerly possessed the knowledge , which I now have, I would never have chosen a wife for myself; for upon old women I look as mothers, on women of my age as sisters, and on girls as daughters.” A friend of mine said, he had heard Nawab Abul Hasan, called Lashkar Khan of Mashhad, report the same 2s having been said by Akbar. :

Salémullah also said that God’s Representative (Akbar) had often wept and said, ‘‘O that my body were larger than all bodies together, so that the people of the world could feod on it without hurting other living animals.”

A sign of the sagacity of this king is this, that he employed in his servico people of all classes,’ Jews, Persians, Tiranis, &c., because one class of people, if employed to the exclusion of others, would cause rebellions, as in the case of the Uzbaks and Qizilbdshes (Persians), who used to dethrone their kings. Hence Shah Abbas, son of Sultén Khudabandah i Gafawi, imitated the practice of Akbar, and favoured the Gurjis (Georgians). Akbar paid likewise no regard to hereditary power, or genealogy and fame, but favoured those whom he thought to éxcel in knowledge and manners.”

The passages in the Ain which refer to Akbar’s religious views are the following :—p. IIIT; 11; 48; 49; 54; 57; 58, 1. 4 from below; Ain 26, p. 61; p. 90, notes 3 and 4, the Sanscrit names being very likely those which were alluded to by Badaoni, vide above p. 180, 1. 18 ; p. 91, note 3; p. 103, note 3; 104, 105, 106; p. 108 1. 22, because the “making of likenesses” is as much forbidden by the Islam, as it was interdicted by the Mosaic law; Ain 72, p. 158; 159; Ain 77, p. 162; Ain 81, p. 216. In the Second Book, Ains 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25; in the IIIa book, end of Ain 1 (Tarikh Ddhi); Ains 2, 5, 9, 10; and lastly, the greater part of the fifth book.

It will be observed that the remarks on Akbar’s religious views do not extend beyond the year 1596, when the greater part of the Ain had

2 Tide the notes to Ain 30 of the Second Book.

been completed.

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Badaoni’s history ends with A: FH. 1004, or A. D.

1595; but his remarks on Akkar’s religion become more and more sparing’: towards the end, and as subsequent historians, even Jahangir in his ‘ Memoirs,” are almost entirely silent on the religious fdeas of the emperor, we have no means of following them up after 1596. Akbar, in all probability, continued worshipping the sun, and retained all other pecu- liaritics of his monotheistic Parsi-Hinduism, dying as he had lived. The story related in that edition of Jah4ngir’s Memoirs which has been etranslated by Major Price, that Akbar died as a good Musalman, and ‘repented’ on his death-bed, is most untrustworthy, as every other IRR aa ee

particular of that narrative.’

With Akbar’s death,’ the Divine Faith died out. Akbar, solely relying on his influence and example, had established no priesthood, and had appointed no proper person for propagating his faith. If we_, except the influence which his spirit of toleration exerted, the masses

had remained passive.

Most of the members, mentioned on p. 209, had

died before Akbar; such as were still alive, as Sharif of Amul took

2 The story of Akbar’s ‘ conversion’ is also repeated in Elphinstone’s History, Second edition, p. 531. The Mulla whom Akbar, according ‘o Price’s Memoirs, is said to have called, is Gadr Jahan who, as remarked above on p. 209 was a mem- ber of the Divine Faith. This in itself’ is improbable. Besides, the Tuzuk i Ja- hangixi, as published by Sayyid Ahmad, says nothing about it. Nor does the Iybalnamah, a poor production (though written in beautiful Yrani Persian), or Khati Khan, allude to the conversion, which, if it had taken place, would certainly have been mentioned. Khafi Khan espe- cially would have mentioned it, because he says of Baddonf, that he said and wrote about the religious views of the Emperor things which he should not have elated (vide Khafi Khéda, I., p. 196). The silence of the author of the Dabistin is still more convincing, whilst the story of Mull& Tarson, and the abuse uttered by his companion against Akbar (p. 210), are proofs that Akbar did not ‘ repent.’ To this we have to add that Jahangir, in his Memoirs, adopts a respectful phrase- ology when mentioning the sun, which he calls Laarat Nayyir i A’zam; he also continued the stjdah, though offensive to pious Muhammadans, and Akbar’s Solar Lyra, thougs it involved

a loss to the revenue, because for every 33 lunar years, the state only received taxes for 32 solar years; he allowed some Hindu customs at Court, asthe Rdk’hé (vide above p. 184), and passed an order, not to force Hindus to join the Isl4in (Lucuh, p. 100).

2 Akbar died on the Shab i Chahdr- shambih,, 12th Jumdda-lukhra 1014 A. H., which, according to note 3 of p. 171, is our Tuesday night [not Wednesday, as in Price, and all uropean Historians }, the 15th October, 1605, old style. Hence Akbar would: have died in the night which followed the day on which he cele- brated his sixty-third birth-day, if we adopt our mode of reckoning ; vide p. 62, note 1. ws

There is some confusion in the Histories regarding the exact day of Alcbar’s death.

The Pddishdhndmah (Vol. I, p. 66) says that Akbar died at the age of sixty-three (solar) years and one day, in the night of the Chuhdrshambih (the night between Tuesday and Wednesday) of the 12th Ju- middalukhra, corresponding to the 2d Abdn of Akbar’s Eva. The A/ir-dt and Khdft Khén (I, p. 235) give thesame ; the latter adds that Akbar diced at midnight.

The Padishahnamah (p. 69) and Khaft Khan (p. 246) fix the julizs, or accession, of Jahangir for Thursday the 20th Juma-

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again to sophistry, and tried to create sensations under Jahdngir.’ As Jahangir did not trouble himself about any religion, Akbar’s spirit of toleration soon changed to indifference, and gradually died out; when a, reaction in favour of bigotry set in under Aurangzeb. But people still talked of the Divine Faith in 1643 or 1648, when the author of the Dabistin collected his notes on Akbar’s religion.’

AIN 78. THE MUSTER OF ELEPHANTS. The beginning of the musters is made with this animal. The Ahdcah elephants with their furniture and ornaments are the first which are daily brought before His Majosty, namely, ten on the first day of every solar mouth. After this, the Lalqah elephants are mustered according to their num- ber. On Tuesdays from ten to twenty are mustered. The Bitikchi, during the muster, must be ready to answer any questions as to the name of each animal (thore are more than five thdusand elephants, each having a different name. His Majesty knows to which section most of the elephants belong—ten elephants form a section of ten (dahdi), and are in charge of an experienced officer) ; as to how cach elephant came into the possession of His Majesty ; the price; the quantity of food; the age of the animal; where it was born; the period of heat, and the duration of that state each time; the date when ‘an elephant was made khdcah ; its promotion in the halgahs ; the time when

dalukhra, or the 10th Aban, 7. ¢..8 days

{Jahangir], it was customary for courtiers after Akbar’s death.

on mecting their Majesties, or on receiving

Muhammad Hadi, in his preface to the Luzuk i Jahdngiré, says that Akbar died on the Shab « Chahdrshambih, 13th Jumddalukhra ; and Sayyid Abmad’s

Edition of the Tuzulk refers the Judzés to -

Thursday the ejghth Jumadalukhra ; but the word pis is often confounded in MSS. with pio! 4, :

Again the Afir-dt, and Sharif i Trani in his gbdindmak, mention the Julis as having taken place on ‘Thursday, the eleventh Jumidalukhra. Lastly, the pre- faces of the Farhang i Jahdngtré refer the julie to the third Thursday [the twentieth day] of Jumédalawwhl [a mis- lake for alukhra), corresponding to the voz t kKhur, or the elerenth, of Abin.

1 Fide Tuzuk, p. 22.

2 Only one of Akbar’s innovations, the Sijdah, was formally abolished by Shah- jehin. “ During the reigns of ‘Arshd-

whydnt [Akbar], and Junnat Makdnt

a present, to prostrate themselves, placing the forehead on the ground.* * * This custom had also obtained in antiquity, but had been abolished by the Islam.* * * When His Majesty [Shahjahin] mounted the throne, he directed his inperial care to the re-introduction of the customs of the Islim, the strict observance of which had died away, and turned his angust zeal to re-building the edifice of the law of the prophet, which had all but decayed. Ifence on the very day of accession, His Majesty ordered that putting the forehead on the ground should be restricted to

_ God. Mahdbat Khan, the Commander.

in-Chief, objected at first, &c. His Majesty would not even allow the Zaminbos, or kissing the ground, and subsequently introduced a fourth Taslim [Akbar had fixed three, aide p. 158, 1, 5.” Pddishdh- ndmah I, p. 110.

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the tusks are cut; how many times His Majesty has mounted it; how many times it was brought for riding out; the time of the last muster; the condition of the keepers ; the name of the Amir in charge. For all other elephants eight things are to be reported, v7z., the change of its name (?) } the repetition of it; its price; how it came into the possession of His Majesty; whether it is fit for riding, or for carrying burdens; its rank ; whether it has plain furniture or not; which rank the Faujdar has assigned to it. The rule is, that every Faujdar divides his elephants into four classes, . separating those that are best from those that are worst, whether they are to remain with him, or whether he has to give some to other Faujdars.

Each day five tahwilt (transferable) elephants are inspected by an experien- cedman. The following custom is observed : When new elephants arrive for the government, they are handed over in fifties or hundreds to experienced officers, who fix their ranks. Such elephants are called Tahwili elephants. When His Majesty inspects them, their rank is finally settled, and the elephants are transferred to the proper sections. Every Sunday one elephant is brought before His Majesty; to be given away as! a present to some deserving servant. Several halgahs are set apart for this purpose. The rank of the khdgah elephants formerly depended on the number of times they had been inspected by His Majesty ; but now their precedence is fixed by the number of times His Majesty has mounted them. ,In the halgahs, the precedence of elephants is determined by the price. When all elephants have been mustered, the kh4cah elephants are again examined, ten every day. Then come the elephants of the princes, who mostly march them past themselves. After them come the halgahs. As they are arranged in sections according to the price, some elephants have, at every muster, their value either enhanced or lowered, and are then put among their equals. For this reason, many Faujdérs are anxious to complete their sets, and place themselves for this purpose in a row at the time ofthe musters. His . Majesty then gives the elephants to whomsoever he likes. If the number of the elephants of any Faujdaér is found correct, some more are put in his charge; for such officers are thought of first. Faujdars, whose elephants are found to be lean, are preferred, in making up the comple- ments, to such as bring less than their original number. Each Faujdar receives some, provided he musters all his elephants: The Mushrif (accountant) receives orders where to keep the elephants.

The elephants of the grandees also, though not belonging to the fixed establishment, are almost daily brought before His Majesty, who scttles their rank, and orders them to be branded with a peculiar mark. Elephants of dealers also are brought before His Majesty, who fixes their rank and value.

215

AIN 79. ‘THE MUSTER OF HORSES.

.’ They begin with the stables of forty; then come, the stables of the princes; then the ihdgah courier horses; then the country-bred, and all other stables. When the ten muhur horses have been inspected, they bring the Gifs, Qisrdgs, the horses on which the hunting leopards ride, and the Bargir horses (vide p. 183, 1. 12; p. 185, 1. 10 from below, and Ain 54, p. 139). The place of the horses at the musters, is determined by their value, andin the case of horses of the same value, the precedence is determined by the time of service. Before the musters, the horses are inspected by clever officers, who again fix their value, and divide them into three classes. When the rank of a horse has been put higher or lower, i is placed among his proper class-fellows. Those horses which belong to the thitd class, form separate stables, and are given away as presents. If horses have their value raised, they are given over to such keepers as bring to the musters either the full complement of their horses, or at ‘least a complement not more deficient than by two. Incomplete stables are daily filled up during the musters; or if not filled up, théy are put in charge of separate keepers. Twenty horses are daily mustered. On Sundays, horses are the first that are mustered. Double the usual number are then inspected. Several horses are also kept in waiting at Court, viz., one from each of the sixty to the forty muhur stables, and one more from each of the thirty to the ten muhur stables. They are given away as prosonts or as parts of salaries. The precedence at musters of bazdr- horses is fixed according tothe price. According to the ‘number of horses availablo, from twenty to a hundred are daily mustered. Before the musters, experionced , officers fix the prices, which are generally enhanced at the time of the parades. Horses above thirty muhurs, have their value fixed in the presence of His Majesty. A cash-keeper attached to the State- hall is entrusted with money, so that horse-dealers have not to wait long for payment of their claims. When horses have been bought, they are marked with a peculiar brand, so that there may be no fraudulent exchange.

From foresight, and on account of the large profits of the horse-dealers, His Majesty enforces a tax of three Rupees for every ‘Jrdg!, Ayannas (vide p. 140, note 2), and Arab, imported from Kabul and Persia; two and a half Rupees for every Turkish and Arabian horse imported from Qundahar ; and two for Kabul horses, and Indian Arab breed.

216

AIN 80. THE MUSTERS OF CAMELS.

The deginning is made with country-bred camels, of which five gatdrs are daily inspected. Those pancadis “officers in charge of five hundred camels) come first who are oldest. The Head Darogah has the permission to parade before His Majesty a qatar of excellent Bughdis and Jammazahs. Then como the Bughdis, and after them tho Jammézahs, tho G’hurds, the

‘ Loks, and all other camels. The commencement of the musters takes place on Fridays, on which day double the usual number marches past. The precedence of camels is dvtermined by their value.

e

AIN 81. THE MUSTER OF CATTLE.

Cattle are mustered according to their value, ten yokes daily. The muster commences on Wednesdays, on which day double the usual number is inspected. °

On the day of the Diwdli—an old festival of this country; on which the Hindus pray to the cow, as thoy look upon reverence shewn to cows as worship—several cows are adorned and brought before His Majesty. People are very fond of this custom.

AYN 82. THE MUSTERS OF MULES.

The musters of this beast of burden commence on Thursdays, when six gatdrs are inspected in order of their value. Mules are mustered ouce a year.

Formerly all musters took place as above described. But now horses are inspected on Sundays; camels, cows, and mules, on Mondays; the soldiers, on Tuesdays ; on Wednesdays, His Majesty transacts matters of Finance; on Thursdays, all judicial matters are sottled ; Fridays His Majesty sponds in the Ilarem; on Saturdays, the elephants are mustered:

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AIN 83. THE PAGOSHT REGULATION.* .

His Majesty has taught men something new and practical, and has made an excellent rule, which protects the animal, guards the stores, teaches equity, reveals the excellent, and @imulates the lazy man. Experienced people saw their wisdom increased, and such as inquired into this secret, obtained their desires.

His Majesty first determined the quantity of daily food for each domestic animal, and secondly determined the results, which different quanta of food produce in the strength of an animal. In his practical wisdom and from his desire of teaching people, His Majesty classifies the dishonest practices of men. This is done by the Piégosht regulation. From time to time an experienced man is sent to the stables of these dumb creatures, He inspects them, and measures their fatness and leanness. At the time of the musters also the degrees of fatness or leanness are first examined into, and reports are mada accordingly. His Majesty then inspects the animals himsclf, and decreases or increase’ the degrees of their fatness or leanness as re- ported, fixing at the same time the fine for leanness, If, for some reason, the allowance of grain or grass of an animal had been lessened, proper account is taken of such a decrease. The leanness of an elephant has been divided

into thirteen classes. * * * *

• The object of this curious regulation was to determine the amount of the fines which Akbar could justly inflict on the officers in charge of the animals belonging to the Court, if the condition of the animals did not correspond to his expect- ations. The daily quanta of food sup- plied to the animals had been fixed by minute rules (Ains 43, 51, 62, 67, 70), and the several Daroghahs (store-keepers) entered into their rozudmchahs, or day- books, the quantum daily given to each animal. These day-books were produced at the musters, and special officers mensured the fatness of each animal, and compared jt with the food it had been receiving since the last muster, as shewn in the day-book. Akbar determined a maximum fatness (A), which correspond- ed to a maximum quantity of daily food (a). Similarly, he determined a fatness (B), resulting from a daily quantity of food (b), thouzh Abulfazl does not specify how this was done. The quantities A, B, &c. were fhen divided into several fractions

8A TA 6 or degrees, as——, = ad &e. Thus

8 28

in the case of elephants, the maximum fatness (A) was divided into 13 degrees.

Pé-gosht means a quarter of flesh, and evidently expresses that the food a only produced $A. instead of $A. The name was then transferred to, the regulation.

We do not know how the mustering officers applied Akbar’s rule, whether by measuring the circumference of an ani- mal, or by weighing them. The rule may appear fanciful and unpractical ; but it shews how determined Akbar was to fathom the dishonesty of his Daroghahs. Hence the carefalness which he shewed in assessing fines (Ains 48, 57), in ordering frequent .musters of animals and men, in reviving the re- gulations of branding animals as given by ’Aléuddin Khilji and Sber Shah, in fixing the perquisites, in paying cash for all supplies, in allowing veterinary surgeons certain powers, &c.

2 The text (p. 163, 1.19) enumerates. several fractions, or degrees of leanness, but they give no sense. The confusion of the MSS. is due to the want of inter- punctuation,

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For all other animals beside the elephant, six degrees have been laid down, viz. the second, third, fifth, seventh, ninth, and tenth [degrees of the thirteen for the elephant]. And as it is the custom of the Faujdars, to mark, at the time of the musters of the halqahs, one halqah which is the best in their opinion, and to put separafs that which is the worst, the officers who inquire into the leanness and fatness, deduct fifty per cent. from the degree of the former, and count one half for the latter halqah. If the, Faujd4r works in concert with the Daroghah, and both sign the entries in the day-book, the Faujdér is responsible for one-fourth, and the Daroghah for the remaining part of the food. The leanness of old elephants is fixed by the condition of the whole halgah. In the horse stables the grooms, water- carriers, and sweepers are fined one-fourth of the wages. In the case of camels, the Daéroghah is fined the amount of the grain, and tho driver for the share of the grass. In the case of oxen used for carriages, the Daroghah is fined for the part of the grass and the grain; but the driver is not liable.’ In case of heavy carriages, half the fine is remitted.

AIN 84. ON ANIMAL FIGHTS. REGULATIONS FOR BETTING.

His Majesty is desirous of establishing harmony among people of different classes. He wishes to arrange feasts of friendship and union, so that every thing may be done with propriety and order. But as all men do not possess a mind capable of selecting that which is true, and as every ear 38 not fit to listen to wisdom, His Majesty holds social meetings for amusement, to which he invites a large number of people. Through the careful arrangements of His Majesty, the court has been changed from a field of ambitious strife to a temple of a higher world, and the egotism and conceit of men have been directed to the worship of God. Even superficial, worldly people thus learn zeal and attachment, and are induced by these gatherings to enquire after the road of salvation.’ ie

Deer-fights.

The manner of fighting of this animal is very interesting, and its method of stooping down and rising up again is a source of great amuse- ment. Hence His Majesty pays much attention to this animal, and has succeeded in training this stubborn and timid creature. One hundred and one deer are khégah; each has a name, and some peculiar qualities. A keeper is placed over every ten. There are three kinds of fighting deer,

To join Akbar’s Divine Faith.

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Jirst, those which fight with such as are born in captivity and with wild ones; secondly, such as fight best with tame ones; and thirdly, such as fiercely attack wild deer. The fights are conducted in three different ways. J rst, according to number, the first fighting with the second, the third with the fourth, and so on, for the whole. Af the second go, the first fights with the third, the second with the fourth, and soon. If adeer runs away, it is placed last; and if it is known to have run away three times, it ceases to be khagah. Betting on these fights is allowed; the stake does not exceed 5 dams. Secondly, with those belonging to the princes. Five Ahdcah pair fight with each other, and afterwards, two. khacgah pair from His Majesty’s hunting-ground ;’ then five other khdgah pair. At the same time two pair from the deer park of His Majesty’s hunting-ground fight, and afterwards five khdgah deer engage with five deer of the eldest prince. Then fourteen Khagah pair engage with each other, and fight afterwards with the deer of the prince, till the fight with the deer of the prince is finished. Upon this, the deer of princes fight with each other, and then kidgah deer. The betting on such fights must not exceed one muhur. TZh¢rdly, with the deer of other people. His Majesty selects forty-two from his nearer friends, and appoints ovory two of them as opponents, forming thus one and twenty sets. The first winners receive each thirty deer, and all others get one less, so that the last get each eleven. To every set a Jal,* a water-buffalo, a cow, a guchqar (fighting ram), a goat, and a cock, are given. Fights between cows and goats are rarely mentioned to have been held in ancient times. Before the fighting commences, two khégah deer are brought in trimmed up, and are set against two deer belonging to people’ of various sets. First, with a deer belonging to a powerful grandee, and then the fight takes place before His Majesty. Ifa general assembly is announced, the fight may also take place, if the deer belongs to a commander of One Thousand. The betting on khdgah deer is eight muhurs, and on deer belonging to one of a set, five muhurs, if it be an Atkal; and four, if an Anin. As deer have not equal strength and impetuosity of attack, the rule among deer-keepers is, once to select cach of their deer in turn and take it to the arena. Such deer are called Anin. Another then estimates its strength, and brings a deer as opponent. The latter is called Afhal. In case of Mals, the betting is five ‘muhurs; for wator buffaloes and cocks, four ; for cows and fighting rams, and goats, two. A commander of One Thousand is allowed to bet six muhurs on a khdgah deer ; and with one of his own rank,’ 32 muhurs, if the bet ison an <Ajkal; and three on an Antn; and so also in the samo

» Mal, acwording to Ain 6 of the Second 2 Or perhaps with his opponent in Book, is the name tor a Gujrat wrestler. the set (misé),

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proportion on Iuls, water-buffaloes, and cocks; but on cows, fighting rams, and goats, two. A commander of Nine Hundred may bet on a khdgah deer 50 Rupees; and with one of his own rank, 30} #. on an Atkal, and 25 R. on an Anin; on a Adil 34 muhurs; on a wator-buffalo and a cock 3} IL; and on all other animals, 14 Jf. A commander of Eight Hundred is allowed to bet 48 R. on a khdcah deer ; with one of his rank, 30 2. on an Atkal ; and 24 R.on an Anin; ona Mal 34 Jf; on a water-buffalo and cock, 24 HW, and on other animals, as before. A commander of Seven Hundred is allowed to bet 44 2. on a Lhdcah deer ; with one of his own rank on an Afkal 272 R.; on an Anin 22 R.; on’a Mal 3 I; on other animals as before. A Cominander of Six Hundred may bet 40 R. on a khdgah deer; with one of his own rank, 25 2. on an Atkal; 20 R. on an Anin; on other animals as before. A Commander of Five Hundred may bet 4 Jf [36 R.]on a khacah deer; with one of his own rank 24 Jf on an Athal, and 2 V. ona Anin; on other animals, as the preceding. A Commander of Four Hundreé ‘may bet 34 R. on a khdcah deer; with one of his own rank 214 &. on an Athal; 17 R. on an Anin; ona Hal 23 Mf; on a water-buffalo and cock, 22; on acow, a fighting ram, and goat, 1 Jf A Commander of Three Hundred may bet 30 2. on a khdgah deer ; with one of his own rank, 183 2. onan Athal; 15 R. on an Anin; 24 MM. on a Mal; on other animals as the preceding. A Commander of Two Hundred may bet 24 R. on a khdgah deer ; with one of his own rank 15 &. on an Athal, 12 R. on an Anin, and on other animals as before. A Commander of One Hundred may bet 2 af on a khdcah deer; with one of his own rank 14 M. on an Athal; 1 HM. on an Anin; and on other animals as beforo. A Commander of Fighty may bet 16 &. on akhdcah deer; with one of his own rank 10 2. onan Afhal; 8 R. on an Anin; 17 R. on a Afal; 14 2 ona water-buffalo and a cock; on other animals as before. A Commander of Forty may bet 12 R. on a hhegah deer; with one of his own rank 74 R. on an Athal;6 FR. on a Anin; on other animals as before. A Commandor of Twenty may bet 10 R. ona khd,ah doer; 64 R. with one of his own rank on an Atkal ; 5 R. on an Anin ; on other siiiuns as before, A Commander of Ten may ‘bet 8 R. ona khagah deer, and 5 &. on an Afkal, with one of his own rank ; 4 2. on an Anin; on other animals as before. People who hold no mangabs, bet 4 I. on a khdgah deer ; with one of their own rank, 2} R. onan Afthal; 2 RB. on an Anin; 15 R on a Afal; on other animals as before. ;

But if the opponent hold a less rank, the amount of the bet is dotor- mined according to the amount which the opponent is allowed to bet on an dxin. When the last pair comos, the betting is everywhore on the deer. A. fourth part of what people take from each other in Jia fights, is given to the victorious wrestler. The presents which His Majesty makes on such occasions, have uo limits.

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Tho rule is that every oneof such as keop animals brings on tho fourteenth night of the moon one deer to the fight. The Bitikchi of this department appoints half the number of deer as Axins, and the other half as Athals. Te then writes the names of the .4fkals on paper slips, folds them up, and takes them to His Majesty, who takes up oné. The animal chosen has to fight with an Ain. As such nights are clear, fights are generally announced for that time. :

Besides, there are two other classes of deer, hotal, and half otal. The number of each is fixed. As often the number of sAdgah deer decreases, the deficiency is made up from the otal deer ; and the deficiency in the number of kotals is madé up from half kotals. One pair of kotuls also is brought to tho fight, so that they may be tried. Hunters supply continually wild deer, and bring them to His Majesty, who fixes the price. A fat superior deer costs 2 Jf ; a thin superior one, 1 I. to 15 R.; a fat middling one, i2 R.; Do. lean, 8 R.; a third class fat one, 7 R.; Do. thin, 5 2.; a fourth class fat one, 4 &. ; Do. lean, 2} to 2 R.

Deer are kept ayd fed as follows: Jfhdgah deer selected for fighting before His Majosty, got 2 s. grain, 4s. boiled flour, 4s. butter, and 1 d. for grass. Such as are kept on His Majesty’s hunting-grounds, otals, and fight- ing deer of the sets, get 12 s. of grain, and flour and butter as before. Whe grass is supplied by each amateur himself. All khdgak, home-bred, hotal deer, and those of His Majesty’s hunting-ground, have -each one keeper. The fighting deer of the sets have one keeper for every two; the single last one has a keeper for itself. Nothing is given for grass. Deer which are given to people to have them fattened, get 1} s. grain, and 4 d. for grass. They have one keeper for every four; but one for every two, if they are fit to become thdgah. Some deer are also sent to other towns; they get 14 »s. grain, and have each one keeper. If deer are newly caught, they get no regular food for seven days, after which they get 3s. of grain for a fort- night. They then get 1s., and when one month is over, 1} s.

In the deer park, Mangabdairs, Ahadis, and other soldiers are on staff- employ. The pay of foot-soldiers varies from 80 to 400 d,

His Majesty has 12,000 deer; they are divided into different classes, and proper regulations are made for each of them. There is also a stud for deer, in which new results are obtained. A large female gets 14 s. grain, and 3d. for grass. A new born deer drinks the milk of the dam for two months, which is reckoned as equivalent to }s. of grain. Afterwards, every second month, the allowanco is increased by a quarter ser of grain, so that after a period of two years, it gots the same as itsdam. For grass, } d. is given from the seventh to the tenth month. Young male ones also get weaned after two months, when they get # s. of grain, which is increased

222 by that quantity every second month, so that, after two years, they got 2} s. ‘From the fifth to the eighth month, they get 4d. for grass, after which period they get 4 @ for grass.

I haye given a short description of animal fights as announced for general assemblies. THis Majesty announces them. also for day time; but as often a more important act of worship is te be performed, he announces them for the night. Ox else His Majesty thinks of God, and seeks for Wisdom in self-examination ; he eaves neither for cold nor heat; he spends the time which others idle away in sleep, for the welfare of the people, and prefers labour to comfort.

AIN 85. ON BUILDINGS.

Regulations for’ house-building in general are necessary; they die. required for the comfort ef the army, and are a source of ‘splendour for the government. People that ave attached to the world willl collect in. towns, without which there would be no progress. FEhenee His Majesty plans splendid edifices, and dresses the work of his mind and heart in the garment of stone and clay. hus mighty fortresses havo been raised, which protect the timid, frighten the rebellious, amd please the obedient. Delightful villas, and imposing towers have also been built, hey afford excollent protection against cold and rain, provide for the comforts of the princesses of the Harem, and are conducive to that dignity which is so necessary for worldly power. 7

Everywhere also Sardis have been built, which are the comfort of travellers and the asylum of poor strangers. Many tanks and wells ave being dug for the benefit of men and the improvement of thé*soil. Scheels and places of worship are being founded, and the triumphal arch of knowledge is newly adorned.

His Majesty has enquired inte every detail connected with this depart- ment, which is so difficult to be managed, and requires such large sums. Fle has passed new regulations, kindled the lamp of honesty, and put a stock of practical knowledge into the hands of simple and inexperienced men.

ry AIN 86. THE PRICES OF BUELDING MATERIAL, &.

Many people ave desiveus of building houses; but honesty and conscientiousness are xare, especially among traders. His Majesty has

223

carefully inquired into their profits and losses, and has fixed the prices of articles in such a manner, that both parties are satisfied. _

Red sandstone costs 8 d. per man. Tt is obtainable in the hills of Fathptr Sikri, His Majesty’s residence, and may be broken from the rocks at anylength or breadth. Clever workmen chisel it’so skilfully, as no turner could do with wood; and their works vie with the picture book of Minit [the great painter of the Sassanides]. Pieces of red standstone (sang ¢ gulilah), broken from the rocks in any shape, are sold by the p’hari, which means a heap of such stones, without admixture of earth, 3 gaz long, 24 g. broad, and 1 g. high. Such a heap contains 172 mans, and has a value of 250 d., 7. ¢., at the rate of 1 d. 11} 7. per man.

Bricks ave of three kinds: burnt, half burnt, unburnt. Though the first kind are generally made very heavy, they weigh in the average three sers, and cost 30 d. per mille. The second class cost 24 d., and the third 10 d. per thousand.’

Wood. Hight kinds of wood are in general use. 1. Sisaun, unrivalled for its beauty and durability. A block 1 Jldhi gaz long, and 8 Tassijyes broad and high, costs 15 d@.6 7. Butif the height be only 5 or 6 7., 11 a: 1027. Other sizes according to the same proportion. 2. Wazhi, called in Hindi Jédh.’ A Beam, 10 7. broad and high, costs per gaz 5 d. 133 7.; and a half size beam, from 7 to 9 T. broad and high, costs per gas 5 d. 337. 3. Dasang (?), called in Hindi Kari; a beam 3 T. broad, and 4 gaz long, costs 5 d. 174 7. 4, Ber,? 1 T. broad and high, 4 gazlong, 5 d. 172 7. ; so also Tut, or Mulbery. 5. Mughilén (Babil), of the same cubic content as No. 4., 5 d.2j. 6. Sirs, size as before, 10 d.4 7. 7. Daydl, same size, first quality 8 d. 224,7.; second quality, 8d. 647. 8. Bakdyin, same size, 5 d. 2 7.

Gy t Shirin, or sweet limestone. There is a quarry near Bahirah. When a merchant brings it, it costs 1 2. per three mans; but if any one sends his own carriers, only 1 d. Sangin galt, per mani d. 5 7. Cadaft 5 d. Chinah, or quick lime, 2 d. per man; it is mostly boiled out of kangur, a kind a solid earth resembling stone in hardness.

Iron cramps, if tinned, 13 for 18 d.; plain ones, for 6 d.

Iron door-knockers, from Persia and Turan, tinned; large ones, 8 d. per pair ; small ones, 4d. Indian do., tinned, 53 d.; plain ones, 4 d. 127.

Gul Mekh (large nails with broad heads), 12 d. per ser. Dindrinails, 5 d. per ser. Gogah, or small nails, tinned, first quality 7 ¢. for one hundred ; second quality, 5 d.; smallest, 4 d.

———— RR

1 This word is spel Chidh in Ain little used, except for kingposts and tiebeams, 90, No. 59. ’ as the direct cohesion of its fibres is equal to

3 « The Ber wasin, great request in Ak- that ofSalwood.” Bud/our’s Timber Trees bar’s time as a building timber, but is now of India,

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Screws and nuts, chiefly used for doors and boxes. Tinned, 12 d. per ser; plain, 4 d.

Rings, tinned, 6 d. per ser; plain, 4 d.

K’haprel, or tiles. They are one‘hand long and ten fingers broad, are burnt, and are used for the roofs of houses, as a protection against heat and cold. Plain ones, 86 d. per mille ; enamelled, 30 d. for ten. :

Quibah, or spouts, to lead off water. Three for 2 d.

Bans, or bamboo. It ‘is used for spears. First quality, 15 d. for twenty pieces; second quality, 12 d. for do.; third quality, 10 d. for do. The price of some kinds of bamboo is much higher. Thus a peculiar kind is sold at 8 Ashrafis [Muhurs] per piece. They are used for making thrones. Bamboo, at a rupee per piece, is cgmmon. Patal is made of the reed which is used for galams (pens). It is used for covering ceilings. First quality, cleaned, 14d. per square gas; second quality, 1d. Sometimes they sell patal at 2 d. for pieces 2 gaz long, and 1} g. broad. Sirkiis made of very fine galam reeds, _looks well, and is very smooth ; it is sold at the rate of 1} d. per pair, 1k g. long, and 16 girths broad. The ceilings and walls of houses are adorned with it. ; .

E’has is the sweet-smelling root of a kind of grass, which grows along the banks of rivers. During summer, they make screens*of it, which are placed before the door and sprinkled with water. This rendors the air cool and perfumed. Price, 14 R. per man.

Kah % chappar (reeds for thatching) is sold in bundles, which are ealled in Hindi pilah, per ser from 100 to 10 d.

Bhus, or wheat straw, used for mixing with mortar, 3 d. per man.

Kth i Dav’h, stvaw, &c., which is put on roofs, 4 d. for a load of 2 mans.

Minj, the bark of galam reeds, uscd for making ropes to fasten the thatching, 20 d@. per man. :

San is a plant. Peasants mix it with quicklime. People also make ropes of it for well buckets, &., 3 d. per man. Gum, of an inferior quantity, is mixed with quicklime, 70 d. per man.

Sirish ¢ kdht, or reed glue, is mixed with sweet limestone, 4 d. per-ser.

Luk is the flower-bunch of the reed which is used for matting. People burn it, and use it as a candle. It is also mixed with quicklime and Qal’t. Price, 1 &. per man.

Simgil (silver clay) is a white and greasy clay, 1 d. per man. It is used for white-washing houses. It keeps a house cool and looks well. Gil ¢ surkh, or red clay, called in Hindi ger, 40 d. per man. There is a quarry of it in tho hills of Gwélidr.

Glass is used for windows ; price, 1 R. for 14 8., or one pane for.4 d.

x

225

ATN 87. ON THE WAGES OF LABOURERS.

Gilkérs (workers in lime), first class workmen, 7 d.; second class, 6 d. ; third’ class, 5d.

Sangtardsh (stone-masons). The tracer gets 6 d. for each gas; one who does plain work, 5d. A labourer employed in quarries gets for every man he breaks, 22 7.

Carpenters, first class, 7 d.; second do., 6 d.; third do., 4 d.; fourth do., 3-d. ; fifth do., 2 dé. For plain job-work, a first class carpenter gets 1 d. 17 7. for one gas ;’ second class do., 1 d. 6 j.; third class do., 21 7.

Pinjarah séz (Lattice work and wicker, work). First, when the pieces are joined (fastened with strings), and the interstices be dodecagonal, 24 d. for every square gaz; when the interstices form twelve circles, 22 d.; when + hexagonal, 18 d. ; when ja’faré [or rhombus-like, one diagonal being vertical the other horizontal], 16 d.; when shatrart [or square fields, as on a chess board], 12 d. for every square gas.

Secondly, when the work is ghair wagli (the sticks not being fastened with strings, but skilfully and tightly interwoven), for first class work, 48 d. ; ‘per square gaz ; for second class do., 40 @.

Arrahkash (one who saws beams). For job-work, per square gaz 24 d., if stsaun wood ; if nash wood, 2 d. A labourer employed for the day, 2 d. There are three men for every saw, one above, two below.

Bilddrs (bricklayers); first class, daily 3} d.; second class do., 8 d. If employed by the job, for building fortress walls with battlements, 4 d. per gs; for laying foundations, 23 d. ; for all other walls, 2 d. For digging ditches, 4 d@. per gas.

«& The gaz of a labourer contains 32 fasszijes.

Chah-kan, or well diggers, first class work men, 2 d. per gas; second class do., 14d; third class do., 1} d.

Ghautah khur, or well-divers. They clean wells. In the cold season, 4d. per diem ; in the hot season, 3d. By the job, 2 R. for cleaning a depth of one gaz.

Khisht tardsh, or tile makers, for 100 moulds, smoothened, 8 @.

Surkhikob (pounders of old bricks), 14 ae for a heap of 8 mans.

Glass-cutters, 100 d. per gas.

Bamboo-cutters, 2 d. per diem.

Chapparband, or thatchers, 3 d. per diem ; if done by the job, 24 d. for 100 gas.

Patalband (vide p. 224), 1 d. for 4 gaz.

LaWhivak, They varnish reeds, &c., with lac. Wages,

2 d. y do per diem.

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Abkash, or water-carriers. First class, 3 d. per diem ; second class do., 2d. Such water-carriers as are used for furnishing house-builders with water for mortar and quicklime, get 2 d. per diem.

AYN 88. ON ESTIMATES OF HOUSE BUILDING.

Stonebuildings. For 12 gaz, one pha (vide above Aim 86) is required ; also 75 mans chinah; but if the walls be covered with red stone, 30 mans chinah are required per gas.

Brickbuildings. Yor every gaz, there are required 250 bricks of three ser each, 8 mans chinah, and 2 m. 27 8. pounded brick (surkhi).

Claybuildings. 300 bricks are required for the same ; each brick-mould contains 1 s. of earth and 4 s. of water.

Astarkari work. For every ga3,1 man chinah, 10 8. gal’, 14 8. surkhi,- and } 8. san (vide p. 224) are required.

Candalahkdrt work. For every gaz, 7 s. of gal’, and 3 s. surkht are required.

Safidkért work. 10 s. of gal’t are required per gaz.

Gaykért work (white-washing).’ For walls and ceilings, 10 s. per gaz ; for pantriés, 6 s.; chimneys, 10 s.

Windows require 24 s. of lime, 24 s. of glass, 4 s. of sirish ¢ kaht (putty).

Plaster for walls, for 14 gaz 1m. of straw, and 20 m. earth ; for roofs and floors, do. for 10 gas. For ceilings, and the inside of walls, do. for 15 gas.

Tae (varnish work) used for chighs [sliced bamboo sticks, placed horizontally, and joined by strings, With narrow interstices between the sticks. They are painted, and are used as screens]. If red, 4 8. of lac, and 1s. of vermilion; if yellow, 4. of lac, 1s. of zarnikh. (awipigment). If

green, } s. of indigo is mixed with the lac, and zarnikh is added ; if black, 4 s. of lac and 8 s. of indigo.

AIN 89. RULES FOR ESTIMATING THE LOSS IN WOOD CHIPS.*

One gaz == 24 fassizes 1 tasstj = 24 taswdnsahs 1 taswansah == 24 khdms 1 khdm = 24 gar vali, ‘Whatever quantity of wood be used, the chippings (?) are reckoned at

Tam not sure whether this Ain has been correctly translated.

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-one-cighth (?). In Sisaun wood, per tasstj, 264 sere, 15 tanks; Babul wood 23% 8.5 d.; Sirs wood, 214 8. 15 tdnks ; Nazhi wood, 20 s.; Ber Wood, 184 s.; Dayal wood, 17 s. 20 ténks.

AIN 90. THE WEIGHT OF DIFFERENT KINDS OF WOOD.

His Majesty, from his pr&ctical knowledge, has for several reasons experimented on the weight of different kinds of wood, and has thus adorned the market place of the world. One cubic gaz of dry wood of every kind has been weighed, and their differences have thus been established. . hanjak wood has been found to be the heaviest, and Safidér the lightest wood. I shall mention 72 kinds of wood.

The weight of one cubic gaz of

Méns. Sers, Ténks.

1. Khanjak, ………… Pe rT ceccseessis§ 27 14 —

2. Amblii (Zamar indus Indica) cha rarcahcgnte ieee ses sislacinaiere GS 24 82 25

3. Zaitin (Gyrocarpus Asiaticus,* ?) sss… soi Sule } e124 — Bc Balt (Oak) drcavadckoaaet nee ded uaava de =

4. ee ee 21 16 —

5. Krhirni (Aimusops),.. 0. cece cece tence en ceneees

7, Parsiddh, …..ccccccssecscetssececacecvecaneees 20 14 17 8. Abnis (Ebony), …… a Rietawleataatee & seceseccesee 20 9 20 9. Sain (Acacia Suma), …..+5 Sieh nacatentesetee Ee 19 32 10 10. Baqqam (Caesalpina SUPPAN), oerveverseveces eeeeee 19 22% 10 Pic. NAPLES: u’s Siang eames hoist veues) tects . «1911E 5 12. Mahwé (Bassia latifolia), 6.00… e eee ccecccs soeee 18 324 2 13. Chandan, 00… ..sccccasececcccscccscncsccs 6 ; 14. P’hulshi, ….. beaters alovoue pe bdhiay OR Sted ded octets ‘ | eee 2 15. Red Sandal, in Hindi Rakt Chandan, (Peter ivi

Santalinus),…ccccccccsscccevese Steeeeeseeee, 18 44 10

16. Chamri,………. eicetala aerelare inate ete ie hawss. Ie 22%
17. Chamar Mamri……….. eee eer Hanesecas . Lt sks
18. ’Unnab (Zizyphus sativus), …… baat setts <aew at 8 4
19. Sisaun Patang (vide No. 40), . Se eee Ks enagee 17 1% = «7 90… BANGER, Vis. dnaseea ays eocats b$ 48S cree Sa weeds ees 17-1 28
20. Shamshéd (Buwus Sempervirens,)…….0..005 veeeeee 16 18 25

Voigt, inhis Hortus Bengalensis says, puts Zaitin among the heaviest woods.

• So according to Watson’s Index. But very light, and is used for boats. Abulfaal the wood of Zaitin, or Gyrocarpus, is

228

D’hau (Grislea tomentosa), ..eeesecececsececcesuces Amlah, Hind. Xnwlah, (Emblica officinalis), …….06. Karil Sirens Jee), ieleg oP eau hg oig Se ESak vee Sandal wood, .5sitssseesseee eek eevaniwcss rr Sal (Shorea robusta),…cecceceees Wee teesecsi ick Banaus. His Majesty calls this tree Shéh Ali ; but in K4bul and Persian it is called A7& Bali (Cherry), Kailas (Cherry tree)…… Wb Se owiehe ye . Ninb (Asadirakhta Indica), c.ccccvccccccccccccceces Darhard (Berbers aristata), …ccecceess

Babul (Acacia Arabica), ee

ee reeeconecrese

SOCAN Sy sist baste Puaine dans eh Ree wae sees aya eases DU MEG sis aay othe Hioeetaeeyes $5 pleie es ’eisib-ewiai

Bi) cca PoeeenSadchaing eeews i Hise Geena Beane os Mulberry, …… Pee RE RE EER Oe a

DRAM aN 52. 9 deci aids aw bee harks bre wieres HES Ra Oe ae Ban Bares, i. ocia ge cgtedawas doe e i anes eee eee Sirs (Acacia odoratissima), ….cseeeeeseeeececccees Sisaun (Dalbergia sissoo ; vide No. 19,) «++sescceceeee Bin uy. e635 sic e eee aisia se ote aie. owiee Selesle eee siaeacns a

Dud@hi, ………….. Sibiatedeetea ie wists les-atarecg Haldbiie ise ties ceive oale,ow acces 605 96808 Breiaw Bieta eieave.e Kaim (Nauclea parviflora), ………055. drisle oserede-6-8 , Jaman (JSambosa), ……..0..005., SilardaYorerete eiatarece Far4s, wc… csv eceee SOc eeeeee Beas Bar (Ficus Indica), Se ee . Whandd, - aba ube sie ati i a

COP eee ereeeerse nse ng

Chérmaghz (Walnut tree), … sae vnaehaae ews Champa (Afichelia champaca), ee Ber (Zizyphus jujuba), ……..050000… es eee ; Amb (Mango, Mangifera Indica) ………cccceuee

reheat PC pri aut icE,

Diyér (Cedrus deodar), s.+.e….05 ett @arie ge ast Bed (Willow), +–+: Cin cea aa ) Kunbhir (Gunbhir (2), Gmelina arborea), ………, Chidh (Pinus longifolia), vsecccvcccccceevesess |

Pipal. The Brahmins worship this tree (Ficus religiosa),

Mans. Sers. Tdnks.

16 1 16 13 16, 1 15 17 15 43 14 363 14 354 14 32} 14 32} 14 223 14 10 13 34 13 28} 18 25 13 10 12 38 12 34} 12 26 12 17} 12 133 12 123 12 8 12 3} 11 29 11 9} ll 4 ll 2 10° 20 10 194 10 10}

10

22

21

229

1 ‘ Mans: Sers. Tanks.

Gt. Kathab (Facktree, Artocarpus intogrifolia),…..+++++ } 10 7} 34 69. Guitdnin, ……. sass eeadkGudavers eos

‘63. Rathori (Zerminahia belerica), 2 …….0eee cece seoee «0. 7 80 G4, ’ Pakis (Butea frondosay,….. ccc cece ees cee see eedides GO 84 65. Sukh Bed, …….. cahaaeetes Sct g eaves sesees 8 25 2 66. Ale (Oalotropis gigantea), ……..cccccseeeeceeieees 8 19} 2 67. Senbak (Cotton tree),……… Se aceie. 8 13 34 68. Bakdyin (Bolen composita), ….ce. cece cece eeeeseee é 8 9.36 69. Lhasord (Cordiamixa),……. sie hela ogee aon gles | § 9 20 70. Padmék’h ( Cerasus caproniana), 6.0.0.6… c ccc evens ;

Tie BOOS eee eaetat yas ais edeeereatess eee aee pale sire 7 7 3a 12s) BORA inch oe Ciae Meee ate ae taeaduiee kaa eee ‘ae 6 7% 22%

‘¢@ In the above weights, the ser has been taken at 28 ddéms.

En. or ws Fmsr Boox.

BOOK SECOND. THE ARMY.

AIN 1. THE DIVISIONS OF THE ARMY. His Majesty guides the Imperial Army by his excellent advice and

counsel, and checks in various ways attempts at insubordination. He has divided the amy, on account of the multitude of the men, into several classes, and has thereby séctrod the peace of the country. ;

With some tribes, His Majesty is content, if they submit; he does not exact much service from them, and thus leads many wild races towards civilizatign.

The ‘Zamindars of the country furtiish more than four millions, four’ hundred thousand men, as shall be detailed. below (Third Book).

Some troopers are compelled by His Majesty to mark their horses with the Imperial brand. They are subject to divisions into ranks, and to musters.

Some soldiers are placed under the care and guidance of one commander. They are called Ahadis, because they are fit for a harmonious unity. His Majesty believes some capable of commanding, and appoints them as com- manders.

A large number are worthy but poor; they receive the means of keeping a horse, and have lands assigned to themselves, without being obliged to mark their horses with the Imperial brand. Ttranis and Persians get 25 Rupecs ; and Hindusténis, 20 R. If employed to collect the revenue, they get 15 R. Such troopers are called Bardwardt.

Some Commanders who find it troublesome to furnish men, get a number of sucly soldiers as accept the Imperial brand. Such troops are cal&d Dathilis.

In the contingent of a Commander (mangabdds) of Ten Thousand, other mancabddrs as high as Hazérts (Commanders of One Thousand) serve ; in the ‘contingent of a Commander of Hight Thousand, Mangabdars up to Hashtcadis (Commanders of Hight Hundred) serve ; in the contingent of a Commander of Seven Thousand, Mangabdérs up to Haftgadis (Commanders of Seven

232

Hundred) serve; in the contingent of a Commander of Five Thousand, other Mangabdars as high Pancadis (commanders of Five Hundred) serve ; and in the contingent of a Pangadt, Mangabdirs as high as Cadis (Commanders of One Hundred) setve. Mangabdars of lower ranks do not serve in the contingents of high Mangabdars. : Some Commanders also receive auxiliaries. Such reserves are called Kumakis. At the present time, those troopers are preferred whose horses are marked with the Imperial brand. This class of soldiers is superior to others. His Majesty’s chief object is to prevent the soldiers from borrowing horses (for the time of musters), or. exchanging them for worse ones, and to make them take care of the Imperial horses; for he knows that avarice makes men so short-sighted, that they look upon a loss as a gain. In the beginning of the present reign, when His Majesty was still ‘behind the veil,’ many of his servants were given to dishonest practices, lived without check, and’ indulged, from want of honour, in the comforts of married life. Low, ayari- cious men sold their horses, and were content to serve as foot-soldiers, or brought instead of a superior horse, d tatoo that looked more like an ass. They were magniloquent in their dishonesty and greediness of pay, and even expressed dissatisfaction, or robelled. - Hence His Majesty had to introduce the Descriptive Roll System, and to make the issue of pay dependent upon the inspection of these rolls (vide below Ain 7). This stopped, in a short time, much lawlessness, and regenerated the whole military system. But at that time the regulations regarding the Imperial brand were not issued, as His Majesty had adopted the advice of some inexperienced men, who look upon branding an animal as an act of cruelty ; hence avaricious men (who cannot distinguish that which is good from that which is bad, having neither respect for themselves nor their master, and who think to promote a cause by ruining it, thus acting against their own interest) adopted other vicious practices, which led to a considerable want of efficiency in the army. Horse borrowing was then the order of the day. Hig Majesty, therefore, made the branding of the horses compulsory, in addition to the Descriptive Roll System. Easy-minded idlers thus passed through a school of discipline and became worthy men, whilst importunate, lowmen were taught honorable- ness and manliness. The unfeeling and avaricious learned the luxury of magnanimity. The army resembled a newly irrigated garden. Even forthe Treasury the new regulations proved beneficial. Such are the results which wisdom and practical knowledge can produce! Branding a horse may indeed inflict pain ; but when viewed from a higher point, it is the cause of much satisfaction to the thinking man.

233

AIN 2. ON THE ANIMALS OF THE ARMY.

In the 18th year of his reign, His Majesty introduced the branding system. [vide p. 140, note 1]. The ranks of the men were also laid down in the best manner, and the classification of the animals belonging to the army was attended to. The requirements for each were noted down, and excellent regulations were issued. The maximum and minimum prices were enquired into by His Majesty, and average prices were fixed. A proper check by accounts was enforced, and regulations on this subject were laid down: The Bakhshis were also fréed from the heavy responsibility of bringing new men, and every thing went on smoothly.

1. Horses. They have been divided into seven classes. The rate of their daily food has also been fixed. These seven classes are Arabs, Persian: horses, Mujannas, Turkt horses, Yabis, Tdsts, and Janglah horses.

The first class are either Arab bred, or resemble them in gracefulness and prowess. They cost 720 ddms per mensem ; and get daily 6 s. of grain (the’ price of which, in the estimates for each animal, is put down at 12 d. per man), 24 d. of g’h{, 2 d. for sugar, and 3 d. for grass. Also, for a jul, artak,

‘ydlposh, girth (His Majesty does not call it tang, but fardkhi), gaddi,

nakhtahband, ‘gaizah (which the vulgar pronounces gdizah), magasrdn, curry } comb, hati’ht (a bag made of horse hair for washing the horse), towel, paiband, nails, &e., [vide p. 136], 70 d. per mensem, which outlay is called kharj ¢ yardg ¢ asp (outlay for the harness of the horse). Besides, 60 d. for

the saddle, and an apeht(?) every second month; 7 d. per mensem for shoes ;

and 63 d. for a groom, who gets double this allowance, if he takes charge of two horses. Total, 479 d- But as His Majesty cares for the comfort of the army, and enquires into the satisfactory condition of the soldiers, he increased, in the very beginning, this allowance of 479 d. by 81 d.; and

. when the value of the Rupee was increased from 35 to 40 déms, His Majesty

granted a second additional allowance of 80 d. “This coin {the Rupee] is always counted at 40 d. in salaries. Afterwards, a third additional allowance of 2 R..(80d.) was ordered to be given for each class of horses, except Jangiahs, which horses are now-a-days entirely left out in the accounts.

The second class are horses bred in Persia, or such as resemble Persian. horses in shape and bearing. Monthly allowance, 680d. Of this, 458 d@. are necessary expenses, being 21 d. less than the former, viz. 10 d. for the yardg, 10 d. for saddle and bridle, and 1 d. for shoes. ‘The first increase which was given, amounted to 67 d. ; the second, to 75 d. ; the third to 80 @. Total 680 d.

The, third class, or Mujannas horses, resemble Persian horses [vide p. 140, note 2], and are mostly Turki, or Persian geldings. Monthly cost

30

234:

560 d. Of this, 358 d. are for necessaries. ‘The allowance for these horses is 100 d. less than the proceding, viz., 30 d. less for sugar; 30 d. less for saddle, bridle, &c.; 15 d. lessin g’hi; 3 d. less for the groom; 2 d. less for shoeing. First increase sanctioned ‘by His Majesty, 72 d.; second, 50°d. ; third, 80 d. :

The fourth class are horses imported from Turan; though strong and well-formed, they do not come up to the preceding. Monthly allowance, 480 d. Of this, 298 d. are for nécessaries. The allowance is 60 d. less than for Mujannas horses, vi3., 30 d. less for sugar, 30d. less for grass ; 10 d. less for the yardg ; 4 d. less for the saddle, bridle, &c. ; 2d. less for shoeing ; ; 2 d. less for g’hi. But the daily allowance of grain was incteased by 2 sers Cwhicl amounts to 18 d. per mensem), as the sugar had been left out. First Increase 52 d.; second, 50 d.; third 80 d.

The jifth class (ydbi horses) are bred in this country, but fall short in strength and size… Their performances also are mostly bad. They are thé’ offspring of Turki horses with an inferior breed. Monthly cost 400 d. Of this, 239 d. are for necessaries. The allowance is 59 d. less than the preceding ; viz., 28 d.‘for g’ht; 15 d.’less for the groom ; 10 d. less for the yardg ; and 6 d. less for the saddle, bridle, &c. First increase, 41 d.; second increase, 40 d.; third, 80 d.

The last two classes also are mostly Indian breed. The best kind is called Tdsis; middling ones, Janglahs ; inferior ones, Tatis.

Good mares are reckoned as Tuzis ; if not, they are counted as Janglahs.

1. Tdsts. Monthly cost, 320 d., of which 188 d. are for necessaries. The allowance is 51-d. less than for the Ydbu, viz., 18 d. less for grain, as they only get 6 sers per diem; 15 d. less for grass; 10 d. less for g’hi and sugar ; 8 d. less for yardg. First increase, 22 d.; second, 30 d.; third, 80 d.

2. Janglahs. Monthly cost, 240 d., of which 1454 d. are for necessaries, The allowance is 42} d. less than for Tdsis. The daily allowance of grain has been fixed at 5 sers. Hence there are 15d. less for grass; 9 d. less ~ for grain; 6 d. less for g’hi and molasses; 43d. less.for the yardg; 2d. less for shoeing. First increase, 294 d.; second 25 d.; third, 40 d.

Formerly, mules were reckoned as Tézi horses; but now-a-days, as Janglahs.

For Tits the monthly expenditure is 160 d.; but thjs animal is now altogether thrown out. °

Note by the Translator. We may arrange Abulfazl’s items in a tabular form. From several remarks in Baddoni, we may conclude that the horses of the Imperial army were mostly fourth and sixth class horses. The exportation of horses from Hindustan was strictly prohibited by Akbar, who made the kotwals responsible for it ; vide Bad, II, p. 390, 1. 5 from below. Many recruits on joining the contingent of a Man;abddr, brought horses

235

with them, for which the Mangabdar received from the Treasury an allowance according to the following table. .

a & ai g oF a 2 a wo 2 1/38 a2 28 2 2 3 S ~ 3 = = oT By. 4 |éa)gefee)/e [2] P) = Lac) Gram, ese | 5401 544.) 644.| 724.| 720.) 54d.| 45 a Phi, seesssseereeseersssnneereee | 75d. | 75 d?| 60 d.12 s| 10a] 4 a” Sugar, ss vee coeseeegl 60d. 1 60d.| 80d 1598 [89% pling] 4 2 Grass, ssecrserseee errors | 90d. | 90d. | 90a, 160 d.| GOd. | 45d.| 30 da] Not Yardq, osccseeee -| 704.) 60d.| 40 4,| 30d.| 204, |124.| 744.) specified Saddle, &., …… 60d., 50d.’ 204.| 164.| 10d. | 104.| 10 d. Shoes, sieeve | 7d.| Cdl 4¢.| 2a.| 2a} 2a]… GrOOM, vessessessevssrvesseeeee | 63d. | 63d, | 60-d.] GOd.| 45d.) 45d.| 45 d .

eens | ener | een

eee |

Original Allowance, «……. 1479 d. [458 d. [358 d. 1298 d. |289 d. |188 d. 1454 d.

.

——_—— /——..

1st Increase, 81d.) 67 d.| 72d., 52d | 41d.| 22 d.} 294d 2nd Ditto, … -. | 80d. | 75d. | 30a. | 50 d.{ 40 d.| 30d. | 25 d| Not os 3rd Ditto, ……… sssesseee | BOE. | 80d. | 80d. | 80d. 80 d. | 80 d.| 40 d.| specitied,

_— ee el bol

Total monthly cost in ddéms,|720 d. |680 d. |560 a. pee d. ia d. {820 d. [240 d.) 160 d.

The allowance of sugar, or molasses, according to Abulfazl ceases from Class 1v¥.; but as he goes on mentioning it in the inferior classes, I have made brackets. G’hi and molasses were generally given together ; wde p. 135.

2. Elephants. The branded elephants of the army are divided into seven classes: Afasti, Sher gir, Sddah, Manjholah, Karha, P’handur Bi ya, and Aokal, elephants; but there are no subdivisions, as in His Majesty’s elephant stables [vide p. 124, ]. 17]. ;

The monthly allowance for Mast elephants is 1320 dams [33 Rupees]. Daily allowance of grain, 24 mans. No elephant has more than three servants, a Mahdwat, a Bhoi, and a Meth, of whom the first gets 120 d., and the two last 90 d. An increase of 120 d. was given. , From the beginning elephants were branded ; but now certain differences are made.

Shergir Elephants. Monthly cost, 1100 d., which is 220 d. less than the former. Grain, 2 m. per diem, which makes 180 d. less por mensem ; also 15 d. less for the Mahfwat and the Bhow His Majesty increased the allowance by 110 d.

Sddah Elephants. Monthly cost, 800 d., which is 300 d@. less than the preceding. Grain 14 m. per diem, which gives 180 d. less per month. Besides

236

30 d. less for the Meth, and 15 d. less for the Mahawat and the Bhoi. An increase of 50 d. was sanctioned.

Manjholah Elephants. Monthly cost, 600 d. Grain 1m. The décrease is the same as in the preceding ; but an additional allowance of 90 d. was sanctioned.

Karha Elephants. Monthly cost, 420 d. Grain, 30 s. Hence there is a decrease of 30 d. on this account, and of 15 d. for the Mahawat. No Bhoi is allowed. The additional grant is 60 d.

P’handurkiya Elephants. Monthly cost, 300 @. Grain, 15 8. per diem, which gives a decrease of 135 d. per meRsem. Only one servant is allowed, at 60 d. per month. An additional grant of 105 d. was sanctioned.

Mokal elephants were formerly not counted. Now they are considered

worthy of entering the classes. Monthly allowance, 280 d. m In all payments on account of elephants, ddms are ee not rupees, 80 that there is no possibility of fluctuation. oe

3. Camels. Monthly cost, 240 d. Grain, 6 s.; grass, 1 d.; furniture, 20 d.; the driver, 60 d. An addition of 58 d. was sanctioned; and when the salue of the Rupee was fixed at 40 ddéms, 20 d. more were allowed.

4. Oxen. Monthly allowance, 120d. Grain, 48.;“grass 1 d.; furniture, 6d. Additional grant, 38d. At the time when the value of the rupee was raised, 10 d. more were given.

5. Oxen for the waggons. ‘ For each waggon, the monthly expenditure is 600 d., vis., 480 d. for four oxen ; 120 d. for grease, repairs, and additional comforts.

Elephants and ,waggons are only allowed to Mangabdars, and to those who bring good horses and camels, and middling oxen to be branded.

AIN 38. THE MANQABDARS.’

Wise inquirers follow out the same principles, and the people of the present age do not differ in opinion from those of ancient times. They all agree that if that which is numerous be not ‘pervaded by a principle of harmony, the dust of disturbances will not settle down, and the troubles of

‘lawlessness will not cease to rise. It isso with the elements: as long as the uniting principle. is absent, they are dead, and incapable of exhibiting the wonders of the kingdoms of nature. Even animals form unions among

2 The Arabians say mangib ; in Persia dér, an officer ; but the word is generally and India, the word is pronounced mungab. restricted to high officials. ‘It means @ post, an office, hence mangub-

237

themselves, and avoid wilful violonce; hence they live comfortably, and watch over their advantages and ‘disadvantages. But men, from the wickedness of their passions, stand much more in need of a just leader, round whom they may rally; in fact their social existence depends upon their being ruled by a monarch ; for the extraordinary wickedness of men, and their inclination to that which is evil, teach their passions and lusts new ways of perversity, and even cause them to look upon committing bloodshed and doing harm as a religious command.” To disperse this cloud of ignorance, God chooses one, whom he guides with perfect help and daily increasing favor. That man will quell the strife among men by his experience, intrepidity, and magnanimity, and thus infuse into them new vigour.

But as the strength of one man is scarcely adequate to such an arduous undortaking, he selects, guided by the light of his knowledge, some excellent men to help him, appointing at the same time servants for them. For this‘ cause did His Majesty establish the ranks of the Mangabdars, from the Dahbashi (Commander often) to the Dah ITazdrt (Commander of Ten Thousand), limiting, however, all commands above Five Thousand, to his august sons.

The deep-sighted saw a sign, and enquirers got a hint from above, when they found the value of the letters of God’s holy name ;? they read in it glad tidings for the present illustrious reign, and considered it a most auspicious omen. The number of Mangabs is sixty-six, the same as the value of the letters in the name of Allah, which is an announcement of

eternal bliss.

1 “When the collector of the Diwan asks them (the Hindus) to pay the tax, they should pay it with all humility and submission. And if the Collector wishes

to spit into their mouths, they should |

open their mouths without the slightest fear of contamination (¢ugazzuz), so that the Collector may do so. In this state {with their mouths open], they should stand before the Collector. The object of such humiliations and spitting .into

’ their mouths is to prove the obedience of

Infidel subjects under protection, and to promote the glory of the Islam, the true religion, and to show contempt to false re- ligions. God himself orders us to despise them; for He says (Sur. 9, 29), ‘Out of hand, whilst they are reduced low.’ To treat the Hindus contemptuously is a religious duty, because they are the greatest enemies of Mustafa (Muhammad),because Mustafa, regarding the killing, and plundering of Hindus, and making slaves of them, has ordered, ‘They must either accept the Islam, or be killed or be made slaves, and their property must be plundered ;’ and

with the exception of the Imam i A’zam (Abi Hanffah), to whose sect we all belong, there is no other authority for taking the Jazydh-from Hindus ; but all other lawyers say, ‘ Either death or the Islam.’ Ldrikh 1 Firdz Shahi, p. 290. Akbar often reproached the Muhammadans for converting with the sword. This, he said, was inhuman. And yet, he allow- ed the suttee.

3 Jaldlah. This curious word is, ac-

cording to Bahdr ¢ *Ajdm, an abbrevia-

tion of the phrase Jalla jaldlahu, ‘May

His glory shine forth.’ It is then used in

the sense of God; thus the dual yald/a-

tain, saying Allah! Allah!; and

khatm ijaldlah saying the word AUuh

125,000 times. Similarly here; the 66

mang¢abs correspond to the value of the

letters of Jaldlah, i. e. Vi == 1 +4. 30 4.

30 4-5 =: 66. Abulfazl makes much of

the coincidence; for Akbar’s name was

Jalal uddin, and Akbar was a divinity.

Perhaps I should not say coincidence,

because of the sixty-six mangabs only

one half existed.

238 , *

In selecting his officers, His Majesty is assisted by his knowledge of the spirit of the age, a knowledge which sheds a peculiar light on the jewel of his wisdom. His Majesty sees through some men at the first glance,’ and confers upon them high rank. Sometimes he increases the mangab of a servant, but decreases his contingent. He also fixes the number of the beasts of burden. The monthly grants made to the Mangabdars vary according to the condition of their contingents. An officer whose contingent comes up to his mangab, is put into the first class of his rank ; if his contingent is one half and upwards of the fixed number, he is put into the second class; the third class contains those contingents walk are still less, as is shewn in the table below.

Yizbdshis (Commanders of One Hundred) are of eleven classes. The Jirst class contains such as furnish one hundred troopers. Their monthly salary is 700 Rupees. The eleventh class contains such as have no troops of their own in accordance with the statement made above, that Dékhili troops are now-a-days preferred. This class gets 500 Rupees. The nine intermediate classes have monthly allowances decreasing from 700 Rupees by 20 Rupees for every ten troopers which they furnish less.

In the live stock accounts of the Dibistis, the fixed number of Turki and Janglah horses, and of elephants, is not enforced. For Commanders of Thirty and Twenty, four horses are reckoned, generally Mayjannas, rarely Yabis ; and Dahbdshis are excused the Zurkt horse, though their salaries remain as before.

Nore sy THE TRraNsLaror on THE Mancass. The sixty-six Mangabs, detailed by Abulfazl in the following table

appear to be the result of a minute classification rather than a repre- sentation of the Mangabs which actually existed at the time of Akbar.

The table may represent Akbar’s plan ; but the list of grandees, as given by Abulfazl himself in the 30th Ain of this Book, only mentions -thirty- three—the three commands of the three Princes from 10000 to 7000; and thirty commands of the Mangabdaérs, namely commands of 5000, 4500, 4000, 3500, 3000, 2500, 2000, 1500, 1250, 1000, 900 ?, 800, 700, 600, 500, 400, 350, 300 ?, 250, 200, 150, 120, 100; 80, 60, 50, 40, 80, 20,10. Of the last thirty commands, two are somewhat doubtful (the commands of 900 and 300), as not given in all MSS, of the Ain, though the List of Grandees of Sh4h Jahan’s time (Pddishdhndmah, II. p. 717) mentions a command of 900. It does not specify a» command of 300, because no Mancahbs under 500 are entmerated in that list.

• Abulfazl often praises Akbar as a . Akbar learnt the art £ from the Jogis. . good physiognomist. Baddoni says,

239

Abulfazl specifies below the names of all of Akbar’s Commanders up tothe Mangabdars of 500; he then gives‘the names of the Com- manders of 500 to 200, whe were living, when he made the list. Of the Commands below 200, he merely gives the ntmbers of those that were

alive, vis., a ,

of Commanders of 150 ………… 53 120. ecdice Sleds 1

100 (Yusbashis) 250

BOs viwaststeaeae 91

OO: Ni sire ced 204

| ae ee OE 16

AO 4G egrets 260

OO, eh edee os Sug 39

Oc esilaeareti tes 250

10. Aes 2 o’s 224

an all, 1888 Commanders from 150 to 10. The poumbes of the higher Mangabdars from 5000 to 200 is 412, of which about 150 may have , been dead, when Abulfazl made his list.

As Abulfazl’s List (Ain 30), according to the testimony of Nizam i Harawi is a complete list, it is certain that of the 66 Mancabs of the following table, only 33 existed in reality. The first eighteen of these 33 are commands down to 500, which corresponds to the List of Shéh- jahén’s grandees in the Pddishdhndmah, which likewise gives 18 com- mands to 500.

The commands as detailed in the Pddishahnamah are :—Four com- mands of the princes (Déré Shikoh, 20,000; Shah Shujé, 15,000; Aurangzeb, 15,000; Murad Bakhsh, 12,000) and commands of 9000, 7000, 6000, 5000, 4000, 3000, 2500, 2000, 1500, 1000, 900, 800, 700, 600, 500. .

From the’ fact that Abulfazl only gives naies up to commanders of 200, and the Padishdhndmah up to 500, we may conclude that, at

-Akbar’s time, Mangabs under 200, and at Shdhjahn’s time, Mangabs

under 500, did not entitie the holder te the title of Amir. To judge ~

from Nisém’s Tabagdt and the Madsir i Rahimi, Mancabdars from the Hazari (Commander of 1000) were, at Akbar’s time, styled umaré-i-

¥ Niz4m says in the introduction to asdmt i hav yak rd afdzilpandh Shaikh his List, of the principal grandees of Abulfazl dar kitéb i Akbarndmah mar- Akbar’s Court, that it was unnecessary geant qalam % baddi’ragam gardanidah. for him to specify all, because tafgil ¢ é

’ .

240

kibér, or umard-i-izdm, great Amirs; and I am not quite sure whether the title of Amir is not restricted to Mancabdérs from the Haszdrts upwards. Nizim does restrict his phrases ba martabah i imarat raséd, or dar gargah (or silk, or sumrah) ¢ umard muntasim gasht, to commandeys from Hazaris.

The title: Amir ul Umara (the Amir of the Amirs, principal Amir), which from its meaning would seem to be applicable to one at the time, seems to have been held by several simultaneously. Nizim gives this title to Adham Khin, Khizr Khwijah Khin, Mir Muhammad Khin Atkah, Muzaffar Khén, Qutbuddin Muhammad Khin, and to the three commanders-in-chief, Bairim Khin, Mun’im Khan, and Mirza ’Abdurrahim, the three latter being styled Khan Khdndn,’ or Khan Khénén o Sipahsdlar. .

In the Pédishahnamah, however, the title of Amirul Umard-is restricted to the first living grandee (’Ali Mardén Khan).

It is noticeable that Nizém only mentions gommanders of 5000, 4000, 3000, 2500, 2000, 1500, and 1000—for lower Mancabs he does not specify names. Abulfazl gives three intermediate Mancabs- of 4500, 3500, and 1250 ; but as he only gives five names for these three ranks, we may conclude that these Mangabs were unusual. This agrees also with the salaries of the commanders; for if we leave out the commands of 4500, 3500, and 1250, we have, according to Ain 30, twelve steps from 5000 to 500, and the monthly salary of a commander of 500 (Rs. 2500) is the twelfth part of the salary of a commander of 5000 (Rs. 30,000). The Paddishahnamah gives fourteen steps between the * ‘ commanders of 7000 and 500, and fixes the salary of a Commander of 7000 at one kror of dams per annum, or 250000 Rs., stating at the same time that the salaries decrease in proportion. The Persian

• Dictionary, entitled Ghids ullughdt, states that the sglary of a commander of 5000 is1 kror, or 250,000 Rs., and that the salary of a Pangadt, or commander of 500, is 20,000 Rs. per annum, the 123th part of the former.

It would thus appear that the salaries of the Mangabdars, as given by Abulfazl in the following table, are somewhat higher than those given in the Pddishdhndmah and the Ghids, whatever may have been the source of the latter.

The salaries appear to be unusually high; but they would be

sa a

• For Khdni Khdndn, the Khin of | Izdfut is left out. . the Khins. In such titles the Persian

241

considerably reduced, if each Mangabdér had to keep up the establish- ment of horses, elephants, camels, carts, &c., which Abulfazl specifies for each rank. Taking the preceding Ain and the table in the note as a guide, the establishment of horses, &c., mentioned in the following table, would amount for a Commander of 5000 (monthly salary 30,000 R.) és 10637 R. 1000 ( ditto 8200 R.) to 30153 R. 100 ( ditto 700 R.) to 313 R.

The three classes which Abulfazl mentions for each Mancab differ very slightly, and cannot refer to p. 238, 1. 7.

A commander of 5000 was not necessarily at the head of a contingent of 5000 men. In fact, the numbers rarely even approach the number expressed by the title’ of a Mancabddér. Thus Nizim says

of Todar Mall and Qutbuddin Muhammad Khia, as if it was something

worth mentioning, that the former had 4000 cavalry, and the latter 5000 naukars, or servants, 7. c., soldiers, though Todar Mall was a commander of 4000 (Nizém says 5000), and Qutbuddin a commander of 5000. Of ’Abdul Majid Agaf Khan, a commander of 3000 (vide in 30, No. 49), Niz4m says, ‘ he reached a point when he had 20,000.’ In the Padishé4hniémah, where more details are given regarding the number of men under each commander, we find that of the 115 Commanders of 500 under Shaéhjahin only six had contingénts of 500, whilst the last had only 50 troopers. This also explains the use of the word td sdt after the titles of Mancabdars; as pany hdsdrt i sdt sthhasdr suwdr, “a Commander of 5000, personally (sdé, or by rank), and in actual command of 3000 cavalry.” Sometimes we meet with another phrase, the meaning of which will be explained below, as Shdistah Khan panjhasdrt, panj hazdr sudy i duaspah sihaspah, “Shéistah Khin, a Commander of 5000, contingent 5000 cavalry, with two horses, with three horses.” A trooper is called duaspah, if he has two horses, and sthaspah, if three, in order to change horses during e/ghds or forced marches. But keeping duashpah sihaspah troopers was a distinction, asin the Padishdhndmah ouly the senior Mangabdars of some ranks are so designated, vis., 8 (out of 20) Panjhaziris; 1 Chahdrhaziri; 2 Sihhazéri; 2 Duhazari; 2 Hazir o pencadi; 1 Haziri; and 1 Wafteadi.

The higher Mangabdirs were mostly governors of Qubshs, The governors were at first called sipahsdldrs ; towards the end of Akbar’s reign we find them called Hékims, and afterwards, Quhib Cubah or

31 a i

24.2

SF emo neta

Mancabdars are also called ta’indtiyén (appointed), whilst the troops of their contingents are called ¢abindt (followers) ;’ hence tdbinbashi, the Mancabdir himself, or his Bakhsht (pay-master, colonel).

The contingents of the Mancabdars, which formed the greater part of the army, were mustered at stated times, and paid from the general, or the local treasuries ; vide Kins 6, 7, 8. Akbar had much trouble with these musters, as fraudulent practices were quite common. The reform of the army dates from the time when Shahbaz Khan (vide pp. 140, 188) was appointed Mir Bakhshi. The following passage from Baddoni (IT, p. 190) is interesting :

‘The whole country, with the exception of the Xhdligah lands (domains), was held by the Amirs as jigir; and as they were wicked and rebellious, and spent large sums on their stores and workshops, and amassed wealth, they had no leisure to look after the troops or take an interest in the people. In cases of .emergency, they came themselves with some of their slaves and Moghul attendants to the scene of the war; but really useful soldiers there were none. Shahbéz Khén,? the Mir Bakhshi, introduced the custom and rule of the ddgh omahalli, which had been the rule of A’lauddin Khilji,* and afterwards the law under Sher Shah. It was settled that every Amir should commence as a commander of twenty (Jést?), and be ready with his followers to mount guard and….,* as had been ordered; and when, according to the rule, he had brought the horses of his twenty troopers to be branded, he was then to be made a Cadt, or Commander of 100 or more. They were likewise to keep elephants, horses, and camels, in proportion to their Mancabs, according to the séme rule. “When they had brought to the musters their new contingent complete, they were to be promoted according to their merits and circumstances to the post of Hazdri, Duhasdri, and even Panjhazért, which is the highest Mangab ; but if they did not do well at the musters, they were to be put down. But notwithstanding this new regulation, the condition of the soldiers got worse, because the Amirs did what they liked ; for they put most of their own servants and mounted

2 wlibias3, pl. of egixs3, from ws twin, the Indian pronunciation of Wi4 ta’yin, to appoint. édbin, ers, to follow ; then asan adj., one who follows. This cor-

rects the erroneous meanings of tdbiz on ve of the Journal A. S. of Bengal for 68.

• The passage in the printed edition js frightfully unintelligible. For ih read Kambu ; for batt dahanidah, we have per-

haps to read ydd dahdnidah, having brought to the memory of (Akbar); for tdbtdn, read tdbindn ; for panéh Khudd, read pandh ba Khudd; for dn ham, read dn hamah.

® The Tarikh i Firdz Shdht says but little regarding it. The words ddgh o mahalle occur very often together.

• Ojér o maljdr(?). For 7dr, a Turkish word, vide Vullers.

243

attendants into soldiers’ clothes (dibds 7 sipdht), brought them to the musters, and performed everything according to their duties. But when they got their jagirs, they gave leave to their mounted attendants, and when a new emergency arose, they mustered as many ‘ borrowved’ soldiers as were required, and sent them again away, when they had served their purpose. Hence while the income and expenditure of the Mangabdar remained tx statu quo, ‘dust fell into the platter of the helpless soldier,’ so much so, that he was -no longer fitfor anything. But from all sides there came a lot of low tradespeople, weavers, and cotton-cleaners (nedddf), carpenters, and preen- grocers, Hindu and Musalm4n, and brought borrowed horses, got them branded, and were appointed to a Mangab, or were made [rorts (vide p. 13,

1. 5 from below), or Ahadis, or Dakhilis to some one (vide p. 231); and when a few days afterwards no trace was to be found of the imaginary horse and the visionary saddle, they had to perform their duties on foot. Many times it happened at the musters, before the emperor himself in the Diwén- khdnah i khéc, that they were weighed in their clothes, with thoir hands and feet tied, when they were found to weigh from 2$ to 3 man, more or less (?) and after inquiry, it was found that all were hired, and that their very clothes’ and saddles were borrowed articles. His Majesty then used to ‘say, “With my eyes thus open, I must give these men pay, that they may have something to live on.” After some time had passed away, His

Majesty divided the Ahadis into duaspah, yakaspah (having one horse), and .

nimaspah (having half a share in a horse), in which latter case two troopers kept one horse together, and shared the stipulated salary, which amounted to six rupees.’ - ; Weigh well these facts, but put no question !

These were things of daily occurrence,….:…;? but notwithstanding all this, His Majesty’s good luck overcame all enemies, so that large numbers of soldiers were not so very necessary, and the Amirs had no longer to suffer from the inconvenient reluctance of their servants.”

Hence the repeated musters.which Akbar held, both of men, and of animals, carts, &c.; the minuteness of some of the regiilations recorded in the Ain; and the heavy fines imposed on neglectful servants (p. 217, note). The carefulness with which Akbar entered into details (Kasrat), in order to understand the whole (ahdat)—an unusual thing for rulers of former times—is the secret of his success.*

We have not sufficient data to form an exact estimate of the strength of Akbar’s army. We may, however, quote a statement in

_ ? Soaccording to one MS, The passage | * Here follows a sentence which I do not is not quite clear, know how to translate.

• Fede p. 11, note.

244s

the Pddishéhndmah regarding the ee of Shahjahin’s army ; vide Pédishéhn. TI, p. 715.

“The paid., army of the present reign consists of 200, 000 cavalry, according to the rule of branding the fourth part, as has been mentioned above. This is exclusive of the soldiers that are allowed to the Faujdars, ‘Kroris, and tax-collectors, for the administration of the Parganahs. These 200,000 cavalry are made up as follows—

8000 Mancabdars 7000 mounted Ahadis and mounted Barqganddzes. 185,000 Cavalry, consisting of the contingents (tdbindn) of the Princes, the Chief grandees, and the other Mangabdars.

Besides these 200,000 cavalry, there are 40,000 foot, muskoteers,

• artillery, and rocket-bearers. Of these 40,000, 10,000 accompany the emperor, and the remaining 30,000* are in the Qubahs and the forts.”

The ‘Rule of branding the fourth part’ is described among the events of the year 1056, as follows (II, p. 506) :-—

“The following’ law was made during the present reign (Shahjahan). Ifa Mancabdér holds a jagir in the same gibah, in which he holds his mancab, he has to muster one-third of the force indicated by his rank.? Accordingly a Sih Hasaré ¢ sdt sthhazdr suwar (a Commander of 3000, personal rank; contingent, 3000 cavalry) has to muster (bring to the brand) 1000 cavalry. Butif he holds an appointment in another cibah, he has only to muster a fourth part. Accordingly, a Chahdrhazart chahdrhazdr suwar (a Commander of 4000; contingent, 4000) has only to muster 1000 cavalry.

At the time when the Imperial army was ordered to take Balkh and Samarqand [1055], His Majesty, on account of tho distance of those countries, gave the order that as long as the expedition should last, each Mangabdar should only muster one-fifth. Accordingly a Panjhazdrt panj- hazdr suwdr (a commander of 5000; contingent, 5000) mustered only 1000, vtz., 800 Sthaspah troopers, 600 Duaspah troopers, 190 yakaspah troopers [z. ¢., 1000 men with 2200 horses], provided the income (hdgil) of his jagir was fixed at 12 months; or 250 Sthaspah troopers, 500 duaspah troopers, and 250 yakaspah troopers [¢. ¢., 1000 men with 2000 horses], provided the income of his jigir was fixed at 11 months; or 800 duaspah troopers, and 200 yakaspah troopers [2. ¢., 1000 men and 1800 horses], if the income of his jagir was fixed at 10 months; or 600 duaspah troopers and 400 yakaspah, if at 9 months; or 450 duaspah and 550 yakaspah troopers, if at 8 months ;

Ee ee

• The edition of the Pddishahndmah ers (troopers) to the brund igh) ac-

has wrongly 3000. cording to the third part. 3 Literally, he has to bring his follow.

245

or 250 duaspah and 750 yakaspah troopers, if at 7 months; or 100 duaspak and 900 yakaspah troopers, if at 6 months; or 1000 yakaspah, if at 5 months.

But if th@troopers to a mancab had all been fixed as sthaspah duaspah [in other words, if the Commander was not a Panj hazdrt, panj hazdr suwdr, but a Panj hazdrt pang hazdr suwdr i duaspah siaspah| he musters, as his proportion of duaspah and sihaspah troopers, double the number which he would have to muster, if his mangab had been as in the preceding. Accordingly, a Panj hazdri panj hasdr tamdm duaspah sthaspah (a, Commander of 5000; contingent, only dwaspah and sthaspah), would muster 600 troopers with three horses, 1200.troopers with, two horses, and 200 troopers with one horse each [%. ¢., 2000 men with 4400 horses], provided the income of his jagir be fixed at 12 months, and so on.”

From this important passage, it is clear that one-fourth of that | number of troopers, which is indicated by the title of a Mancabdar, was the average strength of the contingents at the time of Shahjahén. Thus if a Commander of 1000 troopers had the title of Hazdri hasdr’ suvdr, the strength of his contingent was 7%°° = 250 men with 650 horses, vis. 75 sihaspah, 150 duaspah, and 25 yakaspah ; and if his title

‘was Hasdrt haadr suwdr ¢ duaspah siaspah, the strength of his contingent

was 500 men with 1300 ‘horses, zz. 150 sihaspah, 300 duaspah, and 50 yakaspah, if the income of his jagir was drawn by him for every month of the year. The above passage also indicates that the proportions of sihaspah, and duaspah, and yakaspah troopers was for all mangabs as 300: 600: 100, or as 3: 6: 1.

As the author of the Padishéhnamah does not mention the restriction as to the’number of months for which the Mangabdars drew the income, Wwe may assume that the difference in strength of the contingents mentioned after the name of each grandee depended on the value of their jagirs.

From an incidental remark (Pédishahnamah, I. p. 113), we see that the pay of a Commander of sihashpah duaspah troopers was double the pay allowed toa Commander of yakaspahs. This agrees with the fact that the former had double the number of men and horses of the latter.

The strength also of Aurangzeb’s army, on a statement by Bernier, was conjectured to have been 200,000 cavalry, vide Elphinstone’s Tlistory, Second Edition, p. 546, last line.

Akbar’s army must have been smaller. It is impossible to compute the strength of the contingents, which was continually fluctuating, and depended rather on emergencies. We can, however, guess at the

24,6

strength of Akbar’s standing army. At the end of Ain 30, Abulfozl states that there were alive at the time he wrote the Ain .250 Commanders of 100 (Ytzbashis)

204 60 260 40 250 20 224 10

As these numbers are very uniform, the regular army could not have been larger than 250 X 100, or 25,000 men (troopers, musketeers, and artillery). The’ Imperial stables contained 12,000 horses (vide p. 132, 1.6 from below), which were under the immediate charge of Mirza Abdurrahim Khan Khdnén, Akbar’s Commander-in- Chief. Hence there may have been about 12,000 standing cavalry. The rest were matchlock-bearers and artillery. In Ain 6, Abulfazl states that there were 12,000 matchlock-bearers. The number of Ahadis, of which Shahjahin had 7000, cannot have been very large. Many of them were on staff employ in the various offices, store-houses, Imperial workshops ; others were employed as adjutants and carriers of important orders. They were, at Akbar’s time, gentlemen rather than common soldiers, as they had to buy their own horse on joining. Badaoni mentions an Ahadi of the name of Khwajah Ibr4him Husain as one of his friends (II, p. 394). The number of Mancabdars, which under Shaéhjahan amounted to 8000, was also much less. Of the 415 Man- cabdars, whose names are given in Ain 30, about 150 were dead, when Abulfazl wrote it,’ so that there would be about 250 higher Mancabdirs, to which we have to add 1388 lower Mancabdars, from the Commanders of 150 downwards; hence altogether about 1600 Mancabdars.

But Akbar’s Mancabd4rs, on the whole, had.larger contingents, especially more horses, than the Mangabdars of the following reigns, during which the brevet ranks (24¢) were multiplied.

In the beginning of Akbar’s reign, Mangabdairs had even to furnish men with four horses (chahdraspah). A Dahbashi, or Commander

The list of grandecs in Ain 30 is

d three princes (Bad. IT, p..842) were ap- quoted in Nizim’’s Tabaqit which do not

pointed Commanders of 12000, 9000, and

go beyond A. H. 1002, as the author died in October 1594; but it may be still older, as Nizim assigns to several Mancabdars a higher rank than the one mentioned by Abulfazl. In fact, the list refers to a time prior to the year 993, when the

7000 respectively, whilst in Abulfazl’s List, Prince Salim (Jahdngir) is still put down as a Commander of 10000, Murid as Commander of 8000, and Danyal as of 7000.

247

of Ten, had to furnish 10 men with 25 horses ; but in, later times, (wide Aim, 5) the Chahdéraspahs weve discontinued, and x Dahbisht far- nished 40 men with 18 horses. «As the other ranks had to furnish hoyses in propertion, one ef Akbar’s Haziris would have had to bring 4800 ‘horses, whilst a Hasdrt at the time of Shalijohém only furnished 650.

Of Non-Commissioned officers a, Mirdahah is mentioned ; vide note 1,p. 116. The pay “of 2 Mixdahah of matchlock-bearers varied fiom 74 40°63 BR. per mensem. Common matchileck-+bearers received from 6} to 23 R. As they were standing (household) troops, Abulfazl has put them inte the firet Book of this work (Aims 36. to 40) ; and generally, the reader will have oe bear in mind that the second book, relating to the army, treats chiefly of. the contingents of the Mangabdars.

Badiont, in the above extract, p. 243, stars of a Libds ¢ sipahi, or soldier’s uniform (armour ?).

• Fhe distinctions conferred by the emperor on. the Mancabdars con- sisted im certain flags (vide p. 50,4. 6, fronr below}, and the gharydl or gong (vide in the beginning of the Fourth Book, A’tn i Gharydi).

248

Tuble shewing the Establishments and Salaries of the Mangabdérs?

CoM MANDERS . oF he 2 g a 1} 10,000 _ 2| 8,000 3 7,000 4 5,000 5 4,900 6 4,800 q 4,700 8 4,600 9 4,500 10 4,40u 11 4,300 12| 4,200 13 4,100 14 4,000 15 3,900 16 3,800 17 3,700 18 3,600 19 3,500 20): 3,400 21 3,300 22 3,209 23 3,100 24 3,000 25 2,900 26| 2,800 27 2,700 28| 2,600 29 2,500 30 2,400 31 2,300 32, 2,200 33 2,100 34) 2,000 35 1,900 36 1,800 37 1,700 38 1,600 39 1,500 40 1,400 Al 1,300 42 1,200 43 1,100 44) 1,000 45) 900 46 800 ot 700 aol} 600 {

Horses.

Traqi. Mujannas.

Beasts oF Bur- DEN AND Carts.

ELEPHANTS. s

reir, handurkiya.

Sher Sadah. Manjolah. Karhah, Pp

Montary Sabaries.

Classes,

4,9/60140\40/201160 | 40 35/50 36,34 151130 | 34 30/42)29'27)121110 | 27 20139/20)20|10) 80 | 20

18/28} 19/17} 8] 7231 183 18|28]19|16| 7] 71 | 183 17\27|19|16| 7] 693) 18

hm At ode Oo Ab

to bo to te by te PERNEES Saas e

MIO

DD D&O SH ee bo we MADMDDOWSOOor PAP AATIIINVWOSOSGwWO

7 7 7 7 7 5 4 4

Be

bal wits nod bh 09 29 om aT

27,600 |27 400 26,800 |26,600 26,400 126,200 26,000 {25,800 25,200 (25,000 24,400 |24.200 23,600 |23,400 22,800 [22,400 22,000 ‘21,800 21,400 [21,200 20,800 {20,600 20,200 (20,000 19,600 [19,400 19,000 |18,800 18,300 {18,014 18,200 |18,000 17,800 |17,600 17,400 {17,200

17,000 16,400 15,800 15,200 14,600 14,000 13,600 13,200 12,800 12,400 12,000

“111,950

11,400 11,220 10,600 10,000 9,600 9,200 9,000 8,700 8,200 7,700 5,000 4,400 3,500 2,800

16,800 16,200 16,600 15,000 14,490 13,800 13,400 13,000 12,600 12,200 11,900 11,350 11,650 11,000 10,400 9,800 9,400 9,100 8,900 8,500 8,100 7,400 4,700 4,000 3,200 2,750

27,300 26,500 26,100 25,700 -. 24,800 24,000 23,200 22,400 21,600 21,100 20,500 19,900 - 19,300 18,700 18,300 17,900 17,500 17,100

16,700

16,100 15,500 14,900 14,300 13,700 13,300 12,900 12,500 12,100 11,800 11,450 11,300 10,800 10,200 9,700 9,300 9,050 8,800 8,400 8,C00 7,100 4,400 3,800 3,0U0 2,700

? For differences in reading I must refer the reader to my ‘Text edition, p. 185,

Beasts or Bur- Montoty SaLaries.

Con- DEN AND Canta, | MANVERB w OF - Class. 2 PE oc : m Sei oe eee £ SS] dag 3 s| |3 SulO . e- : z E S é 2 3 ey fora 2 a 5 ga | First. cond, | Third. | — 3 J2/Sia 8) e te S alata S°1S4| 8 Rs. ; Rs. | Bs. 50 520 ee ee ——|—__}—-— pena eS pe 3 5| 8| 4 2,300 | 2,100 2 5 see 15 | 2,500 [2, B 53 350 | 3 4), 4 a ee “eo | 48 2,000 1,751 | 1,500 Bl 300 [3] gl’ g a 2). 1 42] … | 11 | 1,450/1,305 | 1,350 eee 2) aly 2 |<. | 10 | 1,490 1,250 | 1,200 ; 200 | 213 3 ee oe 1 | g2l 2 [+ 8 | 2,150 11,100 | 1,000 56 aso algl g| 34 2]… tale 1 3° 7] 975| 50} 900 57 15 fa} of og] Bh | 1 “To | | 6 | 875) 850} 800 58} 120 aa 8 ee I” | 5] zeo| 760] 750 21 2! 9 3 +P.] os rs er : 59-100 J a} 9} 5 2). 014 2] | 5 | 745| 740] 730 60 80 | 2} 1 27 2] 00g “tT 33 1 81 700] 600} 600 61 colia 2 | 2)27 10 “bol! g] 410] 380} 350 2 plate pe a ate “) yal 2] 2] 301) 285.) 270 63 het tes ge as pee ge Ie el ““) TH UI] 2] 250[ 240] 230 64” es fet i epyh babe aH] | a | 223} 200} 185 65 80F- PU rt ay al a Py cpap agp cl | a] 18s] 263] 156 Gt PY rap art ef oc bcbepcpakey ag) 0] a] 136] 126] 1s all ied js 27 ay FI EPEPEL PSD Ap co de. P doo] 82h) 75 Ne eI [ede eae AYN 4. THE AHADIS.

There are many brave and worthy persons whom His Majesty does not appoint to a Mangab, but whom he frees from being under the orders of any one. Such persons belong to the immediate servants of His Majesty, and are dignified by their independence. They go through the school of learning their duties, and have their knowledge tested. As it is the aim of His Majesty to confer a spiritual meaning on that which is external, he calls such persons Ahadis (from ahad, one). They are thus reminded of the unity of God. ,

A new regulation regarding rank was given.

For the sake of the convenience of the Ahadis, a separate Diwan ‘and a paymaster were appointed, and one of the great Amirs is their chief. A fit person has also been selected to introduce to His Majesty such as are candidates for Ahadiships. Without partiality or accepting bribes, he takes daily several before Ilis Majesty, who oxamines them. When they have been approved of, they pass through the Vadddsht, the Ta’ligah, the descrip- tive roll, and accounts [v/de Ain 10]. The paymaster then takes security, and introduces the.candidate a second time to His Majesty, who generally

382

250

increases his pay from an eighth to three-fourths, or even to more than six-sevenths.’ Many Ahadis have indeed more than 500 Rupees per mensem.? He then gets the number nine as his brand [v7de Ain 7}. In the beginning, when their rank wag first established, some Ahadis mustered eight horses; but now, the limit is five. On his sarkhat [vide Ain 11] each receives a

• farmanehah (xank and pay certificate), on which year after year the treasurer makes payments. ,

Ahadis are mustered every four months, when on a certificate signed by the Diw4n and the Bakhshi, which is called now-a-days Tuaghihah,* the clerk of the treasury writes out a receipt, to be countersigned by the principal grandees. This the treasurer keeps, and pays the claim. Before the period (of four months) is over, he gets one month’s salary in advance. In the course of the year, he receives cash for ton months, after deducting’ from it one-twenticth of the sum, the total stoppage being made on account of bis horses and other expenses. On joining the service, an Ahadi generally finds his own horse; but afterwards he gets it from the Government; and if the certificate of the inspectoys, which is called Sagqatndmah,* explains the reason why the horse is not forthcoming, he is held indemnified for ,his dead horse, but does not receive the money for keeping a horse until he gets anew one. But if he has no Sagatnémah to shew, he is not allowed anything from the time 6f the last muster. Thoso who are in want of horses, are continually taken before His Majesty, who gives away many horses as presents or as part of the pay, one-half being reckoned as ixmds money,’ and the other half being deducted in four instalments at the subsoquent four musters; or if the Ahadi be in debt, in eight instalments, : ;

AIN 5. OTHER KINDS OF TROOPERS.

AsThave said something about the Mangabdéis and the Ahudis, I shall give a few details regarding the third class of troopers.

2 Or as we would say, by 75 or even 85} per cent. Vide note 4 p. 88.

2 This agrees with a statement which I have seen in some historian of Akbar’s reign that a senior Akadi was promoted toa Yzbdéshiship, as the next step. Vide p. 20, note 1.

® The Zughéhak corresponds therefore to a ‘life certificate.’ Arabic infinitives II. take in modern Persian a final 8;

thus ta’léyah [vide below Ain 10], takh-

tfah [vide p. 95, note, 1], ge. mM From a ata he fell. -

5 Or armds money. The word _ ploy} may be Inf. IV., orpluralof’ rams, a grave. Badioni evidently reads irmds, because in IT, p. 202, he explains trmds by zawdl 4 dushman the burying, or destruction, of the foes, ‘ which word the grandees used instead of talab i ajynds, requesting stores, &c.’ Hence irmds, a request made for military supplies or for salary.

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Tho horse-dealer fixes the quality of the horses, which are carefully inspected by the Bakhshis. The description of the man is then taken down in writing. Ifa trooper has more than one horse, they add to his establish- ment a camel or an ox, for which he gets half the allowance usually given to troopers of a superior class; or if this be not given, he gets an addition of two-fifths. :

A Yakaspah trooper is paid according to the following rates. If his horse be an “Iraqi, he gets 30 2. per mensem ; if mujannas, 25 R.; if Turkt, 20 R.; ifa Ydbu, 18 R.; ifa Tazt, 15 R.; if a Janglah, 12 R.

The Revenue collectors of domain lands got formerly 25 2., but now only 15 2,

Troopers of this kind mustered formerly up to four horses, but now the order is not to exceed three.

Every Dahbdshi had to muster 2 chahdraspah, 3 sthaspah, 8 duaspah, and 2 yakaspah troopers [%. ¢., 10 troopers with 25 horses], and the other Mangabdirs in the same proportion. But now a Dahbdshi’s contingent consists of 8 sthdspah, 4 duaspsh, and 3 yakaspah troopers [?. e., 10 troopers with 18 horses].

AIN 6. THE INFANTRY.

As I have said something about the Cavalry, I shall make a few remarks on foot soldiers. They are of various kinds, and performremarkable duties. His Majesty has made suitable regulations for their several ranks, and guides great and small in the most satisfactory manner.

The writer of these… .’ is the Avwdrahnawis. Inasmuch as they are of importance, they are counted as belonging to the infantry. There aro several classes of them. The first class gets 500 dams; the second 400 d.; the third, 300 d.; the fourth, 240 d.

The Bandigqchis or Matchlock-bearers.

There are 12,000 Imperial Matchlock-bearers. Attached to this service is an experienced Bitztcht, an honest treasurer, and an active Dérogah. A fow Bandigehis are selected for these offices ; the others hold the following ‘ ranks. Some are distinguished by their experience and zcal, and are therefore appointed .over a certain number of ‘others, so that uniformity may pervade the whole, and the duties be performed with propriety and understanding. The pay of these [non-commissioned] officers is of four grades, first, 300 d.; second, 280 d.; third, 270 d.; fourth, 260 d.

a ee tg a

• The text has a word which does not suit,

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Common Bandigchis are divided into, five classes, and each class into

three subdivisions. First class, 250, 240, and 230 d. Second class,’ 220,

210, 200d. Third class, 190, 180, and 170 d. Fourth class, 160, 150, and

140d. Fifth class, 130, 120, and 110 d.

The Darbdns, or Porters.

A thousand of these active men are employed to guard the palace. The pay of the IMidahahs is fivefold, 200, 160, 140, 130, and 120 d. ‘ Common Darbdns have from 100 to 120 d.

; The Khidmatiyyahs,

The Ihidmatiyyahs also belong to the infantry. They guard the environs of the palace, and see that certain orders are carried out. Panjihis to Bistls have 200 d.; and a Dahbdshi gets 180 and 140 d. The others get 120, 110, and 100 d.

The caste to which they belong was notorious for highway robbery and,, theft; former rulers were not able to keep them in check. The effective orders of His Majesty have led them to honesty: they are now famous for their trustworthiness. . They were formerly called Mdwis. Their chicf has received the title of Khidmat Rdi. Being near the person of His Majesty, he lives in affluence. His men are called Khidmatiyyahs.*

The Mewrahs.?

They are natives of Mewét, and”are famous as runners. They bring from great distances with zeal anything that may be required. They are excellent spies, and will perform the most intricate duties. There are likewise one thousand of them, ready to carry out orders. Their wages are the same as the preceding.

The Shamsherbdz, .or gladiators.

There are several kinds of them, each performing astonishing foats. In fighting they shew much swiftness and agility, and join: courage to skill in stooping down and rising up again. Some of them use shields in fighting, others use cudgels. The latter are called Lakrat. Others again use no means of defence, and fight with one hand only; these are called yak-hdt’h. The former class come chiefly from the Eastern districts, and usea somewhat smaller shield, which they call chirwah. Those who come from the southern districts, make their shields large enough to conceal . ahorseman. This kind of shield they call télwah.

» They are called in the Tuzuk i Ja- t Jahdngiri, p. 303.

hangiri Piyddahd i Khidmatiyyah. The ? “Among the innovations made by name of their chief under Jahingfr was Akbar are the Dék-Mewrahs, of whom Edi Man. He once picked up the young some were stationed at every place.”

Shih Shuja’, who had fallen from an Khdft Khdn I, p. 243, Hence the . upper window to the ground. Zuzuk Mewrahs were chietly postmen.

253 .

Another class goes by thagname of P’hardits. They use a shield not quite so large as to conceal a man, but a gaz broad.

Some again are called Bandits. They use a long sword, the handle of which is more than a gas long, and seizing it with both hands, they perform extraordinary feats of skill. e

The class which foes by the namo of Bankilis are likewise famous. Thoy use a peculiar sword which, though bent towards the point, is straight near the handle. But they do not make use of a shield. The skill which they oxhibit passes all description. Others make various kinds of daggers and knives, and perform with them the most extraordinary feats. Each class of these men has a difforent name; they also differ in their perform- ances. But-it is really impossible to give a mere description of them; nor would mere listening to my descriptions be sufficient.

There are more than a hundred thousand of them. At Court one thousand of them are always in readiness. Their Cadé (commander of one hundred) holds the rank of an Ahadi, and even a higher one. Their salaries vary from 80 to 600 d.

The Pahluwdns, or Wrestlers.

There are many Persian and Tirdni wrestlers and boxers at Court, as alsv stone-throwers, athletos of Hindustan, clever Jails from Gujrat, and many other kinds of fighting men. Their pay varies from 70 to 450 @. Every day two well-matched mien fight with each other. Many presents aro made to them on such occasions. The following belong to the best wrestlers of the age—Mirzé Khin of Gilan; Muhammad Quli of Tabriz, to whom His

Majesty has given the name of Sher hamlah, or Lion-attacker ; Qadiq of Bukharé ; ’Alf of Tabriz; Murad of Turkistin ; Muhammad ’Ali of Turan; Fulid of Tabriz; Qasim of Tabriz; Mirzé Kuhnahsuwaér of Tabriz; Shi Qui of Kurdistin ; Hilal of Abyssinia; Sadhi Dayal; ’Ali; Sri Rim; Kanhyé; Mangol; Ganesh; Anbij; Nink4; Balbhadr; Bajrnat’h.

The Chelahs, or Slaves.

Ilis Majesty, from religious motives, dislikes the name bandah, or slave ; for he believes that mastership belongs to no one but God. He therefore calls this class of men Chelahs, which Hindi term signifies a faithful disciple.’ Through His Majesty’s kindness, many of them have chosen the road to happiness.?

7 The word Chelah is the same as The author of the pretty Tazkirah, the Avab, murid, a disciple who places entitled Kulimdtushshu‘ard, which con- implicit belief in his murshid or pir, tains biographies of the poets of the the head of the sect. ‘And many of eleventh century, was called Chelah. His Majesty’s special disciples, in 991, His real name is Mirzé Muhammad

called themselves chelahs in imitation of Afzal ; asa poet he is known as Sarkhush. the use of this term among Jogis.” Ba- déont II, p. 325. * By Joining the Divine Faith.

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Various meanings attach to the tormgslave. First, that which peoplo in general mean by a slave.- Some men obtain power over such as do not belong to their sect, and sell and buy them. The wise look upon this as abominable. Secondly, he is called a slave, who leaves the path of selfishness, end chooses the road of spiritual obedience. Thirdly, one’s child. Fourthly, one who kills a man, in order to inherit his property. Jifthly, a robber who repents and attaches himself to the man whom he had robbed. Stxthly, a murderer whose guilt has been atoned by payment of money, in which case the murderer becomes the slave of the man who releases him. Seventhly, he who cheerfully and freely prefers to live as a slave.

The pay of Chelahs varies from 1 R. to 1d. per diem. His Majesty has divided them into several sections, and has handed them over to active and experienced people, who give them instruction in several things. Thus they acquire knowledge, elevate their position, and learn to perform their duties. with propriety. os

His Majesty who encourages eythine which is sxosllent and knows the value of talent, honors people of various classes with appointments in the ranks of the army; and raises them from the position of a common soldier to the dignity of a grandee.

The Kuhars, or Pdélkt bearers.

They form a class of foot-servants peculiar to India. They carry heavy loads on their shoulders, and travel through mountains and valleys. With their pdlkis, singhdsans, chaudols, and dilis, they walk so evenly, that the man inside is not inconvenienced by any jolting. There are many in this country; but the best came from the Dak’hin and Bengal. At Court, several thousands of them are kept. The pay of a head bearer varies from 192 to 384 d. Common bearers get from 120 to 160 d.

Dakhilt troops.

A fixed number of these troops are handed over to the Mangabdars ; but they are paid by the State. His Majesty has ordered to designate those infantry soldiers in the descriptive rolls as nimah suwérdn, or half troopers.

The fourth part of Dakhili troops are matchlock-bearers; the othors carry bows.

Carpenters, workers in iron, water-carriers, pioneers, belong to this class.

A non-commissioned officer of the matchlock-béarers receives 160 d., or 4 R.; common matchlock-bearers ‘get 140 d. The Mirdahahs of the archers get from 120 to 180 d.; common archers from 100 to 120 d.

• Inasmuch as such 2 man blindly follows his pér.

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I could say much more on this subject, but I must content myself with having described the principal classes. I have also given some details in speaking of the several workshops and offices of the Household.

AIN 7. REGULATIONS REGARDING THE BRANDING OF ANIMALS.

When His Majesty had fixed the ranks of the army, and enquired into the quality of the horses, he ordered that upright Bitikchis should make out descriptive rolls of the soldiers and write down their peculiar marks. ‘Their ages, the names of their fathers, dwelling-places, and race, were to be registered. A Darogah also was appointed, whose duty it is to see that the men are not unnecessarily detained. They were to perform their dutics* without taking bribes or asking for remunerations.

Every one who wishes to join the army, is taken before His Majesty, in whose presence his rank is fixed, after which the clirks make out the Ta’ligah [vide Ain 10).

Dékhilt troops are admitted on the signature of the Mangabdars.

His Mujesty has also appointed five experienced officers who have to look after the condition of the men, their horses, and the stipulated amount of pay. His Majesty has the men assembled in an open place, and receives the sevoral descriptive rolls, when the men with their horses are handed over to the above five officers. The amount of their pay is then entered at the bottom of the descriptive rolls, and is countersigned by those officers, which serves as a proof, and prevents fraudulent alterations. Each roll is then handed over to the inspecting Dérogah. He takes them in the manner described above [ede Ain 4.] to His Majesty, who orders the pay to be increased or decreased. His Majesty discerns the value of a man by the lineaments of his forehead, and can therefore increase or decrease his pay. Tle also distinguishes a tradesman by the look of his face from a soldier, so much so that experienced people are astonished, and refer His Majesty’s power of discernment to ‘hidden knowledge.’ When the roll is thus certified, it is also signed by the Wagi’ak Nawits (Ain 10), the Afér ?Avz, and the officer commanding the guards. On the strength of this certificate, the Dérogah of the ddgh (brand) marks the horses.

Whon the brand was first introduced, it was made in the shape of the head of the letter siz [%. ¢. like this, r], and was put on the right side of the neck of the horse. Tor some time, it was made in shape of two alifs intersecting at right angles, the heads of the al/f being made heavy, asin this

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figure , and put on the right thigh. * For some time again, it was made Gite a bow with the string taken off. At last, numerals were introduced, which-plan best frustrates fraudulent practices. Thoy make iron numerals, by which all indistinctness is avoided. These new signs are likewise pu®on the right thigh. Formerly, each. horse on being mustered for the first time, was marked with a1; the second time with a 2, and so on; but now His Majesty has ordered that separate numerals should be used for the horses of the princes, the Mangabdirs, the governors of the provinces, and all other dignitaries attached to the Court.

The carefulness with which the system of marking horses was attended to, resulted at once in truthful reports regarding dead horses ; for when a soldier, after the introduction of the system of repeated marks (vide next Ain), brought a horse which had been exchanged, he would demand his pay from the time he had last received his pay, whilst thé Bakhshi commenced to count from the’ day he brought his (exchanged) horse. But since the present mark was introduced, the rule was made that each horse with which, instead of with his old one, a trooper came to the muster, should be doscribed, and should get the same mark as the dead one; the Bakhshis, at the subsequent musters held for repeating the marks, were to inspect it and go by the brand. Horses answering the description in the rolls were even hired, and substituted for the old ones ; but as the mark was not forthcoming, the deception was detected, and the soldiers thus learnt to be honest.

AIN §, ON THE REPETITION OF THE MARK.

The servants (Mancabdirs) of His Majesty have their horses every year newly marked, and thus maintain the efficiency of the army, as by their endeavours, unprincipled people learn to choose the path of honesty. If a Mangabdar delays bringing his men to the muster, one-tenth of his jagir (agta’)* is withheld. Formerly when the mark was*repeated, they put the number on the muster of the horse, marking, for example, a horse with a 2, when it was mustered the second time, and soon; but now, as cach class of soldiers has a particular mark, the mark is merely repeatod at the

• Properly igftd’, Inf. IV. of gate’a ; but in India the word is mostly pro- nounced as agtdé.’ The king is there- fore called mugti’, one who confers lands

conferred ; so often in the Zdrihh i Lriiz Shahi. Fvom the times of Akbar the words ante and jdgir are used as synonyms ; before his time we only find

on the nobles; abstr. n. mugti’t the giving of lands to nobles, of which the Moghul Historians accuse Sher Shab. Vide end of Ain 10, Third Book. Mugta’, past part., one on whom lands have been

agtd used ; but jdgir, or jdigér, ocenrs in its etymological sense. In later His- toriaus the word agtd’ is bus rarely met with,

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subsequent musters. In the case of Ahadis, the former custom was retained. _ Some Bitikchis, and near servants of His Majesty who have no leisure to look after jagirs, receive their monthly salaries in cash, and muster thoir horses ,eyery eighteen months. Grandees whose jagirs are very remote, do not bring their horses to muster before twelve years have el&psed ; but when six years have elapsed since the last muster, one-tenth of their income is retrenched. And if a Mangabdar has been promoted to a higher Mangab, and three years have elapsed since he last presented his horses at muster? he recoivos a personal (15) increase of salary, but draws the allowance for the increased number of: his men after the first muster. His old and his now men then-get their assignments. If at the renewal of the mark at subsequent musters, any soldier brings a superior horse in exchange for his old one, he is taken b&fore His Majesty, who inspects and accepts it.

AIN 9. RULES ABOUT MOUNTING GUARD.

Mounting guard is called in Hindi chauké. There are three kinds of ‘guards. The four divisions of the army have been divided into seven parts, each of which is appointed for one day, under the superintendence of a trustworthy Mangabdar. Another, fwlly acquainted with all ceremonies at Court, is appointed as J/tr Ars. All orders of His Majesty are mado known through these two officers (the Mir ’Arz and the Commander of the Palace). They are day and night in attendance about the palace, ready for any orders His Majesty may issue. In the evening, the Imporial Qu” (vide p. 110) is taken to the State hall. The mounting guards stand on the right; the ranks of the guards to be relieved are drawn up on the othor side. His Majesty genorally inspects the guards himself, and takes notice of the presence or absence of the soldiers. Both ranks salute His Majesty. If His Majesty be prevented by more important affairs from attend- ing, one of the princes is ordered to inspect the guards. From predilection and a desire to teach soldiers their duties, as also from a regard to general efficiency, Ilis Majesty pays much attention to the guards. If any one is absent without having a proper excuse, or from laziness, he is fined one week’s pay, or receives 2 suitable reprimand.

The Imperial army has been divided into twelve parts, each of which mounts guard for the spac8 of one month. This gives all troops, whether near or far, an opportunity to come to Court, and to partake of the liberality of His Majesty. But those who are stationed at tho frontiers, or told off for any important duty, morely send in reports of thoir exact

38

• present reign.

— ee

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condition, and continue to perfurm His Majesty’s special orders. On the first of every solar month, the guards are drawn up to salute His Majesty, as is usval on weekly ‘parades, and are thep distinguished by royal marks of favour.

The Imperial army has also been divided into twelve other divisions, each of which is selected in turn, to come to Court for one year and do duty near the person of His Majesty.

. AIN 10. . REGULATIONS REGARDING THE WAQP?AHNAWIS.’

Keeping records is an excellent thing fur a government; it is oven necessary for every rank of society. Though a trace of this office may have existed in ancient times, its higher objects were but recognized in the, His Majesty has appointed fourteen zealous, experienced, and impartial clerks, two of whom do daily duty in rotation, so that the turn of each comes after a fortnight.? ‘Some other suitable men are selected as supernumeraries, each of whom is appointed for one day; and if any of the fourteen be detained by an important business, this additional person acts for him. Hence they are called Ag¢al (supernumeraries).

Their duty is to write down the orders and the doings of His Majesty and whatever the heads of the departments report; what His Majesty eaty and drinks ; when he sleeps, .and when he rises; the etiquette in the State hall; the time His Majesty spends in the Harem; when he goes to the genoral and private assemblies; the nature of hunting-parties; tho slaying of animals ;* whon he marches, and when he halts; the acts of His Majosty as the spiritual guide of the nation; vows made to him; his remarks (vide Fifth Book); what books he has read out to him; what alms he bestows; what presents he makes; the daily and monthly exercises* which he imposes on himself; appointments to mangabs; contingents of troops ; salaries ; jagirs ; ZJrmds money (vide above, p. 250, note 5); saylirghdls (rentfree land) ; the increase or decrease of taxes; contracts; salos; money transfers ; peshiash (tribute receipts); despatch; the issuo of orders; the

oe

2 From wdgia’h an event, and nawés a writer. Instead of wdgi’ah nawis we also find maylis nawis.

There was a Wdqi’‘ahnawis, or recorder, in each Gdbah. Irom several places in the Tuzus: i Jahdngirt, we sce that the Bakhsbis of the Gubahs often held the posts of Wdyuhnawis at the saine time. Vide Tuzuk, p- 121, 1. 2.; p. 187, L 1;

p- 171, 1. 5.

2 Hence the arrangement must have been as follows—first day, first and accond writers; second day, second and

third writers; third day, third and fourth -

writers, and so on. :

% Akbar wished to restrict the slaying of animals. Vide above, p. 200, ly,

• Especially fasts.

.

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papers which are signed by Ilis Majesty ; the arrival of reports; the minutes thereon ; the arrivals of courtiers; their departures; the fixing’ of periods ; tha inspection of the guards; battles, victories, and peace ; obituaries of well-known persons ; animal-fights and the bettings on them; the dying of horses; capital punishments; pardons granted by His Majesty ; the proceed- ings of the general assemblies; marriages, births; chaugdn games (vide Ain 29); chaupar, nard, chess, card games, &c.; extraordinary phenomena ; the harvests of the year; the reports on events.

After the diary has beon corrected by one of His Majesty’s servants, it is laid before the emperor, and approved by him. The clerk then makes a copy of each report, signs it, and hands it over to thoso who require it

asa voucher, when it is also signed by the Parwdnchi, by the Mir? Arz, and by that person who laid it before His Majesty. The report in this state is called ydddésht, or memorandum.

Besides, there are soveral copyists who write a good hasid and a lucid style. They receive the ydddasht when completed, keep it with them- selves, and make a proper abridgment of it. After signinz it, they return this instead of the yddddsht, whon the abridgmont is signed and sealod by the Wag’ahnawts, and the Risdlahddér,* the Jfir ’Arz, and the Dirogah. The abridgment, thus completed, is called Za’légah, and the writer is called Zw’ ligahnawis.

The Zw ligah is then signed, as stated above, and sealed by the ministers of State.

His Majesty’s object is, that every duty be properly performed; that there be no undue increase, or decrease in any department; that dishonest people be removed, and trustworthy people be held in esteem; and that active servants may work without fear, and negligent and forgetful men be held in check.

AIN 11. ON SANADS. Every money matter will be satisfactorily settled, when the partics express their minds clearly, then take a pen, and write down the statement

in legible handwriting. Every written statement of accounts is called a sanad. All classes of men adopt such a practicn.

“me Tain i muddat, tho fixing of period- { for risd/ahddr, as, in later times, Gubuh ical inspections ; opp. beta’éné dmadan for QGébahddr, to come at times not appointed before For Mir ’Arz we find in the early

hand, unexpectedly. . Historians ’driz, 2 The text has risdlah, which stands

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The sanad is the voucher which relieves the treasurer of all responsibility, and on which people receive payment of their claims. Honest experienced officers, upon whose forehead the stamp of correctness shines, write the agreement upon loose pages and leaves, so that the transaction cannot be forgotten. These loose sheets into which all sanads are entered, are called the Daftar.’

His Majesty has made himself acquainted with this department and brought it into proper working order. He has appointed clever, honest, incorruptible, experienced writers, and entrusts the daftar to impartial officers, who are under his immediate control.

The Daftar of the empire is divided into three parts :—

1. The Abwabulmal, or entries referring to the revenue of the country. F This part of the Daftar explains the revenue of the empire, details any increase or decrease, and specifies every other source of income (as presents, &e.) °

2. The Arbdé uttahdwtl.? This part explains the manner in which the sums for the Household have been expended; it contains the debits and credits entered on account of the cashkeepers employed at Court; and lastly, contains the accounts of daily expenditure, &c., for things bought or sold.

3. The Zawith.? This part contains all entries referring to the pay of the army, and shows the manner in which the pay is given out,

Some sanads are merely sealed with the imperial seal. Other sanads are first signed and sealed by the ministers of State, and are afterwards laid before His Majosty for signature. Many sanads, however, are only signed and sealed by the grandees of the Court. This will bo explained in the following., ,

The Farman ¢ sabts.

Farmdén i sabtis are issued for three purposes :—

1. For appointments to a Mangab; to the Vakilsliip; to the post of Sipahsdlér (governor of a province and Commander-in-Chief) ; to the tutorship of the princes; to the rank of Amirulumard (vide p. 240); to a Néhiati, or

2 English writers of the last century often refer to this system of keeping all documents in loose sheets, instead of bound bocks. The sheets were kept together by a string drawn through them. This custom, I am informed, is still in use in Persia; and suits eastern countries, the hot and damp climate of which soon destroys the binding of books. The word duftar is the Greck 3:90€pa, atanned hide, parchment. Cahib i daflar, Minister of Finance, the same

as Diwdn and Vazir. Dafltaré means in Indiana man kept in every office for

mending pens, ruling paper and forms, &c.

® The men who get transfer receipts on the Treasury. This part of the Dattar contained all Honsehold’ accounts, .as specified above. Though all MBS. read Arbab, it is probable thut abwdé is the more usual expression.

• Or, the giving of wajh (pay). to the army; hence taujih military accounts, For taujth, some MSS. read éaujihah.

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districtship ; to the post of Vazir, or Finance Minister; to the Bakhshi- ship, (Pay master and Adjutant General); to the post ofa Cadr, orajudge.

2. For appointments to jégirs, without military service ;’ for taking charge of a newly conquered territory ; sometimes… .?

3. Forconférring Sayirghdls (vide Xin 19); for grants on account of daily subsistence allowance ; and for grants for beneficent purposes.

When the Z’ligah has been made out, the Diwan 7 Jdgir (who keeps the Jégir accounts) pays the stipulated grant. If the jagir is given for military services, with fhe order of bringing horses to the muster, the grant is once more sent to the Bakhshis for inspection, when the following | words are written either on the back or the corner of the paper—khdcak, 0 mardum bardward numdyand ; kdrgardn ¢ in shughl chihrahnawist kunand (this is special; the, estimate for the salary may be made out. The proper officers are to prepare the descriptive rolls). When the horses are then ° branded at the time of the muster, the Bakhshigeneral takes the Za’ligah, keeps it, and hands instead of it a writing specifying the amount of the monthly salary, duly signed and sealed.

Thig paper, which the Bakhsht grants instead of the Za’ligah, is callod Sarkhat.

The Sarkhats are entered in the daftars of all Sub-Bakhshis, and are distinguished by particular marks. The Diwdn then keeps the Sarkhat with himself, prepares an account of the annual and monthly salary due on it, and reports the matter to His Majesty. If His Majesty gives the order to confer a jagir on the person specified in the Sarkhat, the following words are entered on the top of the report: Za’ligah ¢ tan galami numdyand (they are to write out a Za’ligah ¢ tan (certificate of salary). This order suffices for the clerks; they keep the order, and make outa draft to that effect. The draft is then inspected by the Diw4n, who verifies it by writing on it the words sabt numdyand (ordered to be entered). The mark of the Daftar, and the soal of the Diwan, the Bakhshi, and the Accountant the Diwan, are put on the draft in order, when the Imperial grant is written on the outside. The draft thus completed is sent for signature to the Diwan.

The Géhib ¢ Tayth, or Military accountant, keeps the former Ta’ ligah with himself, writes its details on the Furmdn, and seals and signs it. It is

» Jagirs, to which no military service beddgh o mahalli. Baddoni, p. 315,

attaches, appear to be called beddgh o mahalit, i. e., the holder had nothing to do with the army and the musters, at which the Mancabdirs drew the salaries of their contingents, nor with the collec- tion of the taxes of the several AZahulls or Parganahs. Thus Fathullah of Shiraz (vide p. 199) received Basiwar as his jagir

Badaoni also had a jigir of 1000 Big’has, . at which he often grumbles, calling himself’ by way of joke Jlazdod, or Commander of One Thousand.

• The text has jde (sometimes ?) ba ‘umodn t mulk (milk 2?) dddan—which I do not understand.

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then inspected by the Blustauji, and is signed and sealed by him. After- wards the Ndzir and the Bakhshis do so likewise, when it is sealed by the Diwan, his Accountant, and the Vakil of the State.

If His Majesty’s order specifies.a cash payment, the farmdn is made out in’the same manner, but is generally called Bardt (cheque). A statement of accounts of the transaction is appended at the bottom of it. After the Nédzir, the Diwdn?t Buyitdt signs it, and when it has passed through the hands of the Bakhshis and the Diwan, it is scaled and signed by the Ahkdn Sdmdn. Tho receipts and expenditure of the Imperial ‘workshops, the deposits and pay- ments of salaries to the workmen (of whom some draw their pay on [military] descriptive rolls, and others according to the services performed by them, as the men engaged in the Imperial elephant and horse stables, and in the waggon department) are all made by Jardts. The accountant of each work- shop (or stable) writes out annually two bardts, one for the six months from Farwardin (February—March) to Shahriwar, and the other from Ifihr (Soptem- ber) to Isfandiydrmuz. He writes down the allowances on account of grain, grass, &c., both in shape of cash and stores, and the salaries of the workmen, and signs the statement. The Diwdn ¢ Buyttdt inspects them, fasses the order for payment, enquires into the increase or decrease, if any, and writes on the margin az tahwil i faldni bardt nawisand, ‘Let a bardt be made out shewing the amount to be deposited with such and such a Mushvif.’ The Mushrif of the workshop or stable then takes it, writes out an order and the receipt, and seals and signs it. In all cash payments, one-fourth is deducted, as another sanad is given for this amount. Tho Diwdn ¢ Buyktdt then gives the ordor to have it entered. The Mushrif does so, signs and seals the bardt and the receipt. It then passes through the hands of the Military Accountant, the Nazir, the Diw4n i Buydtdét, the Diwan i Kul, the Khan Séman, the Mushrif of the Diw4n, and the Vakil, who sign and seal it. In every case the estimate is sent along with it, so that there may be no mistake. When it has been laid before His Majesty, the Mushrif writes out the receipt, which is then inthe same manner entered into the several daftars. The mode of payment also is detailed on the back of it, vis. one-fourth is to be paid in gold (ashrafis) ; one-half in silver (répts) and one part in copper (ddms), according to the fixed values of the coins.

The Farmdns in favor of Mancubdairs are made out in tho same manner ; they are, however, never sent to the officers of the workshops and stables.

In case of Sayiryhals (vide Ain 19), tho farméns, after having boen signed by the Mustaufi, are entered in the daftars of tho Divdn t Sa ddat (vide Ain 19); they are then signed and sealod by the Cadr, and the Diwan it Lul.

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Farmans are sometimes written in Tughrd character ; but the two first lines are not mado short. Such a Farman is called a Purwdnchah.

Parwénehahs are made out for the stipulated salaries of the Begums and the princes ; for the stipends of people under the care of the Dicdn ¢ S@ddat (vide Ain 19) } the salaries of the Ahadis, Chelahs, and of some officers ‘in the work- shops; and for the allowances on account of the food of Bdrgir horses (ride p- 139, Ain 54). The treasurer does not annually demand a new sanad, but pays the allowances on the mere receipt, signed and sealed by the ministers of the State. The Mushrif (accountant) writes out the receipt, which is signed by therecipient, and is then sent to the Diwan for orders. It is then signed by the Mushrif, the Mustaufi, the Nazir i Buyiitat, the Diw4n i Kul, the Khin- Saiman, the Mushrif of the Diw4n. In the Parwduchahs given to Ahadis, tho signature, seal, and orders of the Ahadibdshi, or Comniander of the

Ahadis, are required after those of the Mustaufi, the Diwan, and the,

Bakhshis, because His Majesty, from motives of kindness, and from a, desire to avoid delay, has ordered that these Parwdnchahs need not be laid before him.

Nor does His Majesty sign, sarkhats, sale and purchase receipts, price- lists, ’arzxdmchahs (statements of sums forwarded to Court by the collectors of the Imperial domains) gardr ndmahs (which specify the revenue collections of the collectors on account of the ryots), and the mugdsé (statements of account which Zahwtlddrs take from the Mustaufi, showing that the sums which they had received as deposits, have been correctly expended).

AIN 12. THE ORDER OF THE SEALS. |

Farmins, Parwanchahs, and Bar4ts, are made into several folds begin- ning from the bottom. On the first fold which is less broad, at a place towards the edge where the paper is cut off, the Vakil puts his seal; opposite to it, but a little lower, the Mushrif of the Diwén puts his seal, in stich a manner that half of it goes to the second fold. Then, in like manner but a little lower, comes the seal ofthe Gadr. But when Shaikh ’Abdutinabi and Sultin Khwajah were cadrs (vide note to Ain 19), they used to put their seals opposite to that of the Vakil. In the middle of that fold is the place where that person puts his seal who comes nearest in rank to the Vakil, as Atkah Khén did at the time of Mun’im Khan, and Adham Khén. The Mir M4, the Khan Simian, the Parwiuchi, &c., seal on the second fold, but in such a manner that a smaller part of their seals goes to the first fold. The seals of the Diwan, and the Bakhshi do not go beyond the edge of the second fold, whilst the Diwan i juz, the Bukhshi i juz, and the Diwan i Buydtét put their seals on the third

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fold. The Mustaufi puts his seal on the fourth, and the Cahib i Taujih on the fifth fold. The seal of His Majesty is put above the Tughrd lines on the top of the Farman, where the princes also put their seals in Za’ligahs.

AIN 13. THE FARMAN I BAYAZI.

Some matters connected with the Government do not admit of delay, or must not to be known to every one. Such an order receives only the Imperial seal, and is called a Farmdnt Baydzi.. The farman is folded up, and two edges are made to meet, when a knot of paper is put over them, which is sealed up, in such manner, that the contents cannot be seen. The sealing wax is made of the gum of the Kunér, tho Bar, the Pipal, and other trees. Like wax, it gets warm when exposed to fire, but gets, afterwards: cool and hard. When thus sealed, the farmén is put into a

• golden cover; for His Majesty looks upon the use of external signs of grandeur as an act of divine worship.» Such farm4ns are carried by Muncabdars, Ahadis, or common foot-soldiers, to the parties concerned.

When an officer receives such an order he proceeds a proper distance to meet it, performs various acts of obeisance, puts it on the crown of his head, makes the sijdah, and rewards the messenger according to the favour conferred upon himself, or according to his circumstances. According to His Majesty’s wishes, the bags in which reports are sent, are secured in the same manner as a Farmdn t Baydzi, so that no alterations are possible. In consequence of this, much trouble is avoided, and dishonest practices are put a stop to.

AIN 14, ON THE MANNER IN WHICH SALARIES ARE PAID.

When any one has the good fortune of joining ike: army, he recvives, on bringing his horses to the muster, a proper sarad without delay and without costs. All accounts of salaries are made out in ddms; but at the time of making out the estimate, he receives one half in rupees, reckoned at thirty-eight ddms? each. Half of the remainder is paid in muhurs at nine rupees each, and the last quartor is given in dims for storos. When the value of the rupee was raised to forty dims, the soldicrs, through His Majesty’s kindnoss, received dims at the same rate. Every year one month’s pay is subtracted on account of the horse, the value of which is

• That is, a blank farman. | 2 The MSS. have furty-cight.

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raised fifty per cont. above prime cost, and for accoutrements; but as much care is shewn in buying horses, this increase is not productive of any loss for tho soldier. Besides, Ahadis are continually employed for affairs of import- ance, and are permitted to carry the orders of His Majesty; and whatever is given to them as an acknowledgment for their services, by the recipients of the orders, is allowed to be kept by the Ahadis as a present, if they bear a good character ; put if not, a part of it is reckoned as monthly pay.

With the view of teaching zeal and removing the stamp of laziness, His Majesty fines soldiers for absence from guard: an Ahadi loses fifteen days’ pay, “and other soldiers one weok’s.

The Commandor of every contingent (Zdbinddshi) is allowed to keop for himself the twentieth part of the pay of his men, which reimburses him for various expenses.

AIN 15. MUSA’ADAT, OR LOANS TO OFFICERS.

Highor Officers, who receive lands or monthly salaries may,occasionally come iuto difficulties when it would be against the rules of the government for them to ask fora present. For this reason His Majesty appointed a treasurer and a separate Mir ’Ars, and thosé who wish to borrow money, may now do so without prejudice to their honour, or annoyance of delay. For the first year, nothing is charged; in the secoyd, “the loan is increased by a sixteenth part of it; in the third year, by one-eighth; in the fourth year, by one-fourth; from the fifth to the seventh, by one-half; from the eighth. to the tenth year, by three-fourths; from the tenth year and longor, double the original loan is charged, after which there is no further increase.

His Majesty’s only object‘ is to teach propriety in transactions; else mutual esteem will never increasg among men from tho nature of their mercantile affairs.

This regulation brought unprincipled usurers to the propor path, and thus prevented much impropriety.

AYN 16.

ON DONATIONS.

Ilis Majesty, from his knowledge of mun’s nature, gives donations in various ways. 1t looks as if he lends, but in his heart, he makos a prosent ;

2 It is Weedless to remind the reitler the Muhammadan law. But Akbar was that charging interest on loans is against | a Hindu in such matters,

34

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or he calls the donation a loan, but never asks it back. The far and near, the rich and poor, share His Majesty’s liberality. He gives away clephants, horses, and other valuable articles. The Bakhshis read out daily the names of the guards and other soldiors, mentioning such first as have never received anything”. His Maj esty gives them horses. When a soldier has received a

horse, he is not recommended to His Majesty for the space of a year for any other donation.

AYN 17. ON ALMS.

His Majesty bestows upon the needy money and necessaries, winning the hearts of all in public or private. Many enjoy daily, monthly, or yearly allowances, which they receive without being kept waiting. It is impossible for me to detail the sums which some people receive in consequence of ‘representations having been made of their circumstances by such as stand near the throne 5 : and it would take up too much time to describe the presents made daily to bege ars, or the eating houses which have-beer established for the poor.’ 7 '

There is a ‘Sate always jn waiting? at Court; and every beggar whom His Majesty sees, is sure to find relief.

AIN 18. THE CEREMONY OF WEIGHING HIS MAJESTY.

From reasons of auspiciousness, and as an opportunity of bestowing presents upon the poor, His Majesty is weighed twice a year. Various articles are put into the scales.

On the first day of the month of Abin [15th October], which is the solar anniversary of the emperor, His Majesty is weighed twolve times against the following articles: gold, quicksilver, silk, perfumes, copper, rib i titiy4, drugs, g’hi, iron, rice-milk, seven kinds of grain, salt; the order of these articles being determined by their costliness. According to the number of years His Majesty has lived, there is given away an equal number of sheep, goats, fowls, to people that breed these animals. <A groat number of small animals are also set at liberty.

His Majesty is weighed a second time on the 5th of Rajab,® against eight articles, »z., silver, tin, cloth, lead, fruits, mustard oil, and vegetables.

• Vide p. on phe from below. As this was the Muhummadan birthday,

= ree ade p. the articles were of course fewer, and less

• The ae ‘birthday of the emperor, | valuable.

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On both occasions the festival of Sdlgirih (birthday) is celebrated, when donations, or grants of pardon, are bestowed upon people of all ranks. The Imperial princes, sons, and grandsons of His Majesty, are weighed once in,éyery solar year. They are for the first time ,weighed, when two years old, but only against one thing. Every year, however, a new additional thing is put on the scales. When grown up, they are generally

weighed against seven or eight things, but not against more than twelve.

Animals are set free as usual.

A separate treasurer and an accountant are appointed for this purpose,

so that the expenditure may he made with every proprioty.’

4

? According to the Tuzuk i Jahdngirt (p. 163) md Pddish dhndémah (I, p. 243), the weighing of the Royal person was introduced by Akbar. Itis an old Hindu custom, At first, the weighing took place once a year, on the birthday of the emperor; but with the introduction of Akbar’s Divine (solar) Era, we find in the history of every year the record of a zvazn 3 shamsi, or solar weighing, and a wasn ¢ gamari, or lunar weighing. There was, of course, a jashn, or feast, on such octasions, and courtiers, on the same day, were promoted to higher Mangabs, or presented their peshkash. The feast was of special importance for the Harem. It appears (vide Pidishthnimah, p. 243) that the articles against which the royal person was weighed, were sent from the flarem, or by the mother of the reigning emperor, Jahangir, according to several remarks in the Zusuk (pp. 69, 70, 276, &c.) was even weighed in the palace of his august mother, to whom the Tuzuk gives the title of Muryam Zamédnt, the Mary of the age, as Akbar’s mother had heen styled Bluryam Makdnt (vide p. 48, note I). The solar wazn :was even retained by Aurangzch; vide ’Alamgir- namah, p. 229.

The birthday of the emperor was of importance for the Harem, as there the string was kept, which numbered as’ many knots, as the emperor numbered years; hence also sd/girth (or salgirah,

as the word is pronounced all over India) °

‘the year’s knot,’ or birthday.

Tying knots, or bits of string or ribbon to the tombs of saints is considered by, barren women as a means of obtaining a son, and the tomb of Salim i Chishi¢ in Fathpdr Sikri, in whose house Jahin- gir was born, is even now-a-days visited hy Hindu and Musalmaén women, who tie bits of string to the mavrble trellice surrounding the tomb. Similar vows are

even placed on Akbar’s tomb in Sikandrah, * near Agvah. . :

Akbar’sregulation, as given in the above Aiy, appears to have been continued undet Jahangir. Shahjahin made some. alterations, in as far as he was weighed on each feast first against gold, and silver, and then against other articles. The articles themselves were given away to the courtiers, or to pious men, and beg-, gars, as a, meansof keeping the royal

drson from all bodily and mental harm. The gold and the silver asgainsiygthich Jahangir was once weighed, amouMted to Rs. 33,000 ; but according to the Z’uzuk, the money was distributed among the women of the Harem. On another_occa- sion (Tuzuk, p. 163), Jahangir was found to weigh 6514 tolahs. Taking the tolah at 186 grains (Prinsep’s useful Tables, by E. Thomas, p. 111), Jahangir, at the age of forty-seven, would have weighed 2104 lbs Troy.

Akbar, in accordanco with his Hindu tendencies, used to give the money to Brahmins. “On the fifth of Rajab 973, which is the day on which the Emperer was born, the feast of weighing His Majesty was held ate Nizamabad, a town belonging to the Sirkar of Jaunptr ; ’ for according to established custom, the emperor is weighed twice a year, on his solar and lunar birthdays, against gold, silver, &c., which is given as a present to the Brahmins of India, and others. Poets used, and still use, such opportuni- ties for presenting nice poems.” Baddont, IT, p. 84. ; ~ Occasionally, courtiers were weighed for important personal services. Thus Ja- héngiv hadonce his Court doctor Riihullah weighed in silver (Zuzuk, p. 283), the sum being given him as afee in addition to three villazes, which were bestowed upon him as jagir,

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AYN 19. ON SAYURGHALS.*

His Majesty, in his care for the nation; confers benefits on people of various classes; and in the higher wisdom which God has conferred upon him, he considers doing so an act of divine worship.

His Majesty, from his desire to promote rank distinctions, confors lands and subsistence allowances on the following four classes of men, jrst, on enquirers after wisdom, who have withdrawn from all worldly occupation, , and make no differencé between night and daytime in searching after true knowledge; secondly, on such as toil and practise self-denial, and while engaged in the struggle with the selfish passions of human nature, have renounced, the socioty of men; thirdly, on such as are weak and poor, and have no strength for enquiry ; fowrthly, on honorable men of gentlo birth who from want of knowledge, are unable to provide for themselves by taking up a trade.

Subsistence allowances, paid in cash, are called Wazifah; lands conferred are called Aftik, or Madad i ma’dsh. In this way, krors are given away, and yet the grants are daily increasing in number.

As the circumstances of men have to be enquired into, before grants are made, and their petitions must be considered in fairness, an experienced man of correct intentions is employed for this office. He ought to be at peace with every party, and must be kind towards the people at large in word and action. Such an officer is called Cadr. The Qdzi and the Mir’ Adl are under his orders. He is assisted in his important duties by a clerk, who has to look after the financial business, and is now-a-days styled Diwdn i Sa@ ddat.

Tlis Majesty, in his mercy, orders his servants to introduce to him such as are worthy of grants, and a large number receive the assistance they desire. ;

When Mis Majesty commenced to enquire into this department, it was discovered that the former Qadrs had been guilty of bribery and dishonest practices. He therefore appointed, at the recommendation of noar friends, Shaikh ’Abdunnabi to this important office. The lands which wore then held by Afghans and Chaudris, were taken away, and became domain lands (Ahalsah),? whilst all others that held grants were referred to the Shaikh who enquired into, and certified, their grants. , After some time it was reported that those who held grants, had not the lands in one and the same place, whereby the weak whose grounds lay near khdligah lands or

4 “4

• Vide the note at the end of this Ain… ? This is the Indian pronunciation for the Arabic and Persian khdligah.

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near the jagirs of Mangabdars, were exposed to vexatioris, and wore encroached upon by woprincipled men. His Majesty then ordered that thoy should get lands on one spot, which they might choose. This order proved bencficial for both parties. The officers of the government, on receiving this order, told off certain villages for this purpose: those who were woak wero protected, and the encroachments of the unprincipled were put a stop to.

But when Time, according to his custom, commenced to tear the veil of secrets, rumours also regarding this Cadr [’Abdunnabi} cametothé ears of His Majesty. An order was therefore given that all those who held more than fivo hundred big’hahs should lay their farmdns personally before His Majesty, and in default, should lose their lands. As, however, the practices of these grant-holders did not come up to the wise counsels of His Majesty, the ordbr was passed, that the excess of all lands above one hundred big’hahs, if left unspecified in the farméns, should be reduced to © two-fifths of it, three-fifths of the excess being annexed to the domain lands. Trini and Tia4éni women alone were excepted from this rule.

As it was reported that impudent, avaricious people used to leave their old grounds, and take possession of new places, it was ordered that every one who should leave his place, should lose one-fourth of his lands and receive a new grant.

Again, whén His Majcsty discovered that the Qézis were in the habit of taking bribes from the grant-holders, he resolved, with the view of obtaining God’s favour, to place no furthor reliance on theso men [the Qézis], who wear a turban as a sign of respectability, but are bad at heart, and who wear long sleeves, but fall short in sense. He examined into the whole matter, and dis- missed all Qizis, except those who had been appointed during the Cadrship of Sultan Khwajah. The [rani and Tiréni women also were convicted of fraud, and the order was passed that every excess of land above one hundred big’hahs held by them, should be enquired into, whether it was correctly held or not.

During the Cadrship of ’Azaduddaulah [Mir Fathullah of Shiraz] the following order was given :—If any one held a Sayirghél together with a partner, and the farmén contained no reference to the share possessed by each partner, the Cadr should, in the event of one of the partners dying, proceed without further enquiry to a division, the share of the deceased partner lapsing to the Crown and remaining domain land, till the heirs should personally apply to His Majesty. The new Cady was at the same time prevented from granting, without previous reference to His Majesty, moro than fifteen big’hahs.

On account of the genoral peace and security in the empire, the grant-holders commenced to lay out their lands in gardens, and thereby derived sv much profit, that it tempted the greediness of the Government

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officers, who had certain notions of how much was sufficiont for Sayiirghdl- holders, to demand revenue taxes; but this displeased His Majesty, who commanded that such profits should not be interfered with.

Again, when it was found out that holders of one hundred big’hahs and even less were guilty of bribery, the order was given that Mir Cadr Jahén should bring these people before His Majesty; and afterwards it was determined that the Cadr with the concurrence of the writer of this work should either increase or decrease the grants. The rule now followed is this, that all Saydrghal land should consist of one-half of tilled land, and of one-half of land capable of cultivation; if the latter half be not so [7. e., if the whole be tilled land], one-fourth of the whole should be taken away and a new grant be issued for the remainder.

The revenue derived from each big’hah varies in tle several districts, but is never less than one rupee.

His Majesty, with the view of teaching wisdom and promoting true piety, pays much attention to this department, and appoints disinterested men as Cadre of districts and. Qadr of the realm.

Note by the Translator on the Cadrs of Akbar’s reign.

In this Ain—one of the most interesting in the whole work—the Chagatdi word séyirghdl is translated by the Arabic madad ul ma’dsh, in Persian madad i ma’dsh, for which we often find in MSS. madad o mua’dsh. The latter term signifies ‘ assistance of livelihood,’ and, like its equivalent milk, or property, it denotes lands given for benevolent pur- poses, as specified by Abulfazl. Such lands were hereditary, ‘and differ for this reason from jdgir or teuyél lands, which were conferred, for a specified time, on Mangabdars in lieu of salaries. :

This Ain proves that Akbar considerably interfered with Sa yirghil lands, arbitrarily resuming whatever lands he liked, and increasing the domain, or khdligah,’ lands to the ruin of many a Muhammadan (Afghan) family. He also completely broke the power of the Cadr, whose dignity, especially before the Moghul dynasty, had been very great. It was the Cadr, or as he was then generally styled, Cadr i Jahén, whose edict legalized the ju/us, or accession, of a new king. During the reign of Akbar also, he ranked as the fourth officer of the empire (cide end of Xin 30), Their power was immense. They were the highest law-officors, and had the powers which Administrators-General have among us; they were in

‘. Regarding the turning out of Al-° | vide Elliot’s Glossary, wader Altamghd tamghé and Madad i ma’dsh bolders, | p. 18

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charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent pluposes; and possessed an almost unlimited authority of conferring such lands | independently of the king. They were also the highest ecclesiastical aw-ollicers, and might exercise the powers of High Inquisitors. Thus *Abdunnabi, during his Cadrship, ordered two men to be killed for heresy (vide p. 177, 1. 4 from below). :

In the times before the Moghuls, the terms idrdrdt, wasdif, milk, . Fin’dm i dehhd, in’dm t saminhd, &e., occur for the word saytrghdl (or siyurgal, or sughirghdl, as some dictionaries spell it.)

Among the former kings, ’Al4uddin i Khilji is notorious for the disregard with which he cancelled the grants of former rulers, He resumed the greater part of the madad i ma’dsh tenures, and made them domain lands. He also lowered the dignity of the Cadr by appointing his keybearer to this high office (Térikh ¢ Firtsshdhi, p. 353). Qutb- uddin Mubarikshah, however, during the four years and: four months of his reign, reinstated many whom ’Aléuddin had deprived (Z. F, p. 382). Firdz Shéh is still more praised for his liberality in conferring lands (7. F, p. 558).

That Sher Shih has often been accused by Moghul Listorians for his bounty in conferring lands, has been mentioned above (p. 256, note) ; and this may have been one of the reasony why Akbar shewed such an unexpected severity towards the grant-holders of his time.

Hach Cubah had a Cadr igus, or Provincial Cadr, who was under the orders of the Chief Cadr (Cadr i Jahan, or Cadr i Kul, or Qadri Cudur).

As in every other department, bribery was extensively carried on in the offices of the Cads. The land specified in the farmdn of a holder rarely corresponded in extent to the land which he actually held; or the language of the farmén was ambiguously worded, to enable the holder to take possession of as much as he could, and keep it as long as he bribed the Qdzis and provincial Cadrs. Hence Akbar had every reason, after repeated enquiries, to cancel grants conferred by former rulers. The religious views of the emperor (vide p. 167), and the hatred which he shewed to the ’Ulamé, most of whom held lands, furnished him with a personal, and therefore stronger, reason to resume their grants, and drive them away to Bhakkar in Sind, or to Bengal, the climate of which, in those days, was as notorious as, in later days, that of Gombroon. After the fall of ’Abdunnabi—a man whom Akbar used once to honor by holding the slippers before his feet,—Sultin Khwajah,

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amember of the Divine Faith, (vide p. 204) was appointed as Gadr ; and the Vadrs after him were so limited in conferring lands independently of Akbar, and had so few grants to look after, as to tempt Baddoni to indulge in sarcastical remarks. The following were Akbar’s Gadrs :-—

J. Shaikh Gadaf, a Shi’ah, appointed at the recommendation

of Bairém Khin, till 968.

Khwajah Muhammad Calih, till 971.

Shaikh ’Abdunnabi, till 986. :

Sultén Khwajah, till his death in 993.

Amir Fathullah of Shiraz, till 997.

Cadr Jahén, whose name coincides with the title of his office.

Abulfazl also mentions a Cadr Mauliné “Abdul Baqi; but I do not know when he held office. a

I extract’a few short passages from Badadoni.

Page 29. Shaikh Gadéi cancelled the Iadad ¢ ma’dsh lands, and took away the legacies’ of the Khinzddahs (Afghans), and gave a Sayirghal to any one that would bear up with humiliating treatment, but not otherwise. Nevertheless, in comparison with the present time, when obstacles are raised to the possession of every jartb of ground, nay, even less, you may call the Shaikh an ’Alambakhsh (one who gives away a world).

Page 52. After Shaikh Gadai, Kh4jagi Muhammad (élih was, in 968, appointed Cadr ; but he did not possess such extensive powers in conferring lands as madadi ma’ dsh, because he was dependent on the Diwéns.

Page 71. In 972, or perhaps more correctly in 971, Shaikh ’Abdunnab{ was made Qadr. In giving away lands, he was to consult Muzaffar Khén, — at that time Vazir and Vakil. But soon after, the Shaikh acquired such absolute powers, that he conferred on deserving ‘people whole worlds of subsistence allowances, lands, and pensions, so much so that if you place the grants of all former kings of Hindiistén in one scale, and those of the Shaikh into the other, his scale would weigh more. But several years “ later the scale went up, as it had been under former kings, and matters took an adverse turn.

Page 204. In 988, His Majesty gave the order that the Avmahs of the whole empire should not be let off by the drorts of each Perganah, unloss they brought the farmaéns in which their grants, subsistence allowances, and pensions were described, to the Gadr for inspection and verification. For this reason, a large number of worthy people, from the eastern districts

Papen

• Augdf. The text of Baddoni has wrongly augdt. For bdr read bdrah,

273 =.

up to Bhakkar on the Indus, came to Court. If any of them had a powerful protector in one of the grandees or near friends of His Majesty, he could manage to have his affair settled ; but those who were destitute of such écommendations, had to bribe Sayyid ’Abdurrastil, the Shaikh’s head man, or make presents to his farrfshes, darbéns (porters), syces (grooms), and mehters (sweepers), ‘in order to get their blanket out of the mire.’ Unless, however, thoy had either strong recommendations, or had recourse to bribery, they wero utterly ruined. Many of the Azmahs, without obtaining their object, died from the heat caused by the crowding of the multitudes. Though a report of this came to the ears of His Majesty, no one dared to take these unfortunate people before the emperor. And when the Shaikh, in all his pride and haughtiness, sat upon his masnad (cushion), and influential grandees introduced to him, in his office, scientific or pious men, the Shaikh received them in his filthy way, paid respect to no one,’ and after much asking, begging, and exaggerating, he allowed, for example, a teacher of the Iddyah (a book on law) and other college books 100 Big’hahs, more or less ; and though such a man might have been for a long time in possession of more extensive lands, the Shaikh tookthem away. But to mon of no renown, to low fellows, even to Hindus, he gave primitive lands as marks* of personal favor. Hence scionce and scientific men fell in estimation.* * ¥ At no time had a Cadr, for so long a time, exercised more tyranical powers. The fate of Abdunnabi has been related above. Akbar gave him - money for the poor of Makkah, and sent him on a pilgrimage. When he came back, he was called to account for the money, was put in prison, and murdered ‘ by some scoundrel’ in 992. :

The next. Cadr was Sultén Khwajah. Matters relating to Sayir- ghals now took a very different course. Akbar had rejected the Islam, and the now Cadr, who had just returned from Makkah,* become a member of the Divine Faith. The systematic persecution of the learned and the lawyers had commenced, and His Majesty enquired personally into all grants (vide p. 189, last para.). The lands were now steadily with- drawn, and according to Badioni, who had managed to get 1000

» Badadoni says that even in the State hall, when before the time of prayer he washed his hands and feet, he took care to spirt water on the grandees standing near him,

2 Vor batafzil in the text (p. 205), one MS. of Badaoni reads zamin 2 ibtiddt batafuzzul az khid middd.

• The same happened afterwards to

35

Mirzéi ’Aziz Kokah. In fact, several examples are on record that devout pilgrims returned so disappointed and

• fleeced’ from Makkah as to assume a hostile position to the Islam. There is a proverb current in the Hast, Al-shaitidn

Jfi-tharamain, The Devil dwells in Mak-

kab and Madinah.’

27 4

big’hahs, at first to the great disgust of ’Abdunnabi, many a Muham- madan family was impoverished or utterly ruined.

In 993, Fathullah of Shirdz (vide p: 38) was appointed Cadr. As the Sayurghdi duties, and with them the dignity of the Qadr, had dwindled down to nothing, Fathullah, though Cadr, could be spared for missions to the Dak’hin, Bad. p. 343.

“His Shirdzi servant amdi officiated for him during his absence, and looked after these lacklands of Aimahdars,’ who had a few spots here and there; for the dignity of the Cadr had approached its kamal (perfection). Fathullah had not even the power of conferring five big’hahs: in fact he was an imaginary Cadr, as all lands had been: withdrawn. And yet, the lands which had been withdrawn became the dwelling-places of wild animals, and, thus belonged neither to the Acmahddrs, nor to farmers. _ However, of all these oppressions, there is at least a record left in the books of the Cadr, though of the office of the Cadr the name only is left.

Page 368. Fathullah [the Cadr himself] laid before His Majesty a bag containing the sum of Rs. 1,000, which his collector by means of oppression, or under the pretext that an Aimahdar was not forthcoming or dead, had squeezed out of the widows and unfortunate orphans of the Parganah of Basiéwar [which was his jagir], and said, ‘‘ My collectors have this much collected from the Aimahddrs as a kifdyat (7. 6. because the collectors thought the Séyirgh4l holders had more than sufficient to live upon).” But the emperor allowed him to keep the sum for himself.

• The next Cadr, Cadr Jahdn, was a member of the Divine Faith. Though appointed Cadr immediately after the death of Fathullah, Baddoni continues calling him Mufti ¢ mamdlik i mahrisah, the Mufti of the empire, which had been his title before. Perhaps it was no longer necessary to have a separate officer for the Cadrship. Gadr Jahdn continued to serve under Jahangir. =

A great portion of the Sayairghal lands is specified by Abulfazl in the geographical tables of the Third Book.

1 Magti#’ulardzt, a pun reminding of who hold a Saytirghdl. — mugta’ {past part. TV), one on whom _ Regarding the punishments which lands have been conferred, and muqt? grasping Cadra were subject to, vide

(part. act. IV) one who confers lands. Elliot’s Index, p. 253, note, of which, Observe that Baddoni uses the word however, the first para. ought to bo aimah not only in the plural sense of | expunged ag unhistorical.

avmahddrs, but as an equivalent of those

Nerney

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ATN 20.

ON THE CARRIAGES, &c., INVENTED BY HIS MAJESTY.

Ilis Majesty has invented an extraordinary carriage, which has proved ls source of much comfort for various people. When this carriage is used for travolling, or for carrying loads, it may be employed for grinding corn.”

‘His Majesty also invented a large cart, which is drawn by one elephant. It is made sufficiently large so as to hold several bath-rooms, and thus serves as a travelling bath. It is also easily drawn by catile.

Camels and horses also are used for pulling carriages, and thus contribute to the comfort of mankind. Finoly built carriages are called bahals* ; if used on even ground, several may sit together and travel on.

Water wheels and carts have also been so constructed, that water may he fetched from far, low places.. Two oxen may pull four such wheels at the same time, or one ox two.

Another machine exists which conveys water from a well, and moves at the same time a millstone.

AIN 21. TIE TEN SER TAX (DAHSERI).

Ilis Majesty takes from each big’hah of tilled land ten sers of grain asa royalty. Storehouscs have been constructed in every district. Thoy supply the animals belonging to the State with food, which is never bought in the baézérs. These stores prove at the same time of great use for the people ; for poor cultivators may receive grain for sowing purposes, or people may buy cheap grain at the time of famines. But the stores aro only used to supply necessities. They are also used for benevolent purposes ; for His Majesty has established in his empire many houses’ for the poor, where indigent people may get something to eat. He also appoints everywhere exporienced people to look after these store-houses, and selects for this purpose active Darugahs and clever writers, who watch the receipts and charges.

2 This was, according to Nizim’s Also a wheel, which cleaned at once Tabagtt, an invention of Fathullah of twelve barrels.” The last mentioned wheel Shiraz (vide p. 38, note). Nizim says, also is ascribed by Abialfazl to Akbar ; “Ho constructed a millstone which was wide Book I. Ain 38, p. 115.

placed on a cart. It turned itself and ? Regarding English carriages (rat’h ground corn, Ife also invented a looking- Z angrezt) brought to India wider Jahdn- glass which, whether seen near or at adis- gir, nide Tuzuk pp. 167, 168,

tance, showed all sorts of curious figares. 8 Vide pp. 2U0 and 201.

_

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AIN 22. ON FEASTS.

Itis Majesty onquires into the excellent customs of past ages, and without looking to tho men of the past in particular, he takes up that which is. proper, though he have to pay a high price for it. He bestows his fostering care upen men of various classes, and sceks for occasions to make presents. Thus, when His Majesty was informed of the feasts of © the Jamsheds, and tho festivals of the Parsi priests, he adopted them, and used them as opportunities of conferring benefits. The following are the most important feasts. 1. The New Year’s day feast.* It commences on the day whon the Sun in his splendour moves to Aries, and lasts till the nineteenth. day of the month [Farwardin]. Two days of this period are considered great festivals, when much money and numerous other things are given away as presents: the first day of the month of Farward{n, and the nineteenth, which is the time of the Sharaf. Again, His- Majesty followed the custom of .the. ancient P4rsis, who held banquets on those days the names of which coincided with the name ofa month.? The following are the days which have the same name as a month: 19th Farwardin ; 8rd Urdibihisht ; 6th Khirdad; 13th Tir; 7th Amurdéd; 4th Shahriwar ; 16th Mibr; 10th Abin; 9th Azar; 8th, 15th, 23rd, Dai: 2nd Bahman ; 5th Isfandérmuz. Feasts, are actually and ideally, held on each of these days. People in their happiness raise the strain of inward joy. In the beginning of each pahr the naggdrahs (vide p. 51, 1. 1.) are beaten, when the singers and musicians fall in. On the first of the above feasts coloured lamps are used for three nights: on the second for one night, and the joy is general.

I have given a few particulars in the first Book (Ain 18). ;

AIN 23. THE KHUSHROZ OR DAY OF FANCY BAZAARS.

On the third feast-day of every month, His Majesty holds a large assembly for the purpose of enquiring into the many wondorful things found in this world. The merchants of the age are eager to attend, and lay out articles from all countries. The people of His Majesty’s Harem come, and the women of other men also are invited, and buying and selling is quite general. His Majesty uses such days to select any articles which he wishes to buy, or to

” Baddoni generally calls this day eighth month (October-November) : but Nauriz i Jalili ; vide p. 183, note 2. the tenth day also of every month had Thus Abdx was the name of the the same name.

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fix tho price of things, and thus add to his knowledge. Theo secrets of the empire, the charactor of the people, the good and bad qualities of each office and workshop, will then appear. His Majesty gives to such days the name of Khushriz, or the joyful day, as they are a source of much enjoyment.

After the Fancy baz4rs for women, bézars for the men are held. Merchants of all countries then sell their wares. His Majesty watches the transactions, and such as are admitted to Court indulge in the pleasure of buying. Bazar people, on such occasions, may lay their grievances before His Majesty, without being prevented by the mace-bearers, and may use the opportunity of laying out their stores, in order to explain their circumstances. For those who are good, the dawn of success rises, whilst wicked bazdr people are called to account.

His Majesty has appointed for this purpose a separate treasurer and an accountant, so that the sellers may get paid without delay. The profit made by tradesmen on such occasions is very great.”

AYN 24. REGULATIONS REGARDING MARRIAGES.

Every care bestowed upon this wonderful tie between men is a means of preserving the stability of the human race, and ensuring the progress of the world; it is a preventive against the outbreak of evil passions, and leads to the establishment of homes. Hence His Majesty, inasmuch as he is. benign, watches over great and small, and imbues men with his notions of the spiritual union and the equality of.essence which he sees in ‘marriage. He abhors marriages which take place between man and woman bofore the age of puberty. They bring forth no fruit, and His Majesty thinks them even hurtful ; for afterwards, when such a couple ripens into manhood, they dislike having connexion, and their home is desolate.

Here in India, where a man cannot see the woman to whom he is betrothed, there ave peculiar obstacles; but His Majesty maintains that the consent of the bride and bridegroom, and the permission of the parents, are absolutely necessary in marriage contracts. ;

Marriage between near relations His Majesty thinks highly improper. He says, * Tho fact that, in ancient times (?) oven, a girl was not given to her twin brother, ought to silence those who are fond of historical proofs. Marriage between first cousins, however, does‘not strike the bigoted

2 Regarding these Fancy bizars, vide above Badiont’s remarks on p: 204, 1. 4.

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followers of Muhammad’s religion as wrong; for the boginning of a religion resembles, in this regard, the beginning of the creation of mankind.”

His Majesty disapproves of high dowries; for as they are rarely ever paid, they are mere sham ; but he admits that the fixing of high dowrics is a pre- ventive against rash divorces. Nor does His Majesty approve of every one marrying more than one wife; for this ruins a man’s health, and disturbs the peace of the home. He censures old women that take young husbands, and ‘ says that doing so is against all modesty.

He has also appointed two sober and sensible men, one of whom enquires into the circumstances of the bridegroom, and the other into those of the bride. Those two officers have the title of Tuibegi, or masters of marriages. In many cases, the duties are performed by one and the same officer. His Majesty also takes a tax from both parties, to enable them to ~ shew their gratitude. The payment of this tax is looked upon as auspicious. Mangabdars commanding from five to one thousand, pay 10 Muhurs; do. from one thousand to five hundred, 4 J£; do. to Commanders of one hundred, 2 Jf; do. to Commanders of forty, 1 Jf; do. to Commanders of ten, 4.R. The latter fee is also paid by rich people. The middle classes pay 1 2., and common people 1 dém.* In demanding this tax, the officers have to pay regard to the circumstances of the father of the bride.

• AYN 25. REGULATIONS REGARDING EDUCATION.

In every country, but especially in Hinddstan, hpys aro kept for years atechool, where they learn the consonants and vowels. A great portion of the life of the students is wasted by making them read many books. His Majesty orders that every school boy should first learn to write the letters of the Alphabet, and also learn to trace their several forms.’ He .ought to learn the shape and name of each letter, which may be done in two days, when the boy should proceed to write the joined letters., They may be practised for a week, after which the boy should learn somo prose and poetry by heart, and then commit to memory some verses to the praiso of God, or moral sentences, each written separately. Care is to be takon

• “The sons and daughters of common people were not allowed to marry, unless they came to the office of the kotwal, and were stared at by the kotwél’s men, who had to take down their respective ages ; and you may imagine what advantages and fine opportunities the officers thus

had, especially the people of thé’ kotwal, and the khdné i kaldl (?), and their other low assistants outside.” Bead. II,” p- 891. Vide also Third Book, Ain 5.

® Boys in the Hast generally learn to write by running theiv pens over the characters of the copyslips (gét’ahs).

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that he learns to understand everything himself; but the teacher may assist him a little. He then ought’ for some time be daily practised in writing a hemistich or a verse, and will soon acquire a current hand. The teacher ought especially to look after five things: knowledge of the letters ; meanings of words; the hemistich ; the verse; the former lesson. If this method of teaching be adopted, a boy will learn in a month, or even ina day, what it took others years to understand, so much so that people will get quite astonished. Every boy ought to read books on morals, arithmetic, the notation peculiar to arithmetic, agriculture, mensuration, geometry, ‘ astronomy, physiognomy, household matters, the rules of government, médicine, logic, the fab?é, riydst, and ildht, sciences,’ and history; all of which may be gradually acquired. In studying Sanserit, students ought to learn the Baydkaran, Niysi,

• Bedanta, and Patanjal. No one should be allowed to neglect those things which the present time requires. These regulations shed a new mebehe on schools, and cast a bright lustre ovor Madrasahs.

.

AIN 26. THE ADMIRALTY.

This department is of great usc for the successful operations of the army, and for the benefit of the country in general; it furnishes means of obtaining things of value, provides for agriculture, and His Majesty’s household. His Majesty, in fostering this source of power, keeps four objects in view, and looks upon promoting the efficiency of this department as an act of divine worship.

Kirst.—The fitting out of strong, boats, capable of carrying elephants. Some are made in such a manner as to be of use in sieges and for the conquest of strong forts. Experienced officers look upon ships as if they were houses and dromedarios, and use them as excellont means of conquest. So especially in Turkey, Zanzibar, and Europe. In every part of :His Majesty’s empire, ships are numerous; but in Bengal, Kashmir, and T’hat’hah (Sind) they are the pivot of all commerce. His Majesty had the sterns of the boats made in shape of wonderful animals, and thus combines terror with amusement. Turrets.and pleasing kiosks, markets, and beautiful flower-beds, have likewise been constructed on the rivers. Along

2 This is the three-fold division of quantity, and comprise mathematics, * sciences. J/éhi, or divine, sciences com- astronomy, music, mechanits, Tubi’s prise everything connected with theo- sciences comprehend physica) sciences. ae and the means of acquiring a know- Some dictionaries call the last class of

ledge of God. Ziydzi sciences treat of sciences (aba’d, instead of (abe’,

_-

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the coasts of the ocean, in the west, east, and south of India, large ships are built, which are suitable for voyages. The harbours have been put into excellent condition, atid the experience of seamen has much improved. Large ships are also built at [l4héb4s and Léhor, and are then sent to the coast. In Kashmir, a model of a ship was made which was much admired.

Secondly.—To appoint experienced seamen, acquainted with the tides, the depths of the ocean, the time when the several winds blow, and their advantages and disadvantages. They must be familiar with shallows and banks. Besides, a seaman must be hale and strong, a good swimmer, kind hearted, hard working, capable of bearing fatigue, patient; in fact he must possess all good qualities. Men of such character can only be found aftex much trouble. The best seamen come from Malibér (Malabar).

Boatmen also bring men and their things from one side of the river to the other.

The number of sailors in a ship varies according to the size of the vessel. In large ships there are twelve classes. 1. The Wékhuddé, or owner of the ship. This word is evidently a short form of Ndvkhudd. He fixes the course of the ship. 2. The Jfwallim, or Captain. He’ must be acquainted with the depths and the shallow places of the ocean, and must know astronomy. It is he who guides the ship to her destination, and prevents her from falling into dangers. 8. The Yandil, or chief of the chaldgis, or sailors. Sailors, in seamen’s language, are called khaldgis or khdrwahs. 4. The Nékhudd- khashab. He supplies the passengers with firewood and straw, and assists in shipping and unlading the cargo. 5. The Sarhang, or mate, superintends the docking and landing of the ship, and often acts for the Bw allim. 6. The Bhanddri has the charge of the stores. 7. The Karrdni* is a writer who keeps the accounts of the ship, and serves out watér to the passengors. 8. The Sukkdngér, or helmsman. He steers the ship according to the orders of the Ifvallim. Some ships carry several helmsmen, but never moro than twenty. 9. The Panjart looks out from the top of the mast, and gives notice when he sees land, or a ship, or a coming storm, &c. {0. The Gunmti belongs to the class of khaldgis. He throws out the water which has leaked through the ship. 11. The Zopandéz, or gunner, is required in naval fights ; their number depends on the size of the ship. 12. The Ahdrwah, or common sailor. They set and furl the sails. Some of them perform the duty of divers, and stop leaks, or set the anchor free when it sticks fast, The amount of their wages varies,‘and dopends on the voyago, or hish, as soamen call it. In the harbour of Sdigdnw (Mighli) a Ndkhudd gets 400 R.; besides

• This word is now-a-days pronounced word is often used contemptuously. Kirdni, and is applied to any clerk. The

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he is allowed four maith, or cabins, which he fills with wares for his own profit. Every ship is divided into several divisions, for the accommodation of passengers and the stowage of goods, each of the divisions being called a jmalikeh, ‘The Awallim gets 200 R. and two maliths ; the Zandil, 1202.; the HKarrdnt, 50 R. and one malikh ; the Nékhuddé khashab, 80 R.; the Sarhang, 25 R.; the Sukkdngir, Pdnjart and Bhandari, each 15 B.; each Khdrwah, or common sailor, 40 #., and his daily food in addition; the Degandds, or gunner, 12 2.

In Kambhdyat (Cambay), a Nakhudd gots 800 R., and the other men in the same proportion.

In Léhari, a ndkhudé gets 300 #., and the rest in proportion.

In Achin he gets half as much again as in southern harbours; in Portugal, two and a half as much again; and in Malacca, twice as much * again. In Pegu, and Dahnasari, he gets half as much again as in Cambay. All these rates vary according tothe place and the length of the voyage. But it would take me too long to give more details.

Boatmen on rivers have wages varying from 100 to 500 d. per mensem.

Thirdly, an experienced man has been appointed to look after the rivers. He must be an imposing and fearless man, must have a loud voice, must be capable of bearing fatigue, active, zealous, kind, fond of travelling, a good swimmer. As he possesses experience, he settles every difficulty which arises regarding fords, and takes care that such places are not overcrowded, or too narrow, or very uneven, or full of mud. He regulates the number of passengers which a ferry may carry; he must not allow travellers to be delayed, and sees that poor people are passed over gratis. | Te ought not to allow people to swim acrosS, or wares to be deposited anywhere elso but at fording places. He should also prevent people from crossing at night, unless in cases of necessity. e

Fourthly, the remission of dutics. His Majesty, in his mercy, has remitted many tolls, though the income derived from them equalled the revenue of a whole country. He only wishes that boatmen should got their wages. The state takes certain taxcs in harbour places; but they never exceed two and a half per cent., which is so little compared with the taxes formerly levied, that merchants look upon harbour taxes as totally remitted.

The following sums are levied as river tolls. For every boat, 1 2. per ~ kos at the rate of 1000 mans, provided the boat and the men belong to one and tho samo owner. But if the boat belongs té another man and everything in the boat to the man who has hired it, the tax is 1 2. for every 24 kos. At ferry places, an clephant has to pay 10 @. for crossing; a laden cart, 4 d.; do. empty, 2 d.; a laden camel, 1 d.; empty camels, horses, cattle with their things, $ . ; do. empty, $d. Other beasts of burden pay fg d., Which

6

—~—

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includes the toll due by the driver. Twenty people pay 1 d. for crossing ; but they are often taken gratis.

The rule is that 6ne-half or one-third of the tolls thus collected go to the State (the other half goes to the boatmen).

Merchants are therefore well treated, and the articles of foreign countries are imported in large quantities.

AIN 27. OF HUNTING.

Superficial, worldly observers see in killing an animal a sort of pleasure, and in their ignorance stride about, as if senseless, on the field of their passions. But deep enquirers see in hunting a means of acquisition of knowledge, and the temple of their worship derives from it a peculiar lustre. This is the case with His Majesty. He always makes hunting a means of increasing his knowledge, and besides, uses hunting parties as occasions to enquire, without having first given notice of his coming, into the condition of the people and the army. He travels incognito, and examines into matters referring to taxation, or to Sayirghdl lands, or to affairs connected with the household. He lifts up such as are oppressed, and punishes the oppressors. On account of these higher reasons His Majesty indulges in the chase, and shews himself quite enamoured of it. Short-sighted and shallow observers think that His Majesty has no other object in view but hunting; but the Wise and experienced know that he pursues higher aims.

When His Majesty starts on a hunting party, active Qardwals [mon employed by the Mir Shikdr, or Master of Hunting] surround the hunting: ground, the Qur (p. 110) remaining at a distance of about five kos from it. Near the Qur, the grandees and other people await the arrival of His Majesty. The men who look after the things sit down and watch. About a yard behind them the Mir Tozak stands ready for service, and “about a kos and one-half behind them stand some of the Khidmatiyyah (p. 225) and other servants of His Majesty. The Khidmatiyyah are told off fo watch at that place. At about the same distance, there stands a vigilant officer with some of His Majesty’s servants. He advances very slowly, and guards the private hunting ground. Behind them an experienced officer is stationed to superintend the whole. Several near servants of His Majesty have admission to this place; but generally only such are allowed to come as are required to render services at the chase.

‘When a certain distance has been passed over, His Majesty solects a few to accompany him, and then moves on; and after having gone over

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anothor distance, he generally goes alone, or accompanied by tue or two. When the’ hour of rest comes, both parties which had been left behind, again join His Majesty.

As T have stated the views of His Majesty regarding the chase, and ‘have written down some remarks on the arrangoments which are made during hunting parties, I shall give a few particulars as to the several modes of chasing, and the wonderful contrivances which people have recourse to.

1. Tiger hunting.

They make a large cage, and having fastened it (on the ground) with strong iron ties, they put it in places frequented by tigers. The door is left open ; but itis arranged in such a manner that the slightest shaking will cause it to close. Within the cage they put a goat, which is protected by a screen 80 constructed that the tiger can see the goat, but not get hold of it. Hunger will lead the tiger to the cage. As soon as he enters, he is caught.

Another method. They put a poisoned arrow on a bow, painted green, in such a manner that a slight movement will cause the arrow to go off. The bow is hung upon a tree, and when the tiger passes, and shakes it a little, the arrow will hit the animal and kill it.

’ Another method. They tie a sheep to a place in a road frequented by tigers, putting round about the sheep on the ground small stalks of hay covered with glue. The tiger comes rushing forward, and gets his claws full of the glue. The more he tries to get rid of it, the more will the glue stick to his feet, and whon he is quite senseless and exhausted, the hunters come from the ambush and kill him. Or they catch him alive, and tame him.

His Majesty, from his straightforwardness, dislikes having recourse to such tricks, and prefers with bows or matchlocks openly to attack this brute, which destroys so many lives.

Another method. An intropid experienced ‘hunter gets on the back of a male buffalo, and makes it attack the tiger. The buffalo will quickly got hold of the tiger with its horns, and fling him violently upwards, so that he dies. It is impossible to describe the excitement of this manner of hunting the tiger. One does not know what to admire more, the courage of the rider, or his skill in standing firm on tho slippery back of the buffalo.

One day, notice was given that a man-eating tiger had made its appearance in the district of Bari. His Majesty got on the elephant Nahir Khén, and went into the jungle. The brute was stirred up ; and striking its cluws into the forchead of the elephant, it pulled the head of the animal- to the ground, when the tiger was killed by the mon. This occurrence astonished the most intrepid and experienced hunters.

On another occasion, His Majesty hunted near Todah. ‘The tigor had

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stretched une of the party to the ground. His Majesty aimed at the brute, killed it, and thus saved the life of the man. ;

Once during a gamarghah’ chase, a large tiger was stirred up. The animal attacked His Majesty, whon he shot it in time through the head, and killed it.

Once a tiger struck his claws into a man. All who witnessed it, des- paired of his life. His Majesty shot the brute right through the body, and released the unfortunate man. ‘

A remarkable scene took place in the forest of Mut’hra. Shuji’at Khén (vide Ain 30, No. 51), who had advanced very far, got suddonly timid. His Majesty remained standing where he was, and looked furiously at the tiger. The brute cowered? down before that divine glance, and turned right about trembling all over. In a short time it was killed.

The feats of His Majesty are too numerous to be imagined ; much less can a Hindustani, as I am, describe them in a dignified style.

Ho slays lions, but would not hurt an ant. He girds himself for.the fray ; but the lion drops his claws from fonr.* _Elephant-hunts.

There are several modos of hunting elephants.

1. K’hedah.* The hunters are both on ‘horseback and on foot. They go during summer to the grazing places of this wonderful animal, and commence to beat drums and blow the pipes, the noise of which makes the elephants quite frightened. They commence to rush about, till from their heaviness and exertions no strength is left in them. They are then sure to run under a tree for shade, when some experienced hunters throw a rope, made of hemp or bark, round their feet or necks, and thus tie them to the trees. They are afterwards led off in company with some trained elephants, and gradually get tame. One-fourth of the value of an elephant thus caught is given to the huntors as wages.

2. Chor i’hedah. Thoy take a tame female elephant to the grazing place of wild elephants, the driver stretching himsclf on the back of the elephant, without moving or giving any other sign of his presence. The elephants then commence to fight, when the driver manages to secure one by throwing a rope round the foot.

3. Gdd. A doep pit is constructod in a place frequented by elephants, which is covered up with grass. ‘As svon as the elephants come ear it,

• Qamarghah is a chase for which ® These two verses are taken from rivers are employed. ena! Faizi’s Nal Daman; vide p. 106, note 4. 7 This is one of Akbar’s miracles. * Hence our elephant Aheddas,

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the hunters from their ambush commence to make a great noise. Tho elephants get confused, and losing their habitual cautiousness, they fall rapidly and noisily into the hole. They are then starved and kept without water, when thoy soon get tame.

4. Bir. They dig a ditch round the resting place of elephants, leaving only one road open, before which they put up adoor, which is fastened with ropes. The door is loft open, but closes when the rope is cut. The hunters then put both inside and outside the door such food as elephants like. The elephants cat it up greedily ; their voraciousness makes them forgot all cautiousness, and without fear they enter at the door. A fearless hunter, who has been lying concealed, then cuts the rope, and the door closes. The elephants start up, and in their fury try to break the door. They are all in commotion. The hunters then kindle fires and make much noise. The elephants run about till they get tired, and no strength is left in them. Tame females are then brought to the place, by whose means the wild elephants are caught. They soon get tame.

From times of old, people have enjoyed elephant hunts by any of the above modes; His Majesty has invented a new manner, which admits of .remarkablo finesse. In fact, all excellent modes of hunting are inventions of His Majesty. A wild herd of elophants is surrounded on three sides by drivers, one side alone being left open. At it several fomale elephants are stationed. From all sides, male elephants will approach to cover the fomales. The latter then go gradually into an enclosure, whither the males follow. They are now caught as shewn above.”

’ 1

Leopard hunting.

Leopards, when wild, select three places. In one part of the country they hunt; in another part they rest and sleep’; and in a third district they play and amuso themselves. They mostly sleep on the top of a hill. The shade of a tree is sufficient for the leopard. He rubs himsclf against

——$—<

• « A large number of people had sur- rounded the whole jungle, outside of which, on a small empty spac, a throne made of wood had been put on a tree, as a seat for the emperor [Jahangir], and on the neighbouring trees beams had been put, upon which the courtiers were to sit and enjoy the sight. About two hundred male elephants with strong nooses, and many females wergjn readiness. Upon each elephant there sat two men of the Jhariy- oak caste, who chiefly occupy themselves in this part of India [Gujrat] with ele- phant hunting. The plan was to drive

the wild elephants from all parts of the jungle near the place where the emperor sat, 30 that he might enjoy the sight of this exciting scene. When the drivers closed up from all sides of the jungle, their ring unfortunately broke on account of the density and impenetrability of the wood, and the arrangements of the drivers partially filed. The wild elephants ran abort as if mad; but twelve male and female elcphants were caught before the eyes of the emperor.” Iqhdindémak, p- 113.

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the trunk. Round about the tree, they deposit their excrements, which are called in Hindi di’har.

Formerly, hunters used to make deep holes and cover them with grass. These pits were called odi, The leopards on coming near them, fell down to the bottom ; but they often broke their feet in pieces, or managed by jumping to get out again. Nor could you catch more than one in each pit. His Majesty therefore invented a new method, which has astonished the most experienced hunters. He made a pit only two or three gaz deep, and constructed a peculiar trapdoor, which closes when the leopard falls into the hole. The animal is thus never hurt. Sometimes more than one go into the trap. On one occasion no less than seven leopards were caught. At the time of their heat, which takes place in winter, a female leopard had been walking about on the field, and six male leopards were after her. Accident- ally she fell into a pit, and her male companions, unwilling to let her off, dropped in one after the other,—a nice scene, indeed.

His Majesty also catches leopards by tiring them out, which is very interesting to look at.

Another method is to fasten nooses to the foot of the above mentioned tree. When the animal comes to scratch itself, it gets entangled.

His Majesty generally hunts leopards thirty or forty kos from Agyrah, especially in the districts of Bari, Simdwali, Alépir, Sunn4m, Bhatindah, Bhatnir, Patan in the Panjab, Fathpir, Jhinjhani, Nagor, Mirt’ha, Jodhpar, Jaisalmir, Amrsarniyin; but several other more remote spots have been selected as hunting grounds. His Majesty used often to go to the first mentioned. places, take out the leopards that had fallen into a pit, and hand them over to the keepers. He would often travel over great distances, and was perhaps just on the point of resting a little ; but before he had done so, good news were brought from some other hunting ground, when he hastened away on a fleet courser.

In former times, people managed to train a newly caught leopard for the chase in the space of three months, or if they exérted themsolves, in two months. From the attention which His Majesty pays to this animal, leopards are now trained, in an excellent manner, in the short space of eighteen days. Old and active keepers wore surprised at such results, and extolled the charm of His Majesty’s knowledge. From good motives, and from a desire to add splendour to his court, His Majesty used to take it upon himself to keep and train leopards, astonishing the most experienced by his success.

A rather remarkable case is the following. Once a leopard had been caught, and without previous training, on a mere hint by His Majesty, it brought in the prey like trained leopards. Those who were presont had

1

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their eyes opened to truth, and experienced the blessing of prostrating themselves in belief on His Majesty.’

Attracted by the wonderful influence of the loving heart of His Majesty, a leopard once followed the imperial suite without collar or chain, and like a sensible human being, obeyed every command, and at every leopard chase enjoyed it very much to have its skill brought to the test.

There are two hundred keepers in charge of the khdcah leopards. A proper system of training has been laid down.

AIN 28. . THE FOOD ALLOWED TO LEOPARDS. THE WAGES OF THE KEEPERS.

First class leopards get 5 s. of meat every day ; second class, 44 s.; third class, 4 s.; fourth class, 328.; fifth class, 33s.; sixth class, 3} 8.; seventh class, 3 s.; eighth class, 2 s. The meat is given in a lump; and as on Sundays no animals are killed,* double the daily portion is given on Saturdays.

’ Formerly every six months, but now annually, four sers of butter and one-tenth of a ser of brimstone are given as ointment, which prevents itch. Four men also were appointed to train and look after each leopard ; but now there are three men told off for such leopards as sit on horses when taken to the hunting ground, and only two for such as sit on carts and on doolies. The wages of the keepers vary from 30 &. to 5 R. per mensem ; but they have at the same time to look after the cattle which draw the leopard carts. The servants who look after the cattle, are divided into seniors and juniors, each class being subdivided into five divisions. The seniors get 300 d., 260 d., 220 d., 200 d., and 180 d., which is the lowest allowance; the juniors get 160 d., 140 d., 120 d., 110 d., and 100 @. For the sake of show, the leopards get brocaded saddle cloths, chains studded with jewels, and coarse blankets, and Gushkdnt* carpets to sit on. Grandees of the court also are appointed to superintend the keepers of each leopard ; they are to take care that the animals are nicely dressed, and that new ones are added to the establishment. Each leopard has a name which indicates some of his qualities. Every ten leopards form a isl or Taraf (set); they are also divided according to their rank as follows.

1 Two more miracles of Akbar’s. This should perhaps be si BS or SE 8 ascent ne to the order mentioned on gosk hdni, Goshkén, (in “Ayal a 2 p. 200, 1. 10, eing a town in Tré 1¢ Jushgdn),

• In my text edition, p.208, 1. 8. ilKAS. | carpets, Tan, famous for its

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One thousand’ leopards are kept in His Majesty’s park, and an interesting. encampment they form. The three first sets are thdcak ; they are kept at Court together with two other sets. For their conveyance two litters (mihaffah) axa hung over the back of an elephant, one litter on each side. On each litter ‘one leopard sits, looking out for a prey. Litters are also put on camels, horses, and mules. Carts even are made for the leopards, and are drawn by horses or cattle; or they are made to sit on horses; and sometimes they are carried by men in doolies. The best leopard which His Majesty has, goes by the name of Samand mdnik ; he is carried on a Chaudol, and proceeds with much pomp. His servants, fully equipped, run at his side; the xaggdrah (a large drum) is beaten in front, and. sometimes he is carried by two men on horseback, the two ends of the pole of the Chaudol resting on the necks of their horses. Formerly two horses were kept for every leopard; but now three horses are givon to

• two leopards. Others have a dooly, or a cart drawn by four oxen. Many travel alone’on one and the same dooly. <A tame, trained leopard has the dooly carried by three men; others by two.

Skill exhibited by hunting leopards.

_ Leopards will go against the wind, and thus they get scent of a prey, or come to hear its voice. They then plan an attack, and give the hunters notice where the prey is. The hunters keep the animal near themselves, and proceed to catch the prey. This is done in three ways.

1. Uparyhati. The hunters let off the leopard to the right from the place where the deer was scen. The leopard swiftly seizes it with his claws. 2. Rig’hnit, The leopard lies concealed, and is shewu the decr from a distance. The collar is then taken off, when the leopard, with perfect skill, will dash off, jumping from ambush to ambush till he catches the deer. ,3. Afuhdri. The leopard is put in an ambush, having.the wind towards himself. The cart is then taken away to the opposite direction. This perplexes the deer, when the leopard will suddenly make his way near it, and catch it.

It is impossible to describe the wonderful feats of this animal ; language

Hie even

1 © Among the curious events which happened during the present [Jahangir’s] reign, I must mention that a leopard in captivity covered a female leopard, which gave birth to three cubs. The late emperor [Akbar], during his youth, wus passionately fond of leopards and hunting with leopards. He hod about 90CO leopards collected during his reign, and tried much to pair them, so as

to get cubs, but in vain. allowed some leopards to run about in the gardens without collars, Jetting ahem walk about and hunt after their fashion: but they would not pair. During this year a male leopard broke its collar, and covered a female, which alter a spacg of two months and a half gave birth to three cubs. They went on well, and grew big.” Zgbdlndmah, p. 70.

CORRHCTIONS. | _ Ou p, 309, 1.8, rend Rugaiyah for Ragiyah ; p. 310, i. 10 from below, wnisd for Niche; p. 312, 1. 2, Ma’dli tor Ma’éni ; p. 345, 1. 17, vead. Baygorah, or rather Pay- korah ; p: 858, note 2, dele and the latter to Editors.

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. fails to express his skill and cunning. Thus he will raise up the dust with his forefeet and hind legs, in order to conceal himself; or he will lie down so flat, that you cannot distinguish him from tho surface of the ground.

Formerly a leopard would not kill more than three deer at one and tho same chase ; but now he will hunt as many as twelve.

His Majesty has also invented a method called chatrmandal. The hunters lie in ambush near a place frequented by deer, and commence the chase from this place, as if it was a gamarghah hunt (in which drivers are used). The leopards are then let off in all directions, and many deer are thus caught.

‘The men employed to train and keep the imperial leopards, receive presents on all occasions when the animals exhibit skill, as an encouragement to further exertions. A special present has been fixed for each animal, but I tannot specify this. .

’ , Once, from the kindness shown by His Majesty, a doer mado

, Stiendship with a leopard. They lived together and enjoyed each other’s company. The most remarkable thing was this, that the leopard when let off against other deer, would pounce upon them as any other leopard.

In former times leopards were never allowed to remain loose towards the close of the day ; for people were afraid of their stubbornness and anxiety to run away. But now, in consequence of the practical rulus made by His Majesty, they are let loose in the evenings, and yet remain obedient. Formerly leopards were also kept blind-folded, except at the timo of the chase ; for the leopards used to get brisk and run about as if mad. But now-a-days they are kept without covers for their heads. The Grandeos of the court are allowed to bet on forty khdécah leopards ; whoever wins takes the amount of his bet from the others. Ifa leopard is first in bringing twenty deer, his Dortyah’ gets five rupees from his equals. The Grandee in charge of the khagah leopards, Sayyid Ahmad of Barha,* gets one muhur from each bet, by which he makes a good deal of money. As often as a Grandee lays beforo His Majesty twenty pair of deer horns,* he takes an Ashrafé from each of his equals. So alsodo the Tarafdérs and Qardwals* but ; in fact every en ee

• The man who holds the chain to which the leopard is fastened.

2 He was a Duhazadri; vide Ain 30, No. 91. oe .

® Akbar required the horns of deer.

“Tn this year (981), His Majesty built several edifices and castles on the road from Agrah to Ajmir. The reason was this. Hoe thought it incumbent upon him once a year to make g pilgrimage to the tomb (dargdéh) of Mu’in.j Chishti at Ajmir; he therefore had houses built at every stage on the -road to that town. He ‘also erected at gvery kos a tower

37

(mandrak), and had a well made near it. The towers were studded with several hundred thousand horns of deer which His Majesty had killed during his lite- time. The words mil i skdkh contain the Tértkh (981). I wished Mis Majesty had made gardens and serdés for tra- vellervg instead.” Baddont, II, p. 173, Vide also Elliot’s Index, p. 243, note.

‘a Tarufildérs, the men in charge of a taref, which word Abulfazl above used in the same sense as mis/, or set. Turafdds ee alsoa Zumindaér, A Qardwel isa

river, ;

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one shews his zeal in trying to get as many deer as possible.

The glcins of

the deer are often given to poor people as part of nioney presents.

It is remarkable that

is Majesty can at once tell by seeing a hide to

what hunting ground the deer belonged. His Majesty, in fulfilment of a vow made by him before the birth of

the eldest prince, never hunts on Fridays.”

.

The Siydgosh.? His Majesty is very fond of using this plucky little animal for hunting

purposes. kills black deer.

who gets 100 d. per mensem.

In former times it would attack a hare or a fox; but now it It eats daily 1 s. of meat.

Each has a separate keeper,

Dogs. His Majesty likes this animal very much for his excellent qualities, and imports dogs from all countries. Excellent dogs come from Kabul,

especially from the Hazérah district [north of Rail Pindi]. ornament dogs, and give them names.” animals, and more remarkable still, they will attack a tiger. Khégah dogs get daily 2 s. of meat;

There is one keeper for every two Zz? (hunting) dogs ;

join, and hunt down the enemy. others get 1} s. their wages are 100 d. per mensem.

They even | Dogs will attack every kind of Several also will

1 “Tt was at this time, [1027 A. H. or A. D. 1618] that Shdbzidah Shuji’, son of Shahjahan, fell ill, and as I am so much attached to him, and the doctors could not cure bim of the insensibility in which he had lain for several days, I humbly prayed to God, and askéd Him a favor. During the prayer, it occurred to me that I had already made a contract with my God and had promised Him to give up bunting after reaching the age of filty, not to touch after that an arrow or a gun, and never again to slay an animal with my own h@ds ; and [ thought that if I should carry into effect my former vow from the present time, which would prevent. so many animals from being killed, God might grant my prayer for the prince’s recovery. I then made this contract with God, and promised, in all singleness of intention and true belief, never again to harm an animal with my own hand. Through Gud’s mercy the sufferings of the prince were entirely allayed. When { was in the womb of my mother, it happened one day that I did not quicken as usual. The servants ofthe Harem grew alarmed, and reported the fact to my august father [Akbar]. In those days my father was continually hunting with Jeopards. That day hap-

pened to be Friday. My father then, with 4 view of making God inclined to preserve me, made a vow never again, to the end of his life, to hunt on Fridays. I have followed the practice of my father, and have never hunted with leopards on a Friday.” Tuzuk i Jahdngiri, p. 249.

Jahangi’s self-denial was not great; fur when the prince was sick, Jahangir was fifty years of age!-

2 Or black ear, the Persian trans- lation of the Turkish gura-golag, whence our Felis caracal.

® This would not strike us as some- thing worth mentioning. ,But as dogs are considered unclean animals by Mu- haumadans, they are not bokel. upon as domestic. Now-a-days we hear occa- sionally names, as alld, bachhi; or English names as sent (Fanny), budddg (bull dog), &e.

Ewopean bloodhounds were carly imported by the Portuguese. Jahangir once said to Roe ‘I only desire you to help me toa horse of the greatest size, and a male and female of mastiffes, and the tall Irish greyhounds, and such other dogges as hunt in your lands.’ Regard- ing European dogs in India, vide also Luauk, p. 138, 1, ¥ from below.

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Hunting Deer with Deer.

This timid animal also may be tamed and trained. They put a net over bis horns, and let it off against wild deer, which from fear will figh, with them. During the struggle, the horn, or the foot, or the ears of the wild deer will get entangled in the net; the hunters, who have been lying in ambush, will then run up to it, and catch it. The deer thus caught passes through a course of instruction, and gets tame. If the net should break, or tho deer get tired during the struggle, it will return to the keeper, who either puts a new net on it, or sends out a fresh deer.

Sultan Firdz i Khilji used to indulge in this sport; but His Majesty reduced this manner of hunting to a proper system.

Sometimes it happens that a wild deer will carry on the struggle from morning till evening, defeating as many as four tamed deer; but at last it will succumb to the fifth. Deer are now-a-days rendered so perfectly obedient as to hunt at night; of. their own accord they will return to their keepers, should the net break, or the wild deer run away; on hearing the eall, they will discontinue a fight, come back, and then again engage, if ordered to do so. .

In former times deer were never let loose at night time; for people were afraid, lest they should run away. Hence they attached a heavy bull to one of their feet, when the deer were let loose.

Many stories are related of the sagacity and faithfulness of trained deer.

Only lately a deer created much sensation. It had run away from Ti4hébad, and after bravely crossing rivers and plains, returned to the Panjab, its home, and rejoined its former keeper.

In former times, two persons at most enjoyed together the pleasures of deer hunting. They would even, from fear of the ‘timidity of the deer, alter the style of their dress, and lie concealed among shrubs. Nor would they employ other than wild deor ; they caught them somehow, and taught them to hunt. His Majesty has introduced a new way, according to w@&ch more than two hundred may at the same time go deer hunting. They drive slowly about forty cattle towards a place where deer are ; the hunters are thus concealed, and when arrived enjoy the chase.

There are now-a-days also deer-studs; the deer born in captivity are employed as hunting deer. :

The keepers will also bend forward, and allow the trained deer to jump on them from behind. Wild deer, on seeing this, will think that they are in the act of copulation, and come near to fight. This way of hunting is disapproved of by His Majesty, who uses female deer as a means of making wild deer fight.

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Once a deer caught a leopard, whose foot: had got entangled in the net. Both were brought together from Gujr4i, 1s mentioned above (?),

G hantaherah is the name given to the following mode of hunting. The hunter takes a shield, or a basket, the concave side being turned from him. He then lights a lamp, which being put in the concavity of the shield, will conceal him, and commences to ring bells. Other hunters lie at the same time in wait. The light of the lamp, and the sound of the bells, will attract the animals towards the place, when they are shot by the hunters jn ambush. The sound of musical instruments will so enchant deer, that they are easily caught; or sometimes hunters will charm them with a song, and when the deer approach, will rise up, and cruelly slay them. From a long time His Majesty has disapproved of these two methods.

TPhangi. The hunter manages to get opposite a wild deer; and bareheaded, from a distance, he commences to throw himself into odd attitudes. The deer then mistakes him for a mad man, and from curiosity will approach him. At this moment the hunters come from the ambush and kill it. ;

Baukdrah. The hunters lie in ambush, against the scent, at a good distance from each other. Some others drive the deer towards them, each of the drivers swinging a white sheet above his head. The deer naturally will take fright, and run towards the hunters in ambush, who kill them.

" Daddwan. Two good shots, dressed in green, place themselves as before, and have the deer driven towards themselves. This manner of hunting yields much amusement, as the deer get quite perplexed.

Ajérah. ‘The hunters tie green twigs round their bodies from head to foot, and similarly conceal their bows and arrows. They then move boldly to a place where deer generally pass, and enjoy the chase. Or they make ropes of deer skin, and attach them to trees, or let them hang down from poles all round about the place where wild deer sleep. They then lay down sont nooses at a place situate against the wind. When the hunters shew themselves from the side, the deer are compelled to run towards the spot where the nooses lie, and thus get caught. Sometimes the hunter will take his place behind a tree, and imitate the voice of deer. As soon as deer approach him, he kills them. Or, they tie a female deer to a place in a plain, or they let a trained deer go to the pasture place of wild deer. The latter will soon come near it, and get entangled with their feet.

Thagt. The hunter….’ walks about bareheaded as if mad; his clothes are stained all over with pan juice, and the man himself acts ag if he

a NC

• The text has dar khdnah i ztn, in the hollow of a saddle (?).

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were wounded. Wild animals and others will soon gather round him, waiting for his death; but their greediness and desire lead them to destruction.

7 ; Buffalo Hunts.

Ata place where buffaloes sleep, a rope is laid in the ground; but the end forming a loop is left 8utside. Another long rope is attached to it. To this thoy tie a female buffalo that wants the male. A courageous active man lies in ambush. As soon as a wild male buffalo comes to the spot, and covers the female, the hunter makes use of the opportunity, and fastens the foot of the malo; but it frequently happens that the man loses courage, and has to pay for the attempt with his life.

Another inode of éatching them is to go near the ponds which thoy froquent. They put snares round the ponds; and sitting on tame buffaloes, the hunters go into the water with spears in their hands. Some buffaloes are then killed with spears, others are caught in the snares. A similar method may be adopted, when buffaloes are attacked on their pastures.

On Hunting with Havks.

His Majesty is very fond of those remarkable animals, and often uses them for hunting purposes. Though he trains the bis, shdhin, shungdr, and burkat faleons, and makes them perform wonderful deeds, His Majesty prefers the ddshah, to which class of hawks he gives various names.

As Iam compelled to hurry on, and must restrict myself to summary accounts, it is impossible to say much about this matter, or about the skill of the several birds, especially as I know little about it, boing by nature averse to destroying life. I shall, however, give a few details, and lead enquirers to the retired spot of knowledge.

In the middle of spring the birds are inspected; after this they are allowed to moult, and are sent into’the country. As soon as the time of moulting is over, they are again inspected. The commencement is made with the khdgak falcons (bdz), which are inspected in the order in which they have been bought. The precedence of jurrahs is determined by tic number of game killed by them. Then come the ddshaks, the shdhins, the k helahs, the chappak bdshahs, the bahris, the young bahris, the shékarahs, the chappak shikarahs, the turmatis, the rekis, the besrahs, the dhotis, the charghs, the chargélaks, the lagars, and the yhagars (which His Majesty calls the chappuk kind of the dagar). The DMolchins also are inspected—the molechin is an ‘animal resembling the sparrow, of yellowish plumage, like the shdhin ; it will kill a hulang crane. People say that, whilst flying, it will break the wing of the kulang, and others maintain that it pierces its eyes;

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but this cannot be proved. Odhpapars’ also ave brought from Kashmir. This bird has a bluish (sabs) colour and is smaller than a parrot; its beak is red, straight, and long’; its tail is rather elongated. It brings down small birds, and returns to the hand of the keeper.

Many other birds can be trained for the chase, thaigh I canuot specify all. Thus the crow, the sparrow, the bodnah, and the sdré will learn tu

attack. a

His Majesty, from motives of generosity and from a wish to add splendour to his Court, is fond of hunting with falcons, though superficial obscrvers think that merely hunting is his object.

In this department many Mangabdars, Ahadis, and other soldiers are employed. The footmen are mostly Kashmiris or Hindtstinfs. Their pay is as follows. rst class of the former, first grade, 74 F.; second, 7 2. ; third, 62 R. Second class, first grade, 64 R; second, 6} W.; third, 52 R. Third class, first grade, 54 R.; second, 5 R.; third, 43 R. First class of the latter (Hindistdni), first grade, 5 #; second 42 #.; third, 44 R. Second class, first grade, 4} R.; second, 4 R.; third 33 R. Third class, first grade, 33 &.; second, 3} R.; third, 3 2. 1

Allowance of Food. .

In Kashmir and in the aviaries of Indian amateurs, the birds are generally fed once a day; but at Court they are fed twice. A ddz falcon gets a . quantity of meat weighing 7 déms ; the jurrah, 6 d.; the bahri, lichin, and Whelah, 5 d.; tho béshah, 3d. ; the chappak bashah, shikarah, chappak shikarah, besrah, dhotts, &c., 2d, Towards the close of every day, they are fed on sparrows, of which the bdz, jurrah, and bahré, get each seven; the ldchin, five ; the bdshah, three ;-others, two. Charghs and lagars got at the same time meat. Shungdrs, shéhbdses, burkats, get one ser. On the hunting grounds” they feed them on the game they take.

e Prices of Falcons.

From eagerness to purchase, and from inexperience, people pay high syms for faleons. His Majesty allows dealers every reasonable profit; but from motives of equity, he has limited the prices. The dealers are to get their gain, but buyers ought not to be cheated. In purchasing falcons people should see to which of the following three classes birds belong. First, khdnah kurés birds ; they have moulted whilst in charge of experiencod trainers, and have got new feathers. Second, choz birds; they have not yet moulted. Third, Zurindk birds; they have moulted before they were

• The name of this bird is doubtful. Kashmért birds siyen in the Igbdlnd- Tt is not to be found among the names of | mu, p, 159. give e Iy

a

\

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captured. First class, a superior bdz costs 12 muhurs; second grade do., 9 M.; third do., 6 af Second class, first, 10 AL; second, 7 M.; third, 4 J. A third class béz is somewhat cheaper than second class ones.

11 durrahs, First class, 8 5, 2, 1 4. Second class, 6, 4, 14, 1 22, 5 R. Bashahs. First class, 3, 2, 1 2f., 4 R. Second class, 2, 1 If, 5 &. Shikéns of both kinds, 8, 2, 1 Jf.

Bahris, 2, 13,1 4 Young Bahvis a little less.

KE’ helahs, 13, 1, 4 2.

Charghs, 24 R., 2, 14 B.

Chappak bashahs, 1 R.; 4, 4 R.

Shikarahs, 14 R., 1, 4 BR.

Besrahs, 2 R., 14, 1 R.

Chappak shikavaha, lagars, jhagars, turmatis, rekis, 1 R., 4, }“2. ‘Thoir prices are not classified.

His Majesty rewards the Air Shikérs (superintendents of the isis) according to their ranks, with suitable presents. There are also fixed donations for each game brought in, varying from 1 Jf. to 1d. If the falcons bring the game alive or dead, attention is paid to the skill which it exhibited, and to the size of the prey. The man who keeps the falcon gets one-half .of the allowance. If His Majesty hunts himself, fifty per cent. of the donationis stopped. If birds are received by the Imperial aviary as peshkash (tribute), the Qushbegé (Superintendent of the Aviary) gets for every biz 13 R., and the accountant, } R. For jurrahs, the Qushbegi gets 1 R.; the accountant, + #.; for bashahs, the former receives } R.; the latter, 4 2. ; for every lichin, chargh, chargilah, Whelah, bahréi bachehah, the former gets i &., the latter aa for every chhappak, bushel dhott, &c., the former receives ,!5, the other 45 R. (siki).

The minimum wines of bés and shakin falcons, kept at Court, is forty ; of jurrahs, thirty ; of bdshahs, one hundred ; of bahris, charghs, twenty ; of lagars, and shikarahs, ton.

Waterfowls.

Hunting waterfowls affords much amusement. A rather curious way of catching them is the following. They make an artificial bird of the skin of a waterfowl with the wings, the beak, and the tail on it. Two holes _are made in the skin for looking through. The body is hollow. The

hunter puts his head into it, and stands in the water up to his neck. He then gets carofully near the birds, and pulls them ‘one after the other below the water. But sometimes they are cunning, and fly away.

In Kashmir they teach bds falcons to seize the birds whilst swimming

about, and to return with them to the boat of the hunter. Or the hawk will keep a waterfowl down, and sit on it [till the man in the boat comes].

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Another mothod is to lot water buffaloes go into the water, between which the hunter conceals himeelf, and thus catches the birds.

Durr hunting. There are various methods. Some get a young one and train it till it oveys every call. It will fight with other birds. They put it into a cage, and place hair-nets round about it. At the signal of the fowler, the bird commences to sing, when wild ones come near it either from friendship, or a desire to fight, and get entangled in the snares.

Bodnahs. The hunter makes a clay pot with a narrow neck and, at night time, blows into it, which produces a noise like an owl’s cry. The bodnahs, frightened by the noise, come together. Another man then lights a bundle of straw, and swings it about, so that the eyes of the birds get dazzled. The fowlers thereupon seize the birds, and put them into cages.

Lagars. They resemble charghs: in body they are as large jurrahs. They hang nets (about the body of a trained dagar), and put birds’ feathers into its claws. It is then allowed to fly up. The birds think thatit has got – hold of aprey, and when they get entangled in the nets, they commence to fight, and fall to the ground.

Ghaughdi. They fasten together on a cross-stick an owl and a ghaughdi, and hang hair nets round about them. The owl will soon get restless ; the birds think that the owl wishes to fight, and commence to cry out. Other ghaughits and owls will come to their assistance ; and get entangled in the nets.

Frogs.

Frogs also may be trained to catch sparrows. This Jooks very funny.

His Majesty, from curiosity, likes to see spiders fight, and amuses himself in watching thg attempts of the flies to escape, their jumps, and combats with their foe.

Lam inthe power of love; andif I have thousands of wishes, it is

no crime ;

And if my passionate heart has an (unlawful) desire, it is no crime.

And in truth, His Majesty’s fondness for leopards is an example of the power of love,’ and an instance of his wonderful insight.

It would take me too long to give more details. It is impossible to enumerate all particulars ; hence it is better to go to another subject.

The Historian may thank Abulfazl for having preserved this little trait of Alcbar’s character. In several places of the Ain, Abulfazl tries hard to ascribe to ’ His Majesty higher motives, in order to bring the emperor’s passion for hunting in harmony with his character as the spiritual guide of the nation. But as

‘higher motives’ were insufticient to explain the fancy which Akbar .took in frog and spider fights, Abulfazl has to recognize the fact that peculiar leanings will lead even @ sensible man to oddities and to actions opposed to the general tenor of his character.

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AIN 29.

ON AMUSEMENTS.

His Majesty devises means of amusement, and makes his pleasures a means of testing the character of men. ;

There are several kinds of amusements, of which I shall give a few details.

The game of Chaugdén (hockey).*

Superficial observers look upon this game as a mere amusement, and consider it mere play; but men of more exalted views sce in it a means of learning promptitude and decision. It tests the value of a man, and strengthens bonds of friendship. Strong men learn in playing this game the art of riding; and the animals learn to perform feats of agility and,to obey the reins. Hence His Majesty is very fond of this game. Externally, the game adds to the splendour of the Court; but viewed from a higher point, it reveals concealed talents. ,

When His Majesty goes to the maiddn (open field), in order to play this game, he selects an opponent and some active and clever players, who are only filled with one thought, namely, to shew their skill against ‘the opponent of His Majesty. From motives of kindness, His Majesty never orders any one to be a player ; but chooses the pairs by the cast of the die. There are not more than ten players; but many more keep themselves in readiness. When one g’hart (20 minutes) has passed, two players take rest, and two others supply their place. nana

The game itself is played in two ways. The first way is to gef hold of the ball with the crooked end of the chaugdn stick, and to move it slowly from the middle to the Ad/.? This manner is called in Hindi vo/. The other way consists in taking deliberate aim, and forcibly hitting the ball with the chaugdn stick out of the middle; the player then gallops after it, quicker ” than the‘others, and throws the ball back. This mode is called delah, and may be performed in various ways. The player may either strike the ball with the stick in his right hand, and send it to the right forwards or backwards ; or he may do so with his left hand; ‘or he may send the ball in front of the Horse to the right or to the left. The ball may be thrown in

• There is scarcely a Muhammadan Historian that does not allude to this game. Babar says, it is played all over Thibet. In the Hast of Iudia, the people of Munnipore (Assam) are looked upon as clever hockey-players. Vide Vigni’s Travels in Cashmir, II, p. 289.

Sayyid “Abdullah Khan, son of Mir Khwandah, was Akbar’s chaugdnbegi,

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‘gan; vide Bad. IL, p., 368.

or Superintendent of the game of chau- In the eginning of Akbar’s reign, after 970, @’hariwalt, which’ lies @ farsang from Agrah, was the favorite spot for chaugdn playing. Bad. IT. p. 70.

2 The pillars which mark the end of the playground,

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the same direction from behind the feet of the horse or from below its body ; or the rider may spit it, when the ball is in front of the horse ; or he may lift himself upon the’back leather of the horse and propel the ball from between the feet of the animal.

His Majesty is unrivalled for the skill which he shews in the various ways of hitting the ball; he often manages to strike the ball while in the air, and astonishes all. When a ball is driven to the Adil, they beat the naqqdérah, so that all that are far and near may hear it. In order to increase the excitement, betting is allowed. The players win from each other, and ho who brought the ball to the Ad7 wins most. If a ball bo caught in the air, and passes, or is made to pass, beyond the limit (m7?), the game is looked upon as durd (drawn). At such times, the players will engage in a regular fight about the ball, and perform admirable feats of skill.

His Majesty also plays at chaugdn in dark-nights, which caused much astonishment even among clever players. The balls which are used at night, are set on fire.” For this purpose, pals wood is used which is very light, and burns for a long time. Yor the sake of adding splendour to the games, which is necessary in worldly matters, ‘His Majesty has knobs of gold and silver fixed to the tops of the chaugdn sticks. If one of’them breaks, any player that gets hold of the pieces may keep them.

It is impossible to describe the excellency of this game. Ignorant as I am, I can say but little about it.

*Ishgbdzé (pigeon-flying).

His Majesty calls pigeon flying ’eshgbdzé (love-play). This occupation affords the ordinary’run of people a dull kind of amusement; but His Majesty, in his wisdom, makes it a study. He even uses the occupation as a way of reducing unsettled, worldly-minded men to obedience, and avails himself of it as a means productive of harmony and friendship. The amusement which His Majesty derives from the tumbling and flying of the pigeons reminds of tho ecstacy and transport of enthusiastic dervishes : he praises God for the wonders of creation. Itis therefore from higher motives that he pays so much attention to this amusement.

The pigeons of the present age have reached a high state of perfection. Presents of pigeons are sent by thé kings of [ran and Turan; but merchants also bring very excellent ones in large numbers.

• «Tn the beginning of 974 (July 1566), igeon-flying. He also invented a fire

the emperor returned (from Jaunpur) to li with which he could play at chaz- Agrah, and passed his time in amusements. | gén during dark nights.” Bed. II, p. 48. He went to Nagarchin, anew town which The town of Nagarehin was subse-

he had built near Agrah, and enjoyed quently deserted, the chaugdn game, dog-hunting, and

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When His Majesty was very young, he was fond of this amusement; but afterwards, when he grew older and wiscr, he discontinued pigeon- flying altogether. But since then, on mature consideration, he has again taken it up. ;

A well trained pigeon of bluish colour, formerly belonging to the Khan i A’zam Kokaltésh (’Aziz, Akbar’s foster-brother) fell into: His Majesty’s hands. From the care which was bestowed upon it by His Majesty, it has since become the chief of the imperial pigeons, and is known under the name of Mohanah. From it descended several excellent pigeons as Ashki (the weeper), Parizdd (the fairy), Almés (the diamond), and Shéh’udé (Aloe Royal). Among their progeny again there are the choicest pigeons in the whole world, which have brought the trained pigeons of “Umar Shaikh Mirza (father of Babar), Sultan Husain Mirz4 (ezde p. 101, note 4) into oblivion. Such improvement, in fact, has been made in‘the art of training, as to astonish the amateurs of Ivan and Turan, who had to learn the art from the beginning. — In former times pigeons of all kinds were allowed to couple ; but His Majesty thinks equality in gracefulness and performance a necessary condition ‘in coupling, and has thus bred choice pigeons. The custom is to keep a mile and-a female’ pigeon, if not acquainted with each other, for five or six days together, when they become so familiar, that even after a long separation, they will again recognize each other. The hen genorally lays hor eggs from eight to twelve days after coupling, or more if she be small or sickly. Pigeons couple in ILhrmdh (September—October), and separate in Furwardin (February—March). A hen lays two eggs, but sometimes only one. The cock will sit upon the eggs by daytime, and the hen during the night, and thus they keep them warm and soft. In winter they hatch for twenty-one days; but.if the air be warm, they only take seventeen or eighteen. For about six days, the pigeons feed their young ones with jfuak, which, means grain reduced to pap in the crops of the old ones. Afterwards they feed them from the grain in their crops, which they bring up before it is fully digested. This they continue for about a month, and as soon as they see that the young ones can pick up their own grain, the old ones will go away. Eggs, or even young ones, are sometimes given to other pigeons to take caro of. Home bred young ones are trained. Some are kept in a tor (?) till they get stronger, and got acquainted with the place. As soonas these two things have been attained, the pigeons only get one-third or one-fourth of their daily allowance of food. When they ~ have got a little accustomed to hunger, they are gradually allowed to take flights. They take daily about forty hawds (air), 7. ¢. forty flights. At, this period, the trainers pay no regard to what is called charkh and bézé

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(vide below). Of feathers, they count ten, andif eight of them have fallen out, the keepers no longer allow the pigeons to fly, but keep them at rest (khabanidan). After two months, the pigeons get new feathers, and become very strong. They are then again let off. This is the best time for shewing their skill, As soon as the pigeons learn to perform the dézé and the charkh, they are sent to His Majesty for inspection, and are kept for four months in readiness, to exhibit their skill. Charkh isa lusty movement ending with the pigeon throwing itself over in a full circle. If this circular turn be not completely carried out, the movement is called katif (shoulder), and is held in no esteem. Bdzi is the same as mw’allag zadan (lying on the back with the feet upwards, and quickly turning round, in Hind. ald). Some thought that the two wings (katif) meet, which appears to the observer as if it were a mu’allag; but His Majesty had one wing of a pigeon blackened, when the erroneousness of that opinion became evident. Some pigeons get confused during the dds and charkh, and come stupified – to the ground. This is called guliiah, and is disliked. Sometimes pigeons hurt themselves and fall down; but often they get all right again when they come near the ground; and taking courage and collecting their strength, they fly up again. A pigeon of the khdgah pigeon cots will perform fifteen charkhs and seventy bazis, a feat which will certainly astonish the spectators. In former times, they let eleven or twenty-one pigeons fly at a time; but now-a-days they let off as many as one hundred and one. From the attention which His Majesty has bestowed upon pigeons, they are now so carefully trained as to be let fly at night, even to great heights.

At the time of departure and the breaking up of the camp, the pigeons will follow, the cots ‘being carried by bearers (kuhér). Sometimes they will alight and take rest for a while, and then rise again.

It would be difficult to count the pigeons at Court; but there are more than twenty thousand. Five hundred of them are khigak. They have a great reputation, and remarkable stories are told of their skill.

Pigeon trainers of former times, in order to determine the value of a pigeon, used to twist the foot, or looked to the slit of the eyes, or the openings on the top of the bill; but they failed to discover more signs of the value of a breed. His Majesty has discovered many more ; and fixing the value of a pigeon, in former times a matter of great difficulty, has now become very easy. Jirst. His Majesty subdivided the three signs of former trainers a8 follows: the two eyes, and their upper and lower signs; the eight claws ; the two sides of the beak, above and below. The mutual comparison of these signs has led to many additional means of fixing the value of a pigeon- Secondly. Wis Majesty looks to the variety and the colour of the annular

protuberances on the feet of pigeons. A book has been made, in which

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the systematic order of these signs has been laid down. According to thom, His Majesty distinguishes ten classes, for each of which separate aviaries have been constructed. The price of pigeons in the fira§ house has not been limited. Many a poor man anxious to make hi ay, has found in the training of superior pigeons a means of getting ridif.. “A pair of second class pigeons has a value of 3 R.; third class, 2} Rs fourth class, 2 RB. ; fifth class, 14 R.; sixth class, 1 R.; seventh class, } R.; eighth class, 4 R.; ninth and tenth classes, # 2.

When inspections are held, the stock of Mohanah first pass in review ; then the young ones of Ashi. Though the latter belong to the former, they are now separately counted. Then come the four zirihé pigeons; they are the stock of a pigeon which belonged to Héji “Ali, of Samarqand, which coupled with an ’Udi hen, of which I do not know the owner; their stock has become famous. The precedence of all other pigeons is determined by their age or the time they were bought.

The’ Colours of Khigah Pigeons.

BMagasi (fly-bitten); zircht (steelblue); amiré (?); xamiré (a colour between zirzhi and amiré ; His Majesty invented this name) ; chiné (porce- ‘Jain blue) ; naftt (grey like naphta) ; shafagi (violet) ; ’udz (aloewood coloured); surmaé (dark grey, like powder of antimony); Aishmisht (dark brown, like currants) ; halodé (light-hrown like Zalwé sweetmeat) ; gandalé (light-brown, like sandelwood); jigaré (brown) ; nabdté (greyish white); dught (bluish- white, like sour milk) ; wushké (of the same colour as the gum called wushk ;) jiliné (chiliné ?) ; kirat (brown, like a new earthen pot? ); nétfaré (bluish- white); azrag (a colour between yellow and brown; His Majesty applies this name in this sense); dtasht (black brown) ; shaftdli (peach coloured) ; gulé gaz coloured (?);*yellow ;-kéghizé (yellowish, like native paper); zégh (grey like a crow) ; agré (a colour between white and brown); muharragé (a dirty black) ; khizré (a@ colour between greenish and ’udi); dbé (water coloured) ; surmag (a name invented by His Majesty to express, a colour between surmat and magas?),

Pigeons of these colours have often different names, as gulsar (whose head resembles a flower); dumghézah (stumptail) ; yakrang (of one colour) ; halqimsafid (white throat); parsafid (white wing); allah (big head); ghazghazh (wild chick); mégh (name of an aquatic bird); Sébari (?); dlpar (ved wing ?); haltah par (short wing); méhdum (moontail); teugdar Ging- bearer) ; marwéridsar (pearl head); mash’ alahdum (torchtail) ; &c.

Some trainers of the present age gave pigeons such names as indicate their colours. His Majesty rather calls them according to their qualities, as bughur (?), garapilk (with black eyelids) ; abydré ; palangnigiré ; rekhtah pilk.

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There are also many pigeons which do not perform charkhe and dézis, but are distinguished by their colours, or by peculiar tricks. Thus the Kokah pigeon, the voice of which sounds like the call to prayer. 2. The Baghah, which utters a peculiar voice in the morning, to wake up people. 3. The Lugqdn, which struts about proudly, wagging its head, neck, and tail. 4. The Zotan. They turn it about, and let it off on the ground, when it will go through all the motions which a half killed fowl goes through. Some pigeons will doso when the keeper strikes his hand against the ground, and others will shew the same restlessness, when on leaving the cage their beak is made to touch the ground. 5. The X’hernit. The cock shews a remarkable attachment to the hen. Though he fly up so high as to be no longer visible, if the hen be exposed in a cage, he will get restless and drop himself instantly down to join her. Thisis very remarkable. Some of them come down with both wings spread, others close one; some close both; or they change alternately the wing which they close in flying.’ 6. The Raj’h pigeon is chiefly used for carrying letters, though any other kiid may be trained to bring letters even from great distances. 7. The Nishéwaré pigeon will fly up, and follow its cage to whatever place it.be taken. It will fly out of sight, and stay away for a day or two, when it comes down, and remains in its cage. 8. The Parpd (having feet covered with feathers) will inhale air (?) and act as if it sighed.”’ ,-

Some pigeons are merely kept for the beauty of their plumage, the colours of which receive peculiar names. Thus some are called. shiv de, shistart, kishant, jogiyah, rezahdahan, magast, and quurd, Wild pigeons, are called yolah. If some of them are caught, they will be joirted’by a thousand others; they soon get domesticated. ‘They return daily to the fields, and get on their return salt water to drink. This makes them vomit the grain which they had eaten on the fields. The grain is- collected and given as fool to other pigeons. :

People say that pigeons will but rarely live above thirty years.

Four sers of grain will be sufficient for one hundred of such pigeons as are made to fly ; but for other pigeons, five sers are required ; or seven and @ half, if they pair. But flying pigeons get millet, not mixed with other grain; the others get a mixture of the seven kinds of grain, v7z., rice, dil + nukhid (gram), ming dal, millet, karar, lahdarah, jwodr, (vide p. 63). Though most servants of His Majesty keep pigeons and shew much skill in training them, there aes afew that have risen to eminence, as Qul’Ali of. Bukhara, Masti of Samargand, Mullézadah, Pur i Mulla Ahmad Chand, Mugbil Khén Chelah, Khwéjah Qandal Chelah, Mimin of Hardt, ’Abdullatif of Bukharé, Hai Qasim of Balkh, Habib of Shahrsabz, Sikandar Chelah, Malta, Maqgid of Samarqand, Khwajah P’hil, Chelah Hirdnand.

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The servants attached to the pigeon houses draw their pay on the List of the army. The pay of a foot soldier varies from 2 &. to 48 R. per mensem.

ra The game of Chaupar.

From times of old, the people of Hindustan have been fond of this game. It-is played with sixteen pieces of the same shape; but every four of them must have the same colour. The pieces all move in the same direction. The ‘players use three dice. Four of the six sides of each dice are greater than the remaining two, the four long sides being marked with one, two, five, and six dots respectively. The players draw two sets of two parallel lines, of which one set bisects the other at right angles. These parallel lines are of equal length. The small square which is formed by the intersection of the two sets in the centre of the figure is loft as itis; but the four rectangles adjoining the sides of the square are each divided into twenty-four equal spaces in three rows, each of eight equal spaces, as shewn in figure (XVID)… The, game is generally played by four players, of whom two play against the’ othor two. Each player has four pieces, of which he puts two in .the sixth and seventh spaces of the middle row of the parallellogram bofore him, and the other two in the seventh and eighth spaces of the right row. The left raw remains empty. Each player moves his pieces, accord- ing to, his throw, in the,outer row, always keeping to the right, till he arrives. at the outer left row of the parallelogram from which he started ; and from there he moves to the middle row. ‘When arrived at the latter place, he is pukhtiah (tripe), and from here, he must throw for each of his pieces the exact numbers which will carry them to the empty square in the centre of the fig tira, He is noy rasidah, oy arrived.

When’ a player 4s pukhtah or rasidah, he may commence to play from tho beginning, which Jeads to amusing combinations. As long as a player keeps two of his pieces togethior, the adversary cannot throw them out. Ifa player throws a double six, he can move two pieces over twelve spaces, provided the’two pieces stand together on one field; but he is allowed to move them only six fields onwards, should he prefer doing so. A similar rule holds for double fives, &c. A throw consisting of a six, a five, and a one, is called him (raw); and in this case, two pieces, provided they are together on the same field, may each be moved six fields forwards, and every single piece twelve fields. Ifa player throws three sixes, and three of his four pieces happen to stand on one field, he may move each of them over twelve fields. A similar rule holds, if a player throw three twos, or three ones. There are many other rules for particular cases. If a playor has brought his four pieces into the central square, he throws, when his turn comes, for his companion, to get him out too, Formerly the custom

30:4

was that when a piece had come to the last row, and….’. His Majesty thinks it proper to do so from the very eighth field. If the throws of two players are the’same as the throw of the preceding players, His Majesty counts them as gd/m, or standing. Formerly he did not allow such equal throws. If the four pieces of an opponent are pukhtah, and he yet lose his bet, the other players are entitled to double the amount of the bet. Should any of the players leave the game for some reason, he may appoint any- one to play for him; but he will have to be responsible for the betting of his substitute. Of all winnings, the substitute is entitled to two per cent; if a player loses a bet, his substitute has to pay one per cent. If a player drops one of his pieces, or any of the players be late or inattentive, he is fined one rupee. But a fine of a muhur is exagjed if any one prompts the other, or moves his pieces over too many fields, or fries to get two throws.

Formerly many grandees took part in this game; there were often us many’as two hundred players, and no one was allowed to go home before he had finished sixteen games, which in some cases lasted three months. If any of them lost his patience and got restless, he had to drink a cup of wine.

Superficially considered, all this is mere play ; ‘but His Majesty has higher aims: he weighs the talents of a man, and teaches kindness.

Lhe game of Chandal Mandal.

This game was invented by His Majesty. The figure, or board, which is required, consists of sixteen parallelograms, arranged in a circular form round a centre. Each parallelogram is divided into twenty-four fields, every eight of which form a row; vide Figure XVIII. The number of pieces is sixty-four, and four dice are used, of which the four longer sides are marked with one, two, ten, and twelve points respectively. The number of players is sixteen. Each gets fourpieces, which are placed in the middle. As in Chaupar, the pieces are moved to the right, and pass through the whole circle. The player who is out first, is entitled to receive the stipulated amount from the other fifteen players ; the second that is out, from fourteen players, and so on. The first player; therefore, wins most, and the last loses most; the other players both lose and win. His Majesty plays this game in several ways; one way in which the pieces are moved as if the fields were squares of a chess board, is very often played. I shall give a fow particulars and directions how to play the different kinds of this game.

First kind, no piece can throw out another piece, but moves on by itself. Second way, single pieces may be thrown out. Each player whose piece has

• The MSS. have az khdnahihashtum | dmddah gardad, which words ave not payan shawad, hangdm i khdm shudan | clear to me.

ay * Te Meee WAL ; '

Aini- Akbari, Blochmann’s Edit

;% y a es ee es eee 4

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thus been thrown out, commences again from his starting point. Third way, at each throw two pieces are moved at a time, either with or without the permission of throwing out pieces. Fourth way, the preceding rule ig applied to three or four pieces at atime. Fifth way, the dice are thrown four times, and four pieces are moved at each throw. These different ways may, moreover, be varied by some players playing to the right, others to the left, or all in the same direction. Sixth way, a player is out when he comes to the place from which the player opposite to him commenced to play, moving from the middle row of his opponent into the empty space in the centre of the board. Or the game ends when each player arrives at the place from which his left hand neighbour commenced to play. Seventh way, each player puts his pieces before himself, and has three throws. At the first throw, he moves two of his pieces; at the second, one of his own pieces and one belonging to his right hand neighbour; at the third throw, he moves any piece of his own, and allows his left hand neighbour to move one of his pieces. In this way of playing, no player throws out the pieces of his neighbours ; and when the game is in full swing, he allows each piece . , which happens to come into the row in which he is, to move according to his ‘own throw, as a, sort of compliment to a guest. Zighth way, two pieces when together may throw out another set of two pieces; but single pieces do not throw out each other. Ninth way, four pieces together may throw out three together; three together, sets of two; and two together, single ones; but single pieces do not throw out each other. Zenth way, each player moves his pieces according to the number of points which he throws; but at the same time, the player who sits opposite to him moves his pieces according tov the number of points on the reverse sides of the dice, whilst the two players to the right and left of tho player who threw the dice, move their pieces according to the number of points on the right and left sides of the dice. Eleventh way, the players use five dice and four pieces. Each player, in his turn, throws the five dice, and moves his pieces according to the sum of the two highest points of his throw. The next highest point is taken by his vis-d-vis, and the two lowest points by his right and left hand neighbours. Twelfth way, the players have each five dice and five pieces. At every throw, he givesthe points of one die to his right hand neighbour, and uses the others for himself. Sometimes the thrower-mentions beforehand the names of four players to whom he wishes to give the points of four dice, he himself taking the points of the fifth die. And when a player requires only a few points, to get pukitah, he must give the remaining points to those near Whom the dice fall. The game may also be played by fifteen or less players, the figure being lessened accordingly. So also may the number of the dice be increased or decreased.

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Cards.

This is a well known game. His Majesty has made some alterations it the cards. Ancient sages took the number twelve as the basis, and made the suit to consist of twelve cards; but they forgot that tlie twelve kings should be of twelve different kinds. His Majesty plays with the following suits of ecards. lst, Ashwapati, the lord of horses: + The highest card represents a king on horseback, resembling the king of Dihli, with the umbrella (chatr), the standard (’alam), and other imperial ensigns. The second highest card of the same suit represents a vazir on horseback ; ; and after this card come ten others of the same suit with pictures of horses, from onetoten. 2nd, Gajpati, the king whose power lies in the number of his elephants, as the ruler of Orisah. The other eleven cards represent, as before, the vazir, and elephants from ten to one. 38rd, Narpati, a king whose power lies in his infantry, as is the case with the rulers of Bij4pir. The card represents a king sitting on his throne in imperial splendour; the vazir sits on a foot stoql (sandal), and the ten cards completing this suit have foot soldiers, from one to ten. 4th, Gadhpatt. The card shewsa man sitting on a throne -over a fort; the vazir sits on a gandalé over a fort; and the remaining ten cards have forts from one to ten, as before. 5¢h, Dhanpati, the lord of treasures, The first card of this suit shows a man, sitting on a throne, and gold and silver heaps; the vazir sits upon a gandali, as if he took account of the Treasury, and the remaining cards shew ja ts full of gold and silver, from one fo ten. -¢h, Dalpati, the hero of battle. The first card of this suit shews a king in armour, sitting on his throne and surrounded by warriors in coats of mail. The vazir sits on a candalé, and wears a jaibah (breast armour); the ten other cards shew individuals clad in armour. 7th, Nawdpatt, the lord of the fleet. The card shews a man sitting on a throne ina ship; the vazir sits, as usual, on a gandali, and the other ten cards have boats from one toten. 8th, Tépati, a queen sitting on the throne, surrounded by her maids. The second card shews a woman as vazir on a gandalt, and the other ten, cards have pictures of women, from one to ten. 9th, Surapati, the king of the divinities (deotah), also called Jndar, on athrone. The vazir sits on @ ¢andali, and the ten other cards have pictures of divinities from one to ten. 10th, Asrpatz, the lord of genii (deo). The card represents Sulaimén, son of Déud, on the throne. The vazir sits on a gandalz, and the other ten cards have genii. ‘11th, Banpatz, the king of wild beasts. The card represents a tiger (sher) with some other animals, The vazir is drawn in the shape of a leopard (palang) and the other ten cards are pictures of wild beasts, as usual from one to ten- 12th, Ahipati, the king of snakes. The first card shews a serpent motnted

on a dragon, whilst the vazfr is a serpent riding on another serpent of the same kind. The remaining ten cards shew serpents, from one to ton.

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The first six of these twelve suits are called déshbar (powerful), and the

six last, kKambar (weak). , \His Majesty: -hps also made some suitable alterations in the cards. ” Thus the Dhanpati, ‘ot lid of treasures, is represented as a man distributing money. The yazir sits on a,’ gandqiz, and inspects the Treasury; but the ten other cards of this suit are Tepresentations of the ten classes of work- men employed:in.thé Treasury, viz., the jeweller, the melter, the piece-cutter (mufallas-sdz), the weighman, the coiner, the muhur counter, the dimskché (writer) of dhan pieces*(wde p. 30; No. 17), the bitikcht of man pieces (vide p. 30, No, 20), the dealer, the gurggar (vide p. 28, No. 15). His Majesty had also the king of assignments painted on the cards, who inspects farmans, grants, and the leaves of the daftor (vide p. 260); the vazir sits on.a gandalé with thé daftar before him ; the other cards show officers employed in the Financial Department, as ,the paper maker, the mistar maker (vide p. 52 , Note 5y, the clerk who makes the entries in the Daftar, the illuminator (ieee): the naggdésh (who ornaments the pages), the jadwalkash (who draws blue and gold lines on the pages), the farmdn writer, the mujallid (bookbinder), the rangrez’ (who stains the paper with different colours). The Padishih 4 gimdsh also, or king of manufactures, is painted in great state, looking at different things, as Thibetan “yaks, silk, silken stuffs, The vazir sits near him on a gandali, enquiring into former proceedings, The other ten cards represent beasts of burden. Again, the Pidishthi Chang, or lord of the lyre, is painted sitting on a throne, and listening to music; the vazit sits before him, enquiring into the circumstances of the performers, of whom pictures are given on the remaining cards. Next, the Pidishdh ¢ zari safid, or king of silver, who is painted distributing rupees and other silver coins; the vazir sits on a gandalz, and makes enquiries regarding donations. On the other cards, the workmen of the silver mint are depicted, as before those of the gold mint. Then comes the Pidishah ishamsher, or king of the sword, who is painted trying the steel of asword, The vazir sits upon a candalz, and inspects the arsenal; the other cards contain pictures of armourers, polishers, &c. After him comes the Pidishth ¢ Tdj or king of the diadom. He confers royal insignia, and the gandali upon which the vazir sits, is the last of the insignia. The ton other cards contain pictutes of workmen, as tailors, quilters, &c. Lastly, the Padishah ¢ Ghuldmén, or king of the slaves, sits on an elephant, and the vazir on a cart. The other cards are representations of servants, some

• This is the Hindustani corruption of | instead of the crown of occidental kings. the Persian rangraz. Hence the word dzadem does not express 2 Ta i is often translated by @ crown ; the meaning of ¢dj either. but ¢dj is a cap worn by oriental kings \

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of whom sit, some lie on the ground in worship, some are drunk,. othe sober, &e. ‘ ;

Besides these ordinary games of cards, His Majesty also plays chess, four-handed and two-handed. His cltief object is to test the value of men, and to establish harmony and good fellow-feeling at Court.

ATN 30. THE GRANDEES OF THE EMPIRE.’ 2 At first I intended, in speaking of the Grandees of tlie Court, to record the deeds which raised them to their exalted.positions, to describe theix quali- ties, and to say something of their experience. Bunt I am unwilling to bestow mere praise; in fact, it does not become the engomiast of His Majesty to praise others, and I should act against my sense of truthfulness, were I but to mention that which is praiseworthy, and to pass in silence over that which cannot be approved of. I shall therefore merely record, in form of a table, their names and the titles which have been conferred upon them. LI. Commanders, of Ten Thousand.

1. Shah’za’dah Sulta’n Salim, eldest son of His Majesty.

EI. Commanders of Eight Thousand.

2. Sha’hz’adah Sulta’n Mura’d, second son of His Majesty. LIT. Commanders of Seven Thousand.

3. Sha’hza’dah Sulte’n Da’nya’l, third son of His Majesty.

Akbar had jive sons— ;

Husain

Sultan Salim [Jahangir], Sultin Murad.

5. Sultén Danyél.

m oo po

1. Hasan twins, born 8rd Rabi’ I, 972. They only lived one month.

Of daughters, I find three mentioned—(a.) Shahzidah Khanum, born three months after Salim, in 977. (.) Shukrunnis& Begum, who in 1001 was married to neater nn seal

*, From the fact that Abulfazl mentions in his list of Grandees Prince Khusrau, (vide No. 4) who was born in 995, but not Prince Parwiz, who was born in 997, we might conclude that the table was com- piled prior to 997. But from my note to p. 246, it would appear that the beginning of the list refers to a time prior to 993, and Abulfazi may have afterward added Khusrau’s name, though it is difficult to say why he did not add the names of Parwiz and Shabjahdn, both of whom were born before the Ain was completed.

Again, Mirzi Shébrukh (No. 7) and Mirza Muzaffar Husain (No. 8) are men- tioned as aCommanders of Five Thousand, though they were appofuted in 1001 and

1003 respectively, i. ¢., a short .ime before the Ain was completed.

The biographical notices which T have: given after the names of the more ilus- trious grandees are chiefly taken from a MS. copy of the Madsir ul Umard (No.77 of the MSS. of the As. Soc. Bengal), the Tuzuk i Jahdngiri, the Tabagate Akbart, Baddont, and the Akbarndmuh. For the

• convenience of the student of Indian

History, I have added a genealogical table of the Houseof Timiir, and would refer the reader to a more detailed article on the Chronology of Timur and his De- scendants, published by me in the Pro- ceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for August, 1869.

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• Mirz& Shahrukh (No. 7, below, p. 312) ; and (c.) Arém Bani Begum ; both born after Sultan Danyadl. Regarding the death of the last Begum, vide Tuzuk, p. 386.

Of Akbar’s wives the following are mentioned :—l. Sultin Ragiyah Begum (a daughter of Mirzi Hindal), who died 84 years old, 7th Jumada I, 1035, (Tuzuk, p- 401), She was Akbar’s first wife (zan i kaldn), but had no child by him. She tended Shabjahan. Nur Jahin (Jahdngix’s wife) also stayed with her after the murder of Sher Afkan. 2. Sultan Salimah Begum. She was a daughter of Gulrukh (?) Begum’? (a daughter of Babar) and Mirza Niruddin Muhammad. Humiayiin had destined |

• her for Bairim Khin, who married her in the beginning of Akbar’s reign. Afler the death of Bairém, Akbar, in 968, married her. She died 10th Zi Qa’dah, 1021. Asa poetess, she is known under the name Makhfi (concealed), and must not be confounded with Zebunnisé? (a daughter of Aurangzeb’s), who has the same poetical name. 3. The daughter of Rajah Bihari Mat and sister of Rajah Bhagawan Das. Akbar married hey in 968, at Sanbbar. 4, The beautiful wife of ’Abdulwési’, married in 970, (vide Bad. II, 61). 6 Jodh Bii,,or Princess of Jodhpur, the mother of Jahangir. Her name is not mentioned by any Muhammadan historian. As Akbar’s mother had the title of Maryam Mukéni, 80 was Jodh Bi called Maryam uzzamdni. She died in the month of Rajab 1032, A. II. (Zuzuk, p. 361). ‘The Zuzuk expresses a hope ‘ that God will receive her in His mercy ; for Jahangir’s mother, though a Hindu, could not -

, well ‘be sent to hell.’ 6. Bibi Daulat Shad, mother of (6.) and (c.) ; ede Tuzuk, p. 16. 7. A daughter of ’Abdullah Khan Mughul (964). 8. A daughter of Miran Mu- barjk Shah of Khandes ; vide p. 13, note. .

Sultin Salim. Title as Emperor, J: ahangfr. Title after death, Tannatmakdni. Born at Fathpir Sikri, on Wednesday, 17th Rabf’ I, 977, or 18th Shahriwar of the 14th year of Akbar’s Era, He was called Sal/m, because he was born in the house of

Shaikh Salim i Chishti. Akbar used to call him Shathhui Bdbd (vide Tuzuk, p.1). For his wives and children, vide below, No. 4. Jahangir died on the 28th Cafar 1037 (28th October, 1627) near Rajor on the Kashmir frontier. Vide my article on Jahangir in the Caleutta Review for October, 1869.

Sultan Mufid, Akbar’s fourth son, was born on Thursday, 3rd Muharrain, 978, and died of delirium tremens in 1006, at Jalnipdy in Barér (Tazuk, p. 15; Akbur- nimah IT, p. 443; Khifi Khan, p. 212). He was nicknamed Pahdrt (Bad. II, 378). He was sabzrang (of a livid complexion), thin, and‘tall (Tuzuk). A daughter of bis was married to Prince Parwiz, Jahangir’s son (Z’uzuk), p: 38.) )

Sultan Dinydl was born at Ajmir, on the 10th Jumada L., 979, and died of de7irinm tremens, A. 1.1013. Khafi Khan, I. p. 232, says, the news of his death reached Akbar in the beginning of 1014. He was called Danyalin remembrance of Shaikh Dany), o follower of Mu’in i Chishti, to whose tomb at Ajmir Akbar, in the beginning of his reign, often made pilgrimages. Dény4l married, in the beginning of 1002, the daughter of Qulij Khin (No. 42), and towards the end of 1006, Jinan Begum, a daughter of Mirz4 ’Abdurrahim Khan Khanin (Khaff Khan, p. 213), and was betrothed toa daughter of Ibrahim ’Adilshth of Bijipiir; but he died before the

• Regarding her, vide Journal, A. S. | graphed at Lucknow, A. H. 1284. She of Bengal for 1869, p. 136, note. was the eldest dgichter of Aurangzeb
• Her charming Diwan was litho- | and was born in 1048, A. H.

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marviage was consummated. He had three sons :—1. Tahmiras, who was married to ° Sultin Bahar Begum, a daughter of Jahangir. 2. Baiyasanghar* (tml). 3. Hoshang, who was married to Hoshmand Bini Begum, a daughter of Khusrau, Besides, he had four daughters whose names are not mentioned. One of them, Bulagi Begum, was married to Mirzi Wali (Zuz., p. 272). Tahmtiras and Hoshang were killed by Acaf Khén after the death of Jahangir (vide Proceedings, As. Society of Bengal, for August 1869). Nothing appears torbe known regarding the fate of Biyasanghar. Vide Calcutta Review for October, 1869.

DanyAl is represented as well built, good looking, fond of, horses and elephants, and clever in composing Hindustani poems.

IV. Commanders of Five Thousand.

4, Sulta’n Khbusrau, eldest son of Prince Salim [Jahangir].

Jahdngir’s wives (Tuzuk, p. 84, and Preface, p.6). A daughter of Rajah Bhagawin Das, married in 993, gave birth, in 994, to Sultanunnis&é Begum [(Khdf/t Khén, Sultén Begum], and in 995 to Prince Khusrau. She poisoned herself with opium in a fit of madness apparently brought on by the behaviour of Khusrau and her younger brother Madhu Singh, in 1011 (Khati Khan, p. 227). 2. A daughter of Rai Rai - Singh, son of Ri Kalyan Mal of Bikénir, married 19th Rajab 994. Bad. II, p, 353. She is not mentioned in the Tuzuk among Jahangir’s wives. 3. A daughter of Odai Singh, [Mot’h Rajah], son of Rajah Maldeo, married in 994. The Tuzuls (p.5) calls her Jagat Gosdyini. She is the mother of Shahjahan, and died in 1028, (Tuzuk, p. 268). 4. A daughter of Khwdjah Hasan, the uncle of Zain Khan Kokah. She is the mother of Prince Parwiz. She died 15th Tir, 1007. 5. A daughter of Rajah Keshii Das of Rat’bor. She is the mother of Bahar Bani Begum (born 23rd Shahriwar 998). 6. and 7. The mothers of Jahinddr and Shabryér. 8. A daughter of ’Alf Rai, ruler of little Thibet (Bad. II, 376), married in 999. 9. <A daughter of Jagat Singh, eldest son of Rajah Man Singh (Tuzuk, p. 68). 10. Mihrunnisé Khanum, the widow of Sher Afkan. On her marriage with Jahingir she received the title of Nur Mahall, and was later called Nir Jahén. (Zuz. p. 156). Jahangir does not appear to have‘had children by Mtr Jahan.

Jahdngir’s children. 1. Sult4n Khusrau. 2. Sultin Parwiz. 3. Sultdn Khurram (Sh4hjahén). 4.- Sult@n Jahindaér. 5. Sultin Skahrydr. Two daughters are mentioned :—(a.) Sultéin Nisér Begum ; (b.) Sultan Bahér Bini Begum. There were ‘several children’ after Parwiz; but the Tuzuk (p. 8) does not give their names. They appear to have died soon after their birth.

« Sultdn Khusraw was born on the 24th Amurdid 995, (Tuzuk, Preface) ; but Bhafi Khén says 997. He was marricd to a daughter of A’zam Khan Kokah. His sons—l. Bualand Akhtar, who died when young, Tuzuk, p. 73. 2. Dawar Bakhsh, (also called Buldg?)* whose daughter, Hoshmand Bani Begum, was married, to Hoshang, son of Dinyal. 3. Garshasp. 4

Khusrau died on the 18th Isfandiyérmuz, 1031. He lies buried in the Khusrau Gardens in Allahabad. Dawar Bakhsh was proclaimed Emperor by Agaf Ihan after

• The MSS. spell this name (544 and (3Y9),

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the death of Jahangir; but at the ordey of Shéhjahin, he% was killed, together with

his brother Garshasp, by Agaf Khan.

Sultdn Parwiz, born 19th Abin, 997. He was married toa daughter of Mirzt Roatan i Cafawi (No. 9) and had a son who died when young (Tuz. p. 282). A daughter of Parwiz was married to Dara Shikoh. Parwiz died of delirium tremens in 1036.

Sultdn “Khurram [Shahjahin] was born at Lihor on the 30th Rabi’ I, 1000 A. H. Regarding his family, vide Proceedings A. 8, of Bengal, for August 1869, p. 219.

He was Akbar’s favorite. Sultdn Jahdnddy had no children.

He and Sultén Shahrydr were born about

the same time, afew months before Akbar’s death (Zuz. Preface, p.17). Shahryar was married, in, the 16th year of Jahangir, to Mihrunnisa, the daughter of Nur Jahan by Sher Afkan, ‘and had a daughter by her, Arzini Begum (Tuzuk, p. 370). The Igbdl- ndmah (p. 306) calls her poe os! 3,4. From his want of abilities, he got the nicknatae

Ndshudané (fit for nothing). Khusrau, Parwiz, and JabAndar died before their father.

Shahryar, at the instigation of Nur Jahan, proclaimed himself Emperor at Lahor

a few days after the death of Jahangir.

He was killed either at the order of Dawar

Bakhsh or of Acaf Khan ; vide Proceedings A. S. Bengal for August 1869, p. 218. 5. Mirza’ Sulaima’n, son of Khan Mirza, son of Sult4n Mahmid, son of

Abt Sa’id.

‘. 6, Mirae’ Tbra/him, son of Mirz4 Sulaimén (No. 5.)

Mirzd’ Sulaimdn was born in 920, and died at Lahor in 997. He is generally called Wali t Badakhshdn. As grandson of Abi Sa’id Mirza, he is the sixth descen- dant from Timér. Abt Sa’fd killed Sultan Muhammad of Badakhshan, the last of a series of kings who traced their descent to Alexander the Great, and took possession of Badakhshan, which after his death fell to his son, Sultin Mahmud, who had three sons, Biyasanghar Mirzé, ’Ali Mirz4,? Khan Mirzi. When Mahmid died, Amir Khusrau Khan, one of his nobles, blinded Bayasanghar, killed the second prince, and as usurper. He submitted to Babar in 910. When Babar took Qandahar, in

, from Shah Beg Arghtin, he sent Khan Mirzi as governor to Badakhshan. er Sulaiman is the son of this Khan Mirz4.3

After the death of Khan Mirza, Badakhshin was governed for Babar by Prince Humayun, Sultan Uwais (Mirzé Sulaiméfn’s father-in-law), Prince Hindal, and lastly, by Mirza Sulaiman, who held Badakhshan till 17 Juméda ITI, 948, when he had to sur- render himself and his son, Mirzi Ibrahim, to Prince Kamran. They were released by Humaytin in 952, and took again possession of Badakhshén. When Humaytin had taken Kabul, he made war upon and defeated Mirzé Sulaiman who once in possession of his country, had refused to submit; but when the return of Kamran from Sind obliged Humiytin to go to Kabul, he reinstated the Mirz4, who held Badalkhshan till 983. Bent on making conquests, he invaded in 967 Balkh, but had to return, His

son,” Mirza Ibrahim, was killed in battle.®

Renee A pee,

1 The Madsir ul Umard calls the second son, Mirz4 Mas’id.

• The Madsir says, Khan Mirzé died in 917; but this is impossible, as Mirza Sulaiman was born in 920, the Zurzhkh of

his birth being the word gs

• Hence he never was a grandee of Akbar’s Court, and has been gh on the list according to the rules of eti- quette.

~~

=

312

In the eighth year when Mirz&é Muhammad Hakim’s (Akbar’s brother) mothet had been killed by Shih Abul Ma’inf, Mirza’ S. went to KAbul, and had Abul Ma’ili hanged ; he then married his own daughter to M. M. Hakim, and appointed Umed *Alli, a Badakhshin noble, M. M. Hakim’s Vakil (970). But M. M. Hakfm did not goon well with Mirzi Sulaiman, who returned next year to Kabul with hostile inten- tions ; but M. M. Hakim fled and asked Akbar for assistance, so that Mirzé S., though he had taken Jaldlibid, had to return to Badakhshin. He returned to Kabul in 973, when Akbar’s troops had left that country, but retreated on being promised tribute.

Mirz4 Sulaimitn’s wife was Khurram Begum, of the Qibchdk tribe. She was clever and had her husband so much in her power, that he did nothing without her advice. Her enemy was Muhtarim Khanum, the widow of Prince Kamran. M. Sulaiman wanted to marry her; but Khurram Begum got her married, against her will, to Mirza, Ibrahim, by whom she had w son, Mirz& Shahrukh (No. 7). When Mirza Ibrahim fell in the war with Balkh, Khurram Begum wanted to send the Khanum to her father, Shah Muhammad of Kashgar ; but she refused to go. As soon as Shihrulzh had grown up, his mother and some Badakhshi nobles excited him to rebel against his grandfather M.Sulaimin. This he did, alternately rebelling and again making peace. Khurram Begum then died. Shahrukh took away those parts of Badakhshén which his father had held, and found so many adherents, that M. Sulaimén, pretending to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, left Badakhshéa for Kabul, and crossing the Nilib went to India (983). Khan Jahan, governor of the Panjab, received orders to invade Badakh- shan, but was suddenly ordered to go to Bengal, as Mun’im Khan had died and Mirz& Sulaim4n did not care for the governorship of Bengal, which Akbar had given him.

M., Sulaiman then went to Ismé‘il II. of Persia. When the death of that monarch deprived him of the assistance which he had just received, he went to Muzaffar ILusain Mirz& (No. 8) at Qandahar, and then to M. M. Hakim at Kabul. Not succeeding in raising disturbances in Kabul, he made for the frontier of Badakhshdn, and luckily finding some adherents, he managed to get from his grandson the territory between

; Téigdén and the Hindi Kush. Soon after Muhtarim Khénum died. Being again pressed by Shahrukh, M. Sulaiman applied for help to ‘Abdullah Khin Uzbak, king of Téran, who had long wished to annex Badakhshan. He invaded and took the country in 992; Sh&hrukh fled to Hindustan, and M. Sulaiman to Kabul. As he could not recover Badakhshin, and rendered destitute by the death of M+ M. Hakim, he followed the example of his grandson, and repaired to the court of Akbar who made him a Commander of six thousand.

A few years later, he died at Lihor, at the age of seventy-seven.

7. Mirza’ Sha’hrukh, gon of Mirzé Ibrahim.

Vide Gps. 5 and 6. Akbar, in 1001, gave him his daughter Shukrunnisé Begum, and made him governor of Malwah, and he distinguished himselfin the.conquest of the Dak’hin. Towards the end of Akbar’s reign, he was made a Commander of seven thousand, and was continued in his Mangab hy Jahangir.

He died at Ujain in 1016. His wife, Kdbulé Begum, was a daughter of Mirza’ Muhammad Hakim. She wanted to take his body to Madinah, but was robbed by the Badawis ; and after handing over the body to some ‘scoundrels,’ she went to Bagrah, and then to Shirdz. In 1022, Shah ‘Abbas married her to Mirzé Sultan ’Ali, his uncle, whom he had blinded ; but the Begum did not like her new husband.

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Shdhrukh’s Children. 1. Hasan and Husain, twins. Hasan fled with Khusrau and was imprisoned by Jahdngir. 2. Badi’uzzamin (or Mirz& Fathpivi), ‘a bundle of wicked bones,’ murdered by his brothers in Patan (Gujrat). 3. Ifirzd Shujd’ rose to honours under Shihjahdn, who called him Najibat Khin. 4. Mirzé Muhammad Zanin. He held a town in Badakhshan, and fell against the Uzbaks. 6. Mirai Sultéu, a favorite of Jah4ngir. He had many wives, and Jahangir would have given him his own daughter in marriage, if he had not perjured himself in trying to conceal the number of his wives. He fell in disgrace, was appointed governor of Ghazipir, where he died. 6. Mirzé Mughul, who did not distinguish himself either. The Tusuk (p. 65) says that after the death of Shahrukh, Jabangir took charge of four of his sons, and three of his daughters, ‘whom Akbar had not known.’ ‘Shahrukh, though twenty years in India, could not speak a word of Hindf.’

8. Mirza Muzaffar Husain, son of Bahram Mirz4, son of Shah Isina’ft i Cafawi. =

In 965, Shih Tahmasp of Persia (930 to 984) conquered Qandahar, which was given, together with Dawar and Garmsir as far as the river Hirmand, to Sultin Husain Mirza, his nephew. Sultén Husain M. died in 984, when Shah Isma’il II (984 to 985) was king of Persia, and left five children, Muhammad Husain Mirzi, Muzatfar Husain Mirza, Rustam Mirzdé, Abi Said Mirza, and Sanjar Mirz4. The first was killed by Shéh Ismi@‘ilin Iran. The other four in Qandahar had also been doomed ; but the

‘arrival of the news of the sudden death of the Shih saved their lives. The new Shah, Khudibandah, gave Qandahar to Muzaffar Husain Mirzi, and Dawar as far as the Hirmand to Rustam Mirzé, who was accompanied by his two younger brothers, their Vakil being Hamzah Beg Zul Qadr, or Kor Hamzah, an old servant of their father. The arbitrary behaviour of the Vakil caused Muzaffar Husain Mirzé to take up arms against him, and after some alternate fighting and peace-making, Muzaffar had the Vakil mur- dered. This led to fights betweon Muzaffar and Mirzi Rustam who, however, returned to Dawar.

Not long after, the invasion of Khurasin by the Uzbaks under Din Muhammad Sultiin and Bagi Sultan (a sister’s son of “Abdullah Khan of Taran) took place, and the Qandahar territory being continually exposed to incursions, the country was un- settled. Most Qizilbash grandees fell in the everlasting fights, and the Shah of Persia promised assistance, but rendered none ; Mirz& Rustam who had gone to Hindistin, was appointed by Akbar Governor of Léhor, and kept Qandahar in anxiety; and Muzaflar hesitatingly resolved to hand over Qandahar to Akbar, though Abdullah Khan of Taran advised him not to join the Chagatai kings (the Mughuls of India). At that time Qurd Beg (an old servant of Muzaffar’s father, who bad fled to India, and was appointed Hurrdshbegt by Akbar) returned to Qandahar, and prevailed upon Muzaffar’s mother and eldest son to bring about the annexation of Qwdahir to India.

Akbar sen{,Beg Khin Arghtn, Governor of Bangish, to take prompt possession of Qandahar, and though, as in all his undertakings, Muzaffar wavered the last moment dnd had recourse to trickery, he was obliged by the firm and prudent behaviour of Beg Khin, in 1003, to go to Akbar. He received the title of Furzand (son), was made a Commander of five thousand, and received Sambhal as Jagir, “which is more worth than all Qandahay.”

—s<

_—

314

But the ryots of his jagir preferred complaints against his grasping collectors, and Muzaffar, annoyed ut this, applied to go to Makkah. No sooner had Akbar granted this request than Muzaffar repented. He was reinstated, but as new complaints were preferred, Akbar took away the jaigir, and paid him a salary in cash (1005). Muzaffar then went to Makkah, but returned after reaching the first stage, which displeased Akbar so much, that he refused to have anything to do with him.

Muzaffar found everything in India bad, and sometimes resolved to go to Persia, and sometimes to Makkah. From grief and disappointment, and a bodily hurt, he died in 1008.

His “daughter, called Qandahér Mahall, was in 1018 married to Shibjahan, and gave birth, in 1020, to Nawab Parhez Bint Begum.

Three sons of his remained in India, Bahrim Mirza, Haidar Mirzi, (who rose to dignity under Shahjahdn, and died in 1041), and Ismail Mirzé. The Mfadsir men- tions two other sons, Alq’s Mirza and Tabmas Mirza.

Muzaffar’s younger brothers, Mirzi Abi Sa’id, and Mirza Sanjar, died in 1005. They held commands of Three hundred and fifty. (Vide Nos. 271 and 272.) ae

9. Mirza Rustam.—He is the younger, but more talented brother of the pre- ceding. As the revenue of Dawar was insufficient for him and his two younger brothers, he made war on Malik Mahmud, ruler of Sistin. Muzaffar Husain assisted him at first, but haying married Malik Mahmiid’s daughter, hoe turned against Rustam. This caused a rupture between the brothers. Assisted by Lallah (guardian) Hamzah Beg, M. Rustam invaded Qandahiy, but without result. During the invasion of the Uzbaks into Khurisén, he conquered the town of Fardh, and bravely held his own. Some time after, he again attacked Malik Mahmid, The latter wish- ed to scttle mattersamicably. During an interview, Rustam seized him, and killed him, when Jalaluddin, Mahmiud’s son, took up arms. Rustam was defeated, and hearing -that his, brother Muzaffar had occupied Dawar, he quickly took the town of Qalét. Being once absent on a hunting expedition, he nearly lost. the town, and : though he took revenge on the conspirators who had also killed his mother, he felt himself so insecure, that he resolved to join Akbar. Accompanied by his brother, Sanjar Mirza, and his own four sons Murad, Sh&hrukh, Hasan, and Ibrahim, he went in 1001 to India. Akbar made him a Punjhazdyri,,and gave him Multan as jagir, “which is more than Qandahar.” His inferiors being too oppressive, Akbar, in 1008, wished to give him Chitor, but recalled him from Sarhind, gave him Pat’hin os tuyul, and sent him, together with Agaf Khin against Rajah Basti. But as both did not get on well together, Akbar called M. Rustam to court, appointing Jagat Singh, son of Rajah Man Singh, in his stead. In 1006, M. Rustam got Raisin as jigir. He then served under Prince Danyél in the Dak’hin. In 1021, Jahangir appointed him Governor of T’hat’hah, but recalled him as he ill-treated the Arghiins. After the marriage of his daughter with Prince Parwiz, Jahingir mad? him Shash- hazdrt, and appointed him Governor of Allahabad. He held the fort against ‘Abdullab Khan whom Shahjahan, after taking possession ot Bengal and Bihar, had sent against Allahabad, and forced Abdullah to retire to Jhosi. In the 21st year, he was appointed Governor of Bihar, but was pensioned off as too old by Shaéhjahin at 120000 Rs. per annum, and retired to Agrah. In the sixth year, M. Rustam married his daughter to Prince Dard Shikoh. He died, in 1061, at Agrah, 72 years old,

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As 2 poet he is known under the takhallug of Fiddé. He was a man of the world aud understood the spirit of the age. All his sons held subsequently posts of distinction.

His first son Dfurdd got from Jahangir the title of Ilti/¢t Khdn. He was mar- ried to a daughter of ’Abdurrahim Khin Khinan. Murad’s son, Mirza Mukram Khan, also distinguished himself; he died in 1080.

His third son Mirzé Hasan Cafawi, a Hazdr o pancadi under J ahingir, was Governor of Kzich; died 1059. Hasan’s son, Mirzdé Cufshikan, was Faujdir of Jessore in Bengal, retired, and died in 1073. Cafshikan’s son, Sai fuddin i Qufawt, accepted the title of Khan under Aurangzeb.

10. Bairam Khan, the fifth in descent from Mir ’Ali Shukr Beg Bahivlii.

Bahdrtlit is the name of a principal clan of the Qaraqiilii Turks. During the time of their ascendancy, under Qaré Yusuf, and his sons Qari Sikandar and Mirzii Jahan Shab, rulers of Iraq i ‘Arab and Azarbaijin, ’Alf Shukr Beg held Dainir, Hamadin, and Kurdistan, “ which tracts are still called the ternitory of ’Ali Shukr.” His son Pir ’Ali Beg stayed some time with Sultin Mahmitd Mirz4, and attacked afterwards the Governor of Shiriz, but was defeated. He was killed by some of the Amirs of Sultin Husain Mizi. Pir Ali Beg’s son, in the reign of ShAh Isma’il i Cafawi, left Iraq, settled in Badakhshan, and entered the service of Amir Khusrau Shah (vide p- 311, 1. 26) at Qunduz. He then joined, with his son Saif ’Alf Beg, Bibar’s army as Amir Khusyau had been deposed. Saif ’Ali Beg is Bairam’s father.

Bairtm’ Khan was born at Badakhshin. After the death of his father he went to Balkh to study. When sixteen years old, he entered Humaytin’s army, fought in the battle of Qanauj (10th Muharram, 9.17), and fled to the Rajah of Lak’hnor (Sambhal), Sher Shah met Bairam in Mélwah, and tried to win him over. But Bairim fled from Barbémpur with Abul Qasim, governor of Gwalidr, to Gujrit. They were surprised, on the road, by an ambassador of Sher Shah who just returned from Gujrat. Abul Qasim, a man of imposing stature, being mistaken for Bairam, the latter stepped forward and said in a manly voice, “ I am Bairim.” ‘‘ No,” said Abul Qasim, “he is my attend- ant, and brave and faithful as he is, he wishes to sacrifice himself for me. So let him off” Abul Qfsim was then killed, and Bairém escaped to Sultin Mahmid of Gujrat. Under the pretext of sgiling for Makkah, Bairim embarked at Stirat for Sindh. We joined Huméytin on the 7th Muharram, 950, when the Emperor, after passing through the territory of Rajah Maldeo, was pressed by the Arghiins at Jon. On the march to Persia, he proved the most faithful attendant. The King of Persia also liked him, and made him a Khin. On Humayiin’s return, Bairam was sent on a mission to Prince Kamran. When Humayiin marched to Kabul, be took Qandahir by force and treachery from the Qizilbashes, and making Baird governor of the district, he informed the Shih that he had dorie so as Buirém was ‘a faithful servant of both.’ Subsequently rumours -regarding Bairim’s duplicity reached Humiyiin ; but when in 961, the Emperor returned to Qandahir, thé rumours turned out false.

The conquest of India may justly be ascribed to Bairim. He gained the battle of Machhiwarah, and received Sambhal as jigir. In 963, he‘was appointed atdlig (guardian) of Prince Akbar, with whom he went to the Panjab against Sikandar Khan. On Akbar’s accession (2nd Rabi “II, 963) at Kalintr, he was appointed Wald and

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Khan Khdnan, and received the title of Khdn Bdbd. On the second of Shawwal, 964, shortly after the surrender of Mankot, when Akbar returned to Lahor, an imperial elephant ‘ran against Bairam’s tent, and Bairam blamed Atgah Khan (No. 15), who never had been his friend, for this accident. The Atgah, after arrival at Lahor, went with his whole family to Bairim, and attested his innocence by an oath upon the Qoran2 In 965, Bairém married Salimah Sultin Begum (p. 309, noZe,) and soon after, the estrangement commenced between Akbar and him. Baddoni (II, p. 36) attributes the fall of Bairém ‘to the illtreatment of Pir Muhammad (No. 20) and the influence of Adham Khan, and his mother Méhum Anagah (Akbar’s nurse), Ciddiq Muhammad Khan, Shihdbuddin Ahmad, &c., who effectually complained of the wretchedness of their jagirs, and the emptiness of the Treasury, whilst Bairim Khan’s friends lived in affluence. The Tabagdt i Akbart says that no less than twenty-five of Bairim’s friends reached the dignity of Panjhazirfs—rather a proof of Bairdim’s gift of selecting proper men. Bairdm’s fall is known from the Histories. ‘ Akbar’s trick resembles exactly that which Sultén Abi Sa’id i Mughul adopted towards his minister Amir Chaubdén, +(Bud.) )

On hearing the news that Akbar had assumed the reigns of the government, Bairdm left A’grah, and sent his friends who had advised him to go to Akbar, to Court, He himself went under the pretext of going to Makkah to Mewat and Niagor, from where he returned his insignia, which reached Akbar at Jhujhar; for Akbar was on his way to the Panjab, which Bairam, as it was said, wished to invade. The insignia were conferred on Pir Muhammad Khan, Bairim’s old protégé; and he was ordered ’ to see him embark for Makkah. Bairdém felt much irritated at this; and finding the road to Gujrét occupied by Rajah Maldeo, his enemy, he proceedéd to Bikanir to his friend Kalyan Mal (No. 93). But unable to restrain himself any longer, he entrusted his property, his family, and his young son ’Abdurrahim (No. 29) to Sher Muham- mad Diwanah, his adopted gon and jigir holder of Tabarhindah, and broke out in

• So Bad. II, 19. The story in

1868, p. 10) and . Abulfazl’s letters, of Elphinstone (Fifth edition), p. 497, does

which the compiler had four books,

not agree with the sources. The Akbar- néimah says, Bairim was on board a ship on the Jamnah, when one of Akbar’s elephants ran into the water and nearly upset the boat. Abulfazl, moreover, refers it to a later period than 964. The author

• of the Sawdnih « Akbart has a fine critical note on Abulfazl’s account. I would re- mark here that as long we have no trans- lation of alZ the sources for a history of Akbar’s reign, European Historians should make the Sawdnih i Akbart the basis of their labows. This work is a modern compilation dedicated to William Kirkpatrick, and was compiled by Amir Haidar of Belgrfm from the Akbarnéunah, the Tabaqit, Baddont, Fi- rishtah, the Akbarnémah by Shaikh Lldhdéd of Sarhind (poetically called Faiet ; vide Journal As. Sve. Bengal tor

The sources in zalics have never been used by preceding historians. This work is perhaps the only critical historical work written bY a. native, and con-

firms an opinion which I have else-

where expressed, that those portions of Indian History for which we bave several sources, are full of the most astounding discrepancies as to details.

Belgram was a great seat of Muham- madan learning from the.times of Akbar to the present century. For the diterats of the town vide the Tazkirah by Ghulam “Ali Azid, entitled Sarwi Azdd,

The author of the Sawdnihi Akbart states that Abullazl does not shew much friendliness to Bairam, whilst Erskine (Elphinstone, p. 495, note) represents Abulfazl as “ Bairim’s warm panegyrist.”

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open rebellion. At Dipalpiir, on his way to the Panjab, he heard that Diwanah had squandered the property left in his charge, had insulted his family, and fad sent Mugaffar Alf (whom Bairam had despatched to Diwanab to’settle matters) to Court a prisoner. Mortified at this, Bairim resolved to take Jélindhar. Akbar now moved against him; but before he reached him, he heard that Bairim had been defeated? by Atgah Khin (No. 15), Bairim fled to Fort Tilwarah on the banks of the Bayth, followed by Akbar. Fighting eusued. In the verf beginning, Sultan Husain Jaléir was killed ; and when his head was brought to Bairim,? he was so sorry, that he sent to Akbar and asked for- giveness. This was granted, and Bairam, accompanied by the principal grandees, went to Akbar’s tent, and was pardoned. After staying for two days longer with Mun’im Khan, he received a sum of money, and was sent to Makkah. The whole camp made acollection (chandogh). Haji Muhammad of Sistén (No. 55) accompanied Bairém over Nagor to Patan (Nahrwalah) in Gujrat, where he was hospitably received by Miwi Khan Fuladi, the governor. On Friday, 14th Jumada I, 968, while alighting from a boat after a trip on the Sahansa Lang Tank, Bairim was stabbed by a Lohani Afghan of the name of Mubarik, whose father had been killed in the battle of Machh{warah. “With an Alldhu Akbar on his lips, hedied.” The motive of Mubarik Khan is said to have merely been revenge. Another reason is mentioned. The Kashmiri wife of Saliin Shih with her daughter had attached herself to Bairim’s suite, in order to go ‘to Hijdz, and it had been settled that Bairim’s son should be betrothed to her, which annoyed the Afghans. Some beggars lifted up Bairim’s body, and took it to the tomb of Shaikh Hustmuddin. Seventeen years later the body was interred in holy ground at Mashhad. Akbar took charge of ’Abdurrahim, Bairém’s son (vide No. 29), and married soon after Salimah Sultan Begum, Bairam’s widow. _ For pl! Buirdm, we often find the spelling foe Bairam. Fivishtah generally calls him Bairam Khin Turkmin. Bairém was a Shi’ah, and a poet of no mean pre- tensions (vide Badaoni ITI, p. 190). 11. Mun’im Khan, son of Bairam® Beg. Nothing appears to be known of the circumstances of his father. Mun’im Khan was a grandee of Humayin’s Court, as also his brother Fazil Beg. When Humiyiin, on his flight to Persia, was hard pressed by Mirza Shah Husain of T’hat’hah, one grandee after another went quietly away. M. and Fazil Beg also were on the point of doing so, when Humayin made them prisoners, as* he had done from motives of prudence and policy with several other nobles. M. did not, however, accompany Humiyiin to Persia. He rejoined him immediately on his return, and rose at once to high dignity. He reject- ed the governorship-of Qandah&r, which was given to Bairim Khain. In 961, he was appointed atdléq of Prince Akbar; and when Humfytin invaded India, M. was left as governor of Kabul in charge of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother, then about

e

• Near yal S (or yya-b,5) in the Par- | fight took place outside of Machhiwarah. ganah logs A ee Madsir ; 2 The eee mentions this fact with- ve fae giving the source. joSs Sawénth] near Jélindhar, For | ub sivmg oe cy . azalS, Bad. (I, 40) haw dslesisis. | a iethe preferable endings Virishtah says (Lucknow edit., p. 249) the :

—

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a year old. In Kabul M. remained till Bairim fell into disgrace. He joined Akbar, in Zi Hajjah, 967, at Liidhiinah, where Akbar encamped on his expedition against Bairim. M. was then appointed “Khdn Khdnda and Vakil.

In the seventh year of Akbar’s reign, when Adham Khan (No. 19) killed Atgah Khan (No. 15), Mun’im who had been the instigator, fled twice from Court, but was caught the second time in Saror (Sirkér of Qanauj) by the collector of the district, and was brought in by Sayyid Mahmtid Khan of Barha (No. 75). Akbar restored M. to his former honors.

Mun’im Khan’s son, Ghani Khan, whom his father had left in charge of Kabul, caused disturbances from want of tact. Mah Jiijak Begum, Prince M. Muhammad Hakim’s mother, advised by Fazil Beg and his son ’Abdulfath, who hated Ghani Khan: closed the doors of Kabul, when Ghani Khan was once temporarily absent at Faliz. Ghani Khan, not finding adherents to oppose her, went to India. Mah Jujak Begum then appointed Fazit Beg as Vakil and Abdul Fath as Nadib; but being dissatisfied with them, she killed them both, at the advice of Shah Wali, one of her nobles. On account of these disturbances, Akbar, in the eighth year, sent M. to Kabul. Thinking he could rely on the Kabulis, M. left before his contingent was quite rendy. He was attacked near Jaldlibid by Mah Jujak Begum (who in the meantime had killed Shih Wali and had taken up, apparently criminally, with Haidar Qisim Koh-bar, whom she had made Vakil) and defeated. M. fled to the Ghak’hars, and ashamed and hesitating he joined Akbar, who appointed him Commander of the Fort of Agrah.

In the 12th year, after the defeat and death of Khin Zaman (No. 13), M. was ap- pointed to his jagirs in Jaunptr (Bad. II, 101), and then concluded peace with Sulaiman Kararfni of Bengal, who promised to read the Khutbah and strike coins in Akbar’s name.

In 982, Akbar, at M.’s request, went with a fidtilla from A’grah to Bihar, and took Hajipdr and Patna from Daéid, Sulaimén’s son. M. was then appointed Governor of Bihdr, and was ordered’ to follow David into Bengal. M. moved to Tandah (opposite Gaur, on the right side of the Ganges) to settle political matters, and left the pursuit to Muhammad Quli Khan Barlis (No. 31). Butas the latter soon after died, M., at the advice of Todar Mall, left Tandah, and followed up David, who after his defeat at 8) 9¢=%, submitted at Katak. In Gafar 983, M. returned, and though his army had terribly suffered from epidemics on the march through Southern Bengal, he quartered them against the advice of his friends at Gaur, where M. scon after died of fever.

The great bridge of Jaunpéir was built by Mun’im Khan in 981. Its tdrtkh is pein)! bye. M.’s son, Ghani Khan, went to ’Adilsh&h of Bijaptir, where he died.

12. Tardi Beg Khan, of Turkistdn.

A noble of Humiaytn’s Court. After the conguest of Gujrit, he was made Governor of Champanir (Pawangarh). On Mirzé ’Askarf’s defeat by Sultan Bahadur, Tardi Beg also succumbed to him and retreated to Humiyin. During the emperor’s flight from India, Tardi Beg distinguished himself as one of the most faithless’ com- panions. When passing through the territory of Rijah Maldeo, he even refused Humayin a horse, and at Amarkot, be declined to assist the emperor with a portion of

1 Elphinstone, p. 452 note, says Tardi | ers of stoma rans a statement which is Beg was one of the most fuithful follow- | contradicted by all native historians.

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the wealth he had collected while at comt. Hence Rai Parsid advised H. to imprisott some of his nobles and take away part of their property by force. H. however returned afterwards most of it. In Qandahaér, Tardi Beg lett the emperor and joined Mirzé. Askari. But Mirzd “Askari put most of them on’ the rack, and forced also Tardi Beg to give him a large sum as ransom.

On Humayiin’s return from “Ivriq, Tardi Beg waked pardon for his former frithlessness, was restored to favour, and was sent, in 955, after the death of Miz Ulugh Beg, son of Mirzi Sultin, to Dawar. During the conquest of India, T. dis. tinguished himself and received Mewiat at Jigir. In 963, when Humiytin died (7th Rabi’ I), T. read the Ahutbah in Akbar’s name; and sent the crown-insignia with M. Abil Qasim, son of Prince Kamrdn, to Akbar in the Panjib. Akbar made T.a Commander of Five Thousand and appointed him governor of Dihli. T. drove away Haji Khan, an officer of Sher Shih, from Narnaul. On Hemi’s approach, after some unsuccessful fighting, T. too rashly evacuated Dibli, and joined Akbar at Sarhiiid. Bairém Khan, who did not like T..from envy and sectarian motives, accused him, and obtaining trom Akbar “ a sort of permission” (Bad. IJ, 14) had him murdered (end of 963). Akbar was displeased. Bairiin’s hasty act was one of the chief causes of the distrust with which the Chagatai nobles looked upon him. Tard{ Beg was a Sunni.

13. Kha’n Zama’n i Shaibe’ni’

His father Haidar Sultan Uzbak i Shaibanf had been made an Amir in the Jim war

.with the Qizilbishes. When Humiayin returned from Persia, Haidar joined him, to-

gether with his two sons Ali Quii Khan [Khan Zamin] aud Bahadur Khan (No. 22,) and distinguished himself in the conquest of Qandahir. On the march to Kabul, an epidemic broke out in Humayiin’s camp, during which Haidar Sultin died.

“Ali Quli Khan distinguished himself in Kabul and in the conquest of Hindistin, was made Amir and sent to the Dudb and Sambhal, where he defeated the Afghans. At the time of Akbar’s accession ’Ali Quii Khdn fought with Shadi Khan, an Afghin noble ; but when he heard that Hemdt had gone to Dihli, he thought fighting with this new enemy more important; but before ’Ali Quli arrived at Dihli, Tardi Beg (No. 12) had been defeated, and A. returned from Meerut to Akbur at Sarhind. ’Alf Quli was sent jn advance with 10,000 troopers, met Hemti near Panipat and defeated him. Though Akbar and Bairém were near, they took no part in this battle. “Alf Qulf received the title of Khan Zaman, Next to Bairam, the restoration of the Mughul Dynasty may be justly ascribed to him. Khan Zaman then got Sambhal again as jagiy, cleared the whole north of India up to Lak’hnau of the Afghans, and acquired an immense fortune by plunder. In 964, he held Jaunptir as Qaim maqdm for Sikandar, after the latter had surrendered Mankot. In the third year of Akbar’s reign, Khin Zaman became the talk

of the whole country in consequence of a love scandal with Shtham Beg, a page of

Humiyiin, and as he refused to send the boy back to Court, Akbar took away some of Khan Zamin’s tuyiils, which led him to rebel. Bairém from generosity did not interfere ; but when Pir Muhammad, Khin Zaman’s enemy, had been appointed Vakil, he took away, in the 4th year, the whole of his mahalls, and had him appointed commander against the Afehans who threatened the Jaunptr District. Pir Muhammad had also Burj ‘Ali thrown from the walls of Firizibid, whom Khin Zaman had sent to him to settle matters. Khén Zamén now thought, it was high time to send away Shiham

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Beg, went to Jaunpir, and drove away the Afghans. Upon the fall of Bairam, they appeared again .under Sher Shah, son of ’Adli, with a large army and 600 elephants. Khan Zaman, however, defeated them in the streets of Jaunptir, and carried off immense plunder and numerous elephants, which he retained for himself.

In Zi Qa’dah of the 6th year, Akbar moved personally against him; but at Karak (on the Ganges,) Khan Zaman and his brother Bahadur submitted and delivered the booty and the elephants. They were pardoned and sent again to Jaunpur. Soon after, he defeated the Afghans, who had attacked him in a fortified position near the Son.

In the 10th year, Khan Zaman rebelled again in concert with the Uzbaks, and attacked the Tuyiildars of the province. As soon as an imperial army marched against him, he went to Ghdzfpir, and Akbar on arrival at Jaunpir sent Mun’im Khan against him. Being a friend of Khan Zaman, he induced him to submit, which he did. But a body of imperial troops under Mu’izzulmulk and Rajah Today Mall having been de- feated by Bahadur and Iskandar Uzbak, (No. 48) the rebellion continued, though repeated attempts were made to bring about a conciliation. Having at last sworn to be faithful, Khan Zaman was left in possession of his jigirs, and Akbar returned to Agrah. But when the emperor, on the 3rd Juméda I, 974, marched against M. Muhammad Hakim’ Khan Zaman rebelled again, read the Khutbah at Jaunpur in M. Muhammad Hakiin’s name, and marched against Shergarh (Qanauj). Akbar was now resolved no longer to pardon ; he left the Panjab, 12th Ramazin 974, and Agrah on the 26th Shawwal. At Sakit, east of Agrah, Akbar heard that Khin Zamaén had fied from Shergarh to Manikptr where Bahddur was, and from there marching along the Ganges, had over-bridged the river near the frontier of Singror (Nawabganj, between Mianik- pur and Allahdbid). Akbar sent a detachment of 6000 troopers under Muham- mad Quli Khan Barlds and Todar Mall to Audh to oppose Iskandar Khan Uzbak, and marched over Rai Bareli to. Manikpir, crossed the Ganges with about 100 men, and slept at night near the banks of the river, at a short distance from Khiéin Zamin’s camp, who must have gone from Nawibganj back again on the right side of the river to Karah. Next morning, Ist Zi Hajjah, 974, Akbar with some reinforcements attacked Khan Zaman. Bahddur was captured, and brought to Akbar, and he had scarcely been despatched, when Khan Zaman’s head was brought in. He had been half killed by an elephant whose driver was called Somnat, when a soldicr cut off his head ; for Akbar had promised a muhur for every Mughul’s head. But another soldier snatched away the head and took it to Akbar. The figitt took place dar ‘argah i Sakrdwal [in Baddonf, Mungarwdl] “which place has since been called Futhpir. The Trig. S. maps shew a small village Fathpur about 10 or 12 miles south-east of Karah, not far from the river. ;

On the same day, though the heat was terrible, Akbar started for and reached Alléhabad.

Khan Zaman as a poet styled himself Sultin (vide Proceedings Asiatic Society, Sep- tember 1868.) Zamdniyd (now a station on the E. I. Railway) was founded by him. Though an Uzbak, Khan Zaman, from his long residence in Persia was a staunch Shi’ah. Khan Zaman must not be confounded with No. 124.

14, *Abdullah Khan Uzbak.

A noble of Huméytin’s Court, After the defeat of Hema, he received the title of

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Shuji’at Khan, got Kalpi as ¢uyz2, and served under Adham Khan (No. 19) in Gujrat. When Biz Bahadur, after the death of Pir Muhammad, had taken possession of Malwah, Abdullah was madea Panjhazd7z, and was sent to Malwah with almost unlimited autHotity. He re-conquered the province, and ‘reigned in Mandi like a king.’ Akbar found it necessary to move against him. ‘Abdullah, after some unsuccessful fighting, fled to Gujrat, pursued by Qasim Khan of Nishiptr (No. 40), Leaving his wives in the hands of his enemies, he fled with his young son to Changiz Khan, an officer of Sultin Mahmiid of Gujrit. Hakim ’Ainulmulk was despatched to Changiz with the request to deliver up ‘Abdullah, or to dismiss him. Changiz Khan did the latter. ‘Abdullah again appeared in Malwah, and was hotly pursued by ShihAbuddin Ahmad Khan (No. 26), who nearly captured him. With great difficulties he eluded hig pursuers, and managed to reach Jaunpiir, where he died a natural death during the rebellion of Khan Zamin (No. 18).

15. Shamsuddi’n Muhammad Atgah Kha’n. a

Son of Mix Yar Mubammad of Ghazni, a simple farmer. Shamsuddin, when about

twenty years old, once dreamed that he held the moon under his arm, which dream was justified by the unparalleled. luck which he owed to a little deed of kindness. Shamsuddin entered Prince Kimran’s service as a common soldier, and was present in the fatal battle of Qanauj (10th Muharram, 947). Humayiin, after the defeat crossed the river ‘on an elephant,’ and dismounted on the other side, where a soldier ‘who had escaped death in the current, stretched out his hand to assist the emperor to jump on the high bank. This soldier was Shamsuddin. Humayun attached him to his service, and subsequently appointed his wife wet nurse (anagah) to Prince Akbar at Amarkot, conferring ‘upon her the title of J¢ J¢ Anagah. Shamsuddin remained with the young prince, whilst Humaytin was in Persia, and received after the emperor’s restoration the title of digak (foster father) Hhdn. Humiayiin sent him to Higar, which Sirkar had been set aside for Prince Akbar’s maintenance.

After Akbar’s accession, Atgah Khan was despatched to Kabul to bring to India the Empress mother and the other Begums. Soon after, on the march from Mankot to Liahor, the elephant affair took place, which has been related under Bairdm Khén, p. 316. He held Khushab in the Panjab as jagir, and received, after Bairdim’s fall, the tnsignia of that chief. “He was also appointed Governor of the Panjab. He defeated Bairam Khan near Jalindhar, before Akbar could come up, for which victory Akbar honored him with the title of A’zam Khan. In the sixth year, he came from Lahor to the Court, and acted as Vakil either in supersession of Mun’im Khan, or by ‘usurpation, at which Akbar connived. Mun’im Khan and Shihab Khégn (No. 26) felt much annoyed at this, and instigated Adham (vide No. 19) to kill Atgah Khan,” 12th Ramazin, 969.

For Atgah Khan’s brothers vide Nos. 16, 28, 63, and” for his sons, Nos. 18 and 2], The family is‘often called in Histories Atgah Khail, ‘ the foster father battalion.’

• He stabbed at the Afgah, and ordered | Baddoné (p. 52) and Elphinstone (p° one of his own servants, an Uzbak, of the | 502, 1. 1), say that Adham himself killed name of Khusham Beg, to kill him. Atgab.

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16. Kha’n i Kala’n, Mir Muhammad, elder brother of Atgah Khan.

He served under Kamran and Humiaytin, and rose to high dignity during the reign of Akbar. Whilst Governor of the Panjib, where most of the Afgahs (Atgah Khail) had jagirs, he distinguished himself in the war with the G’hakkars, the extirpation of Sultin Adam, and in keeping down Kamal Khan. In the ninth year he assisted Mirzii Mubammad Hakim against Mirz4 Sulaiman (No. 5), restored him to the throne of Kabul, settled the country, and sent back the iniperial troops under his brother Qntbuddin (No. 28), though Akbar had appointed the latter Atdliq of the Prince. But Khéai Kal4n did not get on well with M. M. Hakim, especially when

the Prince had given his sister Fakhrunnisé Begum (a daughter of Humiyiin by Jijak

Begum, and widow of Mir Shah “Abdul Ma’Ali) to Khwajah Hasan Nagqshbandi in

marriage. To avoid quarrels, Khan i Kalan left one night Kabul and retumed to

Lihor. s

Tn the 13th year (976), the Atgah hail was removed from the Panjib, and ordered to repair to Agrah. Khaini Kalin received Sambhal as Jigir, whilst Husain Quit Khan (No. 24) was appointed to the Panjab. In 981, he was sent by Akbar in advance, for the reconquest of Gujrat (Bad. II, 165). On the march, near Sarohi (Ajmfr), he was wounded by a Rajpyit, apparently without cause; but he recovered. After the-conquest, he was made governor of Patan (Nahrwalah). He died at Patan in 983.

Ho was a poet and wrote under the ¢akhallue of ‘Ghaznawi,’ in allusion to his birth- place. Baddoni (III, 287) praises him for his learning.

His eldest son, F4zil Khan (No. 156) was a Haszdvz, and was killed when Mirza *Aziz Kokah (No. 21), was shut up in Ahmadnagar. His second son, Farrukh Khan (No. 232) was a Panjead?. Nothing else is known of him.

17. Mirza’ Sharafuddin Husai’n, son of Khwajah Mu’in.

He was aman of noble descent. His father, Kbwijah Mu’fn was the son of Khawind Mahmud! second son of Khw4jah Kalén (known as Khwajagin Khwijah), eldest son of the renowned saint KhwaAjah Naciruddin ’Ubaidwllah Ahrdr. Hence Mirz4 Sharafuddin Hnsain is generally called Ahrdrd.

His grandfather, Khawind Mahmid went to India, was honorably received by Humifyiin, and died at Kabul,

His father, Khwdjah Mu’in, was a rich, but avaricious man ; he held the tract of land, called ‘ Riidkhanah i Nasheb,’ and served under ’Abdullab Khan, ruler of Kishghar. He was married ‘to Kijak Begum, daughter of Mir ’Alaulmulk of Tirmiz, who is a daughter of Fakhr Jah4n Begum, daughter of Sultin Abt Sa’id Mirzé. ‘ Hence the blood of Timur also flowed in the veins of Mirz4 Sharafuddin Husain.’ As the son did not get on well with his father, he went to Akbar. Through the powerful influence of Mahum, Akbar’s nurse, and Adham Khan, her son (No. 19), Mirai Sharaf was appointed Panjhazdré. Inthe 5th year, Akbar gave him his sister Bakhshi Bint Begum in marriage, and made him governor of Ajmir and Nagor. In 969, when Akbar went to Ajimfr, Mirzi Shavaf joined the emperor, and distinguished himself’ in the siege of Mirt’ha, which was defended by Jagmal and Devidis, the latter of whom

was killed in an engagement subscquent to their retreat from the fort.

In 970, Mirzi Sharaf’s father came to A’grah and was received with great honors

by Akbar. In the same year, Mirzi Sharaf, from motives of suspicion, fled from

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Alorah over the frontier, pursued by Husain Qui{ Khan (No. 24)-and other grandees. His father, ashamed of his son’s behaviow, left for Hijéz, but died at Cambay. The * ship on which his body was, foundered. Mirzé Sharaf stayed for some time with Chargiz Khan, a Gujr4t noble, and then joined the rebellion of the Mirzis. When Gujrat was | conquered, he fled to the Dak’hin, and passing through Baglinah, was captured by the Zamindar of the place, who after the conquest of Strat handed him over to Akbar. To frighten him, Akbar ordered him to be put under the feet of a tame elephant, and after having kept him for some time imprisoned, he sent him to Muzalfar Khan, Governor of Bengal (No. 37), who was to give him a jigir, should he find that the Mirza shewed signs of repentance ; but if not, to send him to Makkah. Muzaffay was waiting for the proper scason to have him sent off, when Mir Ma’cim i Kabuli rebelled in , Bihiy. Joined by Bab’ Khan Qaqshal, the rebels besieged Muzaffar Kh4n in Tandah and overpowered him. Mirzi Sharaf fied to them, after having. taken possession of the hidden treasures of Muzatfar. But subsequently he became Ma’gtim’s enemy. One was waiting for an opportunity to kill the other. Ma’gtim at last bribed a boy of the name of Mahmid,, whom Mirz& Sharaf liked, and had his enemy poisoned. Mirzi Sharaf’s death took place in 983. He is wrongly called Sicfuddeen in Stewart’s History of Bengal (p. 108).

18. Yu’suf Muhammad Kha’n, oldest son of Atgah Khan (No. 15).

He was Akbar’s foster brother (Lokazh or kitkaltdsk). When twelve years old, he distinguished, himself in the fight with Bairém (p. 317, 1. 5,) and was made Khan. When his father had been killed by Adham Khan (No. 19), Akbar took care of him and his younger brother, “Aziz Kokah (No. 21). He distinguished himself during the several rebellions of Khan Zaman (No. 18). ,

Tle died from excessive drinking in 973. Bad. IT, p. 84.

19. Adham Kha’a,’ son of Mahum Anagah. .

The name of his father is unknown; he is evidently a royal bastard. His mother ‘

• Mahum was one of Akbar’s nurses (anagah?), and attended on Akbar ‘ from the cradle till after his accession.’ She appears to have had unbounded influence in the Harem and over Akbar himself, and Mun’im Khan (No. 11), who alter Bairém’s fall had been appointed Vakil, was subject to her counsel. She also played a considerable part in bringing about Bairim’s fall; Bad. II, p. 36.

Adham Khan wag a Panjhazdré, and distinguished himself in the siege of Mankot.?

Bairam Khan, in the third year, gave him Hatkant’h,* Sputh-East of Aigrah, as jagfr, to

of this fort, partly taken from the Akbar- namah. ot

• Hatkant’h was held by Rajputs of

• Generally called in European histories Adam Khan; but his name is prot not

pol

Fide Beames’s

9 This is the pronunciation given in the Calcutta Chagatai Dictionary. Mis- led by the printed editions of Bad4onf, Firishtah, Khati Khan, &., I put on p. 223 of my Text edition of the Auin, AZd- hum Aitguh, as if it was the name of a man. Vide Khali Khan I, p. 182, 1. 6 from below. ‘

4 The Maudsir gives a short history

the Bhadauriyah clan. edition of Elliot’s Glossary, IL, p. 86, and I, 27, where the word ysyJ is doubt- ful, though it is certainly not Lahore; for the old spelling ‘Luhawar,’ for ‘ Lahor,’ had ecased when the author of the Daukhzan i Afyhdnt wrote. Besides, a place in Gwalitw is meant, not far from the Sindh river, For yglg’ the two edi-

324 .

check the rebels of the Bhadauriyah clan, who even during the preceding reigns had given much troublé. Though he accused Bairim of partiality in bestowing bad jagirs upon such as he-did not like, Adham did his best to keep down the Bhadauriyahs. After Bairém’s fall, he was sent, in 968, together with Pir Muhammad Khin, to Malwah, defeated Baz Bahadur near Sfrangpir, and took possession of Bahidur’s treasures and dancing girls. His sudden fortune made him refractory ; he did not send the booty to Agrah, and Akbar thought it. necessary to pay him an unexpected visit, when Maéhum Anogah found means to bring her son to his senses. Akbar left after four days. On his departure, Adham prevailed on his mother to send back two beautiful dancing girls; but when Akbar heard of it, Adham turned them away. Thoy were captured, and killed by Mahum’s orders. Akbar knew the whole, but said nothing about it. On his return to Agrah, however, he recalled Adham, and appointed Pir Muhammad governor of Mélwah.

At Court, Adham met again Atgah Khan, whom both he and Mun’im Khin envicd and hated. On the 12th Ramaz4n 969, when Mun’im Khan, Atgah Khan, and sewaral other grandees, had a nightly meeting in the state hall at Agrah, Adham Khéa with some followers, suddenly entered. All rose to greet him, when Adham struck Atgah with his dagger, and told one of his companions (vide p. 321 note), to killhim. He then went with the dagger in his hand towards the sleeping apartments of Akbar, who had been awakened by the noise in the state hall. Looking out from a window, he saw what had happened, rushed forward sword in hand, and met Adham on a high archway (aiwdn) near the harem. ‘ Why have you killed my foster father, you son of a bitch P” (bachah i lddah), cried Akbar. “Stop a moment, majesty,” replied Adham, seizing Akbar’s arms, “ first inquire.” Akbar drew away his hands and struck Adham a blow in the face, which sent him “ spinning” to the ground. ‘“ What are you standing here gaping,” said Akbar to one of his attendants of the name of Farhat Khan, “ biuvd this man.” This was done, and at Akbar’s orders Adham Khan was twice thrown down from the dais (guffah) of the Aiwdn to the ground, with bis head foremost. The corpses of Adham and.Atgah were then sent to Dihli.

Mahum Anagah heard of the matter, and thinking that her son had been merely imprisoned, she repaired, though sick, from Dihli to A’grah. On seeing her, Akbar said, “He has killed my foster father, and I have taken his life.” “Your Majesty has done well,” replied Mahufn, turning pale, and left the hall. Forty days after, she died from grief, and was buried with her son in Dibli in a tomb which Akbar had built for them. For Adham’s brother, vide No. 60.

20. Pi‘r Muhammad Kha’n of Shirwan.’

Nothing is known of his father. Pir Muhammad was a Mulld, and attached himself to Bairém in Qandahér. Through Bairém’s influence he was raised to the

tions of Baddoni have tte 5 Dorn has Another nest of robbers was the eight

ila Behair; Briggs has Yehar; the villages, called Al’bgah, near Sakit, in

Lucknow edition of Firishtah bas slg. the Sirkar of Qanan).

There isa town and Parganah of the * In my Text edition, p. 223, No. 20,

name of syle! in Sirkar Rantanbhur. dele yw}. Shirwin is also the birth-plave The passage in the Akbarnamah re- | of Khaqani, The spelling Skurwdn given

garding Adham Khin quoted by Elliot | 7 - ‘Mujam, does uot appear to be

may be found among the events of the | “S42

third year.

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dignity of Am{fr on Akbar’s accession. He distinguished himself in the war with Hemi, and received subsequently the title of Wégirulmulk. His pride offended the Chagatii nobles and, at last, Bair4m himself, to whom he once refused admittance when he called on him at a time he was sick.

Bairim subsequently ordered him to retire, sent him, at the instigation of Shaikh Gadi (vide p. 272) to the Fort of Biyanah, and then forced him to go on a pilgrimage. Whilst on his way to Gujrdt, Pir Muhammad received letters from Adham Khan (No. 19) asking him to delay. He stayed for a short time at Rantanbhir ; but being pursued by Bairém’s men, he continued his journey to Gujrét. This harsh treatment annoyed Akbar, and accelerated Bairém’s fall. Whilst in Gujrat, P. M. heard of Bairdm’s disgrace, and returned at once to Akbar who made him a Khan. In 968, he was appointed with Adham Khan to conquer Malwah, of which he was made sole governor after Adham’s recall. In 969, he defeated Baz Bahadur who had invaded the country, drove him away, and took Bijagayh from I’timéd Khan, Biz Bahaidur’s general. He then made a raid into Khandes, which was governed by Miran Muhammad Shah, sacked the capital Burhanptr, slaughtered most unmercifully the inhabitants, and carried offimmense booty, when he was attacked by Baz Bahédur and defeated. Arriving at night on his flight at the bank of the Narbaddah, he | insisted on crossing it, and perished in the river. .

21. Khe/ni A’zam Mi’rza! ’Azi’2 Kokah, son of Atgah Khan (No. 15).

His mother was Ji Ji Anagah (vide p. 321). He grew up with Akbar, who remained attached to him to the end of his life. Though often offended by his boldness, Akbar would but rarely punish him; he used to say, “ Between me and ‘Aziz is a river of milk which I cannot cross.”

On the removal of the Atgak Khail (p. 321, 1.1.)-from the Panjab, he retained Dipalpir, where he was visited by Akbar in the 16th year (978) on his pilgrimage to the tomb of Shaikh Farid i Shakkarganj at Ajhodhan (P4k Patan, or Patan i Panjab).

In the 17th year, after the conquest of Alhmadabid, Mirza ’Aziz was appointed governor of Gujrat as far as the Mahindra river, whilst Akbar went to conquer Strat. Muhammad Husain Mirz4 and Shah Mirza, joined by Sher Khan Fuladi, thereupon besieged Patan; but they were at last defeated by Mirzi ‘Aziz and Qutbuddin. *Aziz then returned to Ahmaddbad, When Akbar, on the 2nd Cafar 981, returned to Fathpur Sfkri, Ikhtiydrulmulk, a Gujrat{ noble, occupied Ydar, and then moved against ’Aziz in Ahmaddbid. Muhammad Husain Mira, also came from the Dak’hin, and after attaéking Kambhéyit (Cambay), they besieged Ahmadabad. ‘Aziz held himself bravely. The siege was raised by Akbar, who surprised the rébels’ near Patan. During the fight Muhammad Husain Mirzé and Ikhtiyér ulmulk were killed. The victory was chiefly gained by Akbar himself, who with 100 chosen men fell upon the enemy from an ambush. ‘Aziz had subsequently to fight with the sons of Tkhtiydrulmulk.

Akbar left Agrah on the 4th Rabi’ | between Agrah and Patan being 400 kos, T., and attacked the Mirzis on the ninth {| Akbar’s forced march has often been day after his departure. The distance | admired. riggs, I, p. 241,

. 826

In the 20th year Akbar introduced the Dégh (Ain 7), which proved a source of great dissatisfaction among the Amirs. Mirzi ‘Aziz especially shewed himself so disobedient, that! Akbar was compelled to deprive him temporarily of his rank.

Though restored to his honours in the 23rd year, M. “Aziz remained unemployed till the 25th year (988), when disturbances had broken out in Bengal and Bihdér (vide Muzaf- far Khan, No. 37). ’Aziz was promoted to a command of Five Thousand, got the title of A’zam Khan, and was despatched with a large army to quell the rebellion. His time was fully occupied in establishing order in Bihar. Towards the end of the 26th year, ho rejoined the emperor, who had returned from Kabul to Fathpir Sikri. During ’Aziz’s absence from Bihdr, the Bengal rebels had occupied Hajiptir, opposite Patna; and ’Aziz, in the 27th year, was again sent to Bihdr, with orders to move into Bengal. After collecting the Tuyilddrs of lahabid, Audb, and Bih&r, he occupied Gayhf, the ‘key’ of Bengal. After several minor fights with the rebels under Ma’gim i Kabuli, and Majnin Khan Qaigqshal, ’Aziz succeeded in gaining over the latter, which forced Ma’gtim to with- draw. ‘The imperial troops then commenced to operate against Qathi, a Lohini Afghin, who during these disturbances had occupied Orissa and a portion of Bengal. *Aziz, however, took ill, and handing over the command to Shahbaz Khan i Kamba, _f returned to his lands in Bihdr. Soon after, he joined Akbar at Tlah4bad, and was

transferred to Garha and Raisin (993).

In the 31st year (994), M. ’Aziz was appointed to the Dak’hin; but as the operations were frustrated through the envy of Shihdbuddfa Ahmad (No. 26) and other grandees, Aziz withdrew, plundered Ilichpiy in Bardr, and then retreated to Gujrat, where the Khan Khanan was (Briggs, II, 267), wii

In the 32nd year, Prince Murdd married a daughter of M. ’Aziz. Towards the

{ end of the 34th year, Aziz was appointed Governor of Gujrat in succession to the Kh4n °

Khandn. Jn the 36th year, he moved against Sultin Muzaffar, and*defcated him in the following year. He then reduced Jém and other zamindars of Kachh to obedience, and conquered Somnat and sixteen other harbour towns (37th year). Jundguarh also, the capital of the ruler of Strat, submitted to him (5th Zi Qa’dah 999), and Miydn Khan and Tj Khan, sons of Daulat Khin ibn i Amin Khan i Ghori, joined the Mughuls. “Aziz gave both of them jaigirs. He had now leisuréto hunt down Sultan Muzaffar, who had tgken refuge with a Zamindar of Dwarké. Ina fight the latter lost his life, and Muzaffar fled to Kachh, followed by ‘Aziz, There also the Zamindirs submitted, and soon after delivered Sultan Muzaffar inteshis hands. No sooner had he been brought to the Mirz& than he asked for ‘permission fo step aside to perform a call of nature, and cut his throat with a razor.

In the 39th year Akbar recalled M. ‘Aziz, as he had not been at Court for several years; ‘but the Mirz& dreading the religious innovations at Court,’ marched against Diu under the pretext of conquering it. He made, however, peace with the ‘Firingi’ and embarked for Hijiz at Balawal, a harbour town near Somnat,

™~

7M. “Aziz ridiculed Akbar’s tenden- paraging remarks led to his disgrace on etes to Hinduism and the orders of the the accession of Jabd dngir, as “related ‘Divine Faith.’ He used to call Faizi | below, - ; and Abulfazl ’Usmdn and Ali. His dis- :

327

accompanied by his six younger sons (Khurram, Anwar, ‘Abdullah, ‘Abdullatif Murtazi, ’Abdulghafir), six daughters, and about one hundred attendants. Akbar felt sorry for his sudden’ departure, and with his usual magnanimity, promoted the two eldest sons of the Mirzi (M. Shams{ and M. Shadmin).

M. ’Aziz spent a great deal of money in Makkah; in fact he was so ‘ fleeced,’ that his attachment to Iskim was much cooled down; and being assured of Akbar’s good wishes for his welfare, he embarked for India, landed again at Baliwal, and joined Akbar in the beginning of 1003. He now became a member of the ‘ Divine Faith’ (vide p. 208, 1. 4,) was appointed Governor of Bibdr, was made Pakil in 1004, and received’ Multin as Jagir.

In the 45th year (1008) he accompanied Akbar to Asir. His mother died about the same time, and Akbar himself assisted in carrying the coffin, Through the mediation of the Mirz4, Bahadur Khan, ruler of Khandes, ceded Asiv to Akbar towards the end of the same year. Soon after, Prince Khusrau married one of ’Aziz’s daughters. +

At Akbar’s death, Min Singh and M. ’Aziz were anxious to proclaim Khusrau successor ; but the attempt failed, as Shaikh Farid i Bukhari and others had proclaimed J ahfngir gefore Alsbar had closed his eyes. Man Singh left the Fort of Agrah with Khusrau, in order to go to Bengal. ’Az{z wished to accompany him, sent his whole family to the Rijah, and superintended the burial of the deceased monarch. He countenanced Khbusrau’s rebellion, and escaped capital punishment through the intercession of several courtiers, and of Salimah Sultin Begum and other princesses of Akbar’s Harem. Not . long after, Khwajah Abul Hasan laid before Jahangir a letter written some years ago by ‘Aziz to Rajah ‘Ali Khan of Khandes, in which “Aziz had ridiculed Akbar in very strong language. Jahangir gave ’Aziz the letter and asked him to read it, before the whole Court, which he did without the slightest hesitation, thus incurring the blame of all the courtiers present. Jahingir deprived him of his honours and lands, and imprisoned him.

In the 3rd year of Jahingir’s reign (1017), M. ’Aziz was restored to his rank, and appointed (nominally) to the command of Gujrat, his eldest son, Jahangir Quli Khin, being his xdzb, In the 5th year, when matters did not go on well in the Dak’hin, he was sent there with 10,000 men. In the 8th year (1022), Jahangir went to Ajmir, and appointed, at the request of “Aziz, Shabjahin toethe command of the Dak’hin forces, whilst he was to remain as adviser. But Shdbjah4n did not like M.. Aziz on account of his partiality for Khusrau, and Mahabat Khan was despatched from Court to accompany ’Aziz from Udaiptir to Agrah. In the 9th year, ‘Aziz was again imprisoned, and put under ‘the charge of Agaf Khan in the Fort of Gwalidr (Tuzuk, p- 127). He was set free a year later, and soon after restored to his rank. In the 18th year, he was appointed Atdélig to Prince Dawar Bakhsh, who had been made Governor of Gujrat. M. Aziz died in the 19th year (1033) at Ahmadabad.

’Aziz-was vemarkable for ease of address, intelligence, and his knowledge of history. He also wrote poems. Historians quote the following aphorism from his ‘pithy’ sayings. ‘A man should marry four wives—a Persian woman to have some- body to talk to; a Khurasini woman, for his housework ; a Hindu woman, for nursing his children; and a woman from Méwardnnahr, to have some one to whip as 4 warning for the other three’. , Vide Iqhilnimah, p. 230,

828

Kokah means ‘foster brother,’ and is the same as the Turkish Kiéhalddsh or Kikaltash.

Mirz& ’Aziz’s sons. 1. Mirzd Shamst (No. 163). He has been mentioned above. During the reign of Jahangir he rose to importance, and received the title of Jahangir Qulf Khan.

2. Mirzd Shddmdn (No, 233). He received the title of Shad Khan, Tuzuk, p. 99.

3. Mirzd Khurrum (No.177). He was made by Akbar governor of Jindgarh in Gujrat, received the title of Kamil Khin under Jahangir, and accompanied Prince’ Khurram (Shdhjabin) to the Dak’hin.

4. Mirzdé Abdullah (No. 257) received under Jahangir the title of Sardér Khan. He accompanied his father to Fort GwAliar.

5. Mirzd Anwar (No. 206) was ‘married to a daughter of Zain Khan Kokah (No. 34).

All of them were promoted to commanderships of Five and Two Thousands, Aziz’s other sons have been mentioned above.

A sister of M. ‘Aziz, Mih Bani, was married to “Abdurrahim Khan Kitdndn. (No. 29.) ® 22, Baha’dur Kha’n i Shaiba’ni’, (younger) brother of Khén Zamén. (No. 13.) ,

His real name is Muhammad Said. Huméyin on his return from Persia put him in charge of the District of Dawar. He then planned a rebellion and made preparations to take Qandahar, which was commanded by Shih Muhammad Khin of Qalat (No. 95.) The latter, however, fortified the town and applied to the king of Persia for help, as he could not expect Humayun to send him assistance. A party of Qizilbashes attacked Bahadur, who escaped.

In the 2nd year, when Akbar besieged Mankot, Bahadur, at the request of Bairam Khan, was pardoned, and received Multan as jagir. In the 3rd year, he assisted in the conquest of Malwah. After Bairdm’s fall, through the influence of Mahum Anagah (vide p. 323), he was made Vaké/, and was soon after appointed to Itawah (Sirkar of Agrah),

Subsequently he took an active part in the several rebellions of his elder brother (vide p. 320). After his capture, Shahbiz Khan i Kambi (No. 80) killed him at Akbar’s order.

Like his brother he was a man of letters (Bad. IIT, 239).

23, Rajah Biha’ri’ Mall, son of Prit’hirdj Kachhwahah.

In some historical MSS. he is called Bikdrd Mall. There were two kinds of Kachhwahas, Rajawat and Shaikhawat, to the former of which Bihiri Mall belonged. Their ancient family seat was Amber in the Gubah of Ajmir, Though not so extensive as Marwéyr, the revenues of Amber were larger. _

Bihari Mall was the first Rajput that joined Akbar’s Court. The flight? of Huma- yun from India had been the cause of several disturbances. Haji Khan, a servant of Sher

• The ‘flight’ of Humdyiin from India | able event,’ or rihlat (departure); or was a delicate subject for Mughul Histori-.| dmadan i Sher Khdn, the coming of ans. Abulfazl generally uses euphemisms, | Sher Khan (xot Sher Sh4h), &c. as du wdgiuh t néguzir, ‘that unavoid-

329

Khan, had attacked Nirnaul, the jigiy of Majntin Khan Qagqshal (No. 50), who happened to bea friend ofthe Rajah’s. Through his intercession both cameto anamicable settlement ; and Majniin Khin, after the defeat of Hemi, (963) brought Bihari Mall’s services to the notice of the emperor. The Rajah was invited to come to court, where he was presented before the end of the first year of Akbar’s reign. At the interview Akbar was seated on a wild (ast) elephant, and as the animal got restive and ran about, the people made way ; only Bihari Mall’s Rajput attendants, to the surprise of Akbar,

stood firm. In the 6th year of his reign (969), Akbar made a pilgrimage to the tomb of

Mu’‘in i Chishti at Ajmfr, and at Kalili, Chaghté Khan reported to the Emperor, that the Rijah had fortified himself in the passes, as Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17), Governor of Malwah, had made war upon him, chiefly at the instigation of Soja, son of Puran Mall, elder brother of the Rajah. Sharafuddin had also got bold of Jagnat’h (No. 69), sou of the Rajah, Raj Singh (No. 147), son of Askaran, and Kangir, son of Jagmall (No. 13-4), his chief object being to get possession of Amber itself. At Deosah, 40 miles east of Jaiptir, Jaimall, son of Ripsi (No. 118), Bihari Mall’s brother who was the chief af. the country, joined Akbar, and brought afterwards, at the request of the emperor, his father *Riipsi. At Sankénir, at last, Bihdri Mall with bis whole family. attended, and was mos{ honorably received. Tis request to enter into Akbar’s service and to strengthen the ties of friendship by a matrimonial alliance was granted. On his return from Ajmir, Akbar received the Rajah’s daughter at Sambhar, and was jeined, at Ratan, by the Rajah himself, and his.son Bhagawant Das, and his grand. son Kunwar Man Singh. They accompanied Akbar to Agrab, where Bihari Mall was made a Commander of Five Thousand. Soon after, Bihari Mall returned to Amber. He died at Agrah (Tabagét).

Amber is said to have been founded A. D. 967 by Dhold Rai, son of Sora, of whom Bihiri Mall was the 18th descendant.’

The Akbernimah mentions the names of four brothers of Bibdrf Mall. 1. Pdran Mall; 2. Rupsi (No. 118); 3. Askaran (vide No. 174); 4. Jagmall (No. 134). Bihari Mall is said to have been younger than Piran Mall, but older than the other three.

Three sons of Bihari Mall were in Akbar’s service—1. Bhagwan Das (No. 27) ; 2. Jagannat’h (No. 69); and 3. Salhadi (No. 267).

24. Kha’n Jaha’n Husain Quli’ Kha‘n; son of Wali Beg Zulgadr.

He is the son of Bairam Khin’s sister. Mis father Wali Beg Zulqadr was much attached to Bair’im, and was captured in the fight in the Parganah of fo (Jélindhar: aide p. 317, 1. 5,) but died immediately afterwards from the wounds recvived in battle, Akbar looked upon him as the chief instigator of Bairim’s rebellion, and ordered his head to cut off, which was sent all over Hindiistin. When it was brought to Ttéwah, Bahadur hin (No. 22) killed the foot solliers (tuwdchfs) that carried it. Khin Jahan had brought Bairdim’s ixsignia from Mewdt to Akbar, and as he was a near

2 The present Maharajah of Jaiptir is ; Amber_was deserted in 1728, when Jai the 34th descendant; vide Selections Singh IT. fonnded the modern Jaiptir. Government of India, No. LXV, 1868. * Husain Quli Bey. Afadsin.

42

a

”_

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relation of the rebel, he was detained and left under charge of A’gaf Khan ’Abdulinajid, Commander of, Dihli. When Bairim had been pardoned, Khin Jabin was released. He attached himself henceforth to Akbar.

In the 8th year (end of 971), he was made a Khan, and received orders to follow up Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17). Ajmir and Nagor were given him as duyil. He took the Fort of Jodhpir from Chandar Sen, son of Rai Maldeo, and distinguished himself in the pursuit of Udai Singh during the siege of Chitor.

In the 13th year (976), he was transferred to the Panjab, whither he went after assisting in the conquest of Rantanbhir.

In the 17th year, he was ordered to take Nagarkot, which had belonged to Rijah Jai Chand. Baddonfi says (II, p. 161), that the war was merely undertaken to provide Bir Bay with a jigir. Akbar had Jai Chand imprisoned, and Budi Chand, his son, thinking that his father was dead, rebelled. Khan Jahan, on his way, conquered Fort Kotlah, reached Nagarkot in the beginning of Rajab 980, and took the famous Bhawan temple outside of the Fort. The siege was progressing and the town reduced to extremities, when it was reported that Ibrahim Husain Mirzé and Mas’id- Mirza had invaded the Panjéb. Khin Jahn therefore accepted » payment of five mans of gold and some valuables, and raised the siege. He is also said to have erected a Masjid in front of Jai Chand’s palace in the, Fort, and to have read the Khutbuh in Akbar’’s name (Friday, middle of Shawwal 980). rz

Accompanied by Ismé‘il Quli Khan and Mirzé Yisuf Khin i i Rizawi (No, 35), Khan Jahdn marched against the Mirzis, surprised them in the Parganah of Talbanah, 40 kos from Multin, and defeated them, Ibrébim Husain Mirz& escaped to Multan, but Mas’id Husain and several other Mirzis of note were taken prisoners.

In the 18th year (981), when Akbar returned to Agrah after the conquest of Gujrat, he invited his Amirs to meet him, and Khan Jahan also came with his prisoners, wham he had put into cow skins with horns on, with their eyelashes sewn together. Akbar had their eyes immediately opened, and even pardoned some of the prisoners. The victorious general received the title of Khan Jahan, ‘a title in reputation next to that of Khan Khanin.’ About the same time Sulaiman, ruler of Badakhshin (p. 312) had come to India, driven away by his grandson Shdbrukb (No. 7), and Khin Jahin was ordered to assist him in recovering his kingdom. But as in 983 Mun’im Kh4n Khan4n died, and Bengal was unsettled, Khin Jahin was recalled from the Panjab, before be had moved into Badakhshan, and was appointed to Bengal, Rajah Todar Mall being second in command. At Bhagalpur, Khin Jahan was met by the Amirs of Bengal, and as most of them were Chaght4i nobles, he bad, as Qizilbish, to contend with the same difficulties as Bairam Khan had had. He repulsed the Afshins who had come up as far as Gayh{ and Tandah; but he met with more decided opposition at Ak Mahall, where Ditid Khan had fortified himself. The Imperialists suffered much from the constant sallies of the Afghans. Khan Jahin complained of the wilful «neglect of his Amirs, and when Akbar heard of the death of Khwajah ’Abdullah Naqshbandi, who had been purposely left unsupported in a skirmish, he ordered Muzaffar Khan, Governor of Bihar (No. 37) to collect his Jigirdars and join Khan Jahdn (984). The fights ncar Ak Mahall were now resumed with new vigour. During a skirmish a canuon ball wounded Junaid i Kararini,

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Daud’s cousin,* which led to a general battle (15th Rab? IT, 984). The right wing of the Afghans, commanded by Kalé Pahar, gave way, when the soldiers saw their leader wounded, and tho centre under Datid was defeated by Khin Jahin. Détid himself was captured and brought to Khan Jahan, who sent his bead to Akbar.

After this great victory, Khan Jahin despatched Todar Mall to court, and moved to Sitginw (Higli), where Daiid’s family lived. Here he defeated the remnant of Ditd’s adherents under Jamshed and Mitti, and reannexed Satginw, which since the days of old had been called Bulghdkkhdnah,*? to the Mughul empire. Ditd’s mother came to Khan Jaban as a suppliant.

Soon after Mallni Sdin, Rajah of Kiich Bihdr sent tribute and 54 elephants, which Khin Jahan despatched to Court.

With the defeat and death of Datid, Bengal was by no means conquered. New troubles broke out in Bhati,? where the Afghans had collected under Karim Dad, Tbrahim, and the rich Zamindir Isa (agse). With great difficulties Khan Jahan occupied that district, assisted by a party of Afghins who had joined him together with Datd’s mother at Gods; and returned to Cihbatpur, a town which he had founded near Tandab. Soon after, he took ill, and died after a sickness of six weeks in the same year (19th Shuwwil 986(.

Abulfazl remarks that his death was opportune, inasmuch as the immense plunder collected by Khan Jahan in Bengal, had led him to the verge of rebellion. ;

Khan Jahan’s son, Rizi Quli (No. 274) is mentioned below among the Com- manders of Three Hundred and Fifty. In the 47th year he was made a Commander of Five Hundred with a contingent of 300 troopers. Another son, Rahim Quli, was a Commander of Two Hundred and Fifty, (No. 333). For Khan Jahan’s brother vide No. 46.

25. Sai’d Kha’n, son of Ya’qtib Beg, son of Ibrahim Jabiq.

He is also called Sa’fd Khaini Chaghtai. His family had long been serving under the Timiurides. His grandfather Ibrihim Beg Jaébiiq was an Amir of | Humiyiin’s and distinguished himself in the Bengal wars. His, son Yusuf Beg, was attacked near Jaunpir by Jalal Khan (7. ¢., Salim Shah), and killed. His other son also, Ya’qub, Sa’id’s father, distinguished himself under Humayin. According to the Tabagdt, ho was the son of the brother of Jahangir Quli Beg, governor of Bengal ander Humayitn.

Sa’id rose to the bighest honors under Akbar. He was for some time Governor of Multan, and was appointed, in the 22nd year, atdlég of Prince Danyal. Some time after, he was made Cubahdar of the Panjab, in supercession to Shah Quli Muhrim (No. 45 ), of whom the inhabitants of the Panjib had successfully complained. Said again was succeeded in the governorship by Rajah Bhagwin Das (No. 27), and received Sumbhal as ¢eyzl. In the 28th year, he was called to Court, was made a

wv.

1 The Ed. Bibl. Indica of Baddoné (rebellion), which may be found on almost

(II, 238) has by mistake cousin. Badaont every page of the Lérikh t Fintiz Shahi,

says that the battle took place near is scarcely ever met with in Historical

Colgong (IChalganw). works from the 10th century. It is now

• This nickname of Sitginw is evi- | quite obsolete.

dently old. Even tho word balghdk * For Bhati, vide below under No. 32

332

tommander of Three4Thousand, and was sent to Hajipir (Patna) as successor to Mirza ’Aziz Kokab (No. 21). In the 32nd year, when Vazir Khan (No. 41) had died in Bengal, Sa’id was made Governor of Bengal, which office he held till the 40th year. He was also promoted to the rank of Panjhazdért. In the 40th year, Miu Singh (No. 30) being appointed to Bengal, he returned to Court, and was, in the following year, again. made Governor of Bihir. In the 48th year (1011), when Mirza Gh4zi rebelled in T’hat’hah after the death of his father Mirzi Jini Beg (No. 47), Sa’id was appointed to Multén and Bhakkar, and brought about the submission of the rebel.

After the accession of Jahangir, he was offered the Governorship of the Panjib on the condition that he should prevent his eunuchs from committing oppressions, which he promised to do. (Luswk, p. 6, 1.2). He died, however, before joining his post, and was buried ‘in the garden of Sarhind.’

His affairs during his lifetime were transacted by a Hindt of the name of Chetr Bhoj. Sa’id had a passion for eunuchs, of whom be had 1200*. One of these Khwijah- sirds, Hilal, joined afterwards Jahdngir’s service; he built Hilalébad, six des N. W. from A’grah, near Rankattah,? regarding which the Madsir tells gn amusing incident, Another eunuch, Ikhtiy4r Khan was his Vakil, and another, I’tibir Khan, the Faujdar of his jagir. Yor Sa’id’s hrother, vide No. 70.

26. Shiha’b Kho/n, a Sayyid of Nishapir.

His fall name is Shihibuddin Ahmad Khin. He wasa relation and friend of Mahum Anagah (p. 323) and was instrumental in bringing about Bairam’s fall. From the beginning of Akbar’s reign, he was Commander of Dilhi. When Akbar, at the request of Mahum, turned from Sikandariibéd to Dihli to see his sick mother, Shihtb Kan told him ghat his journey, undertaken as it was without the knowledge of Bairam Khan, might prove disastrous to such grandees as were not Bairim’s friends ; and the Chaghtiti nobles took this opportunity of reiterating their complaints, which led to Bairim’s disgrace.

As remarked on p, 321, Shihab served in Malwah against ‘Abdullah Khan.

In the 12th year (975), he was appointed Governor of Malwakh, and was ordered to drive the Mirzas from that province. In the 13th year, he was put in charge of the Imperial domain lands, as Muzaffar Khan (No. 37) had too much to do with financial matters. :

In the 21st year, he was promoted toa commapd of Five Thousand, and was again appointed to Malwah; but he was transferred, in the following year, to Gujrat, as Vazir Khan (No. 41) had given no satisfaction. He was, in the 28th year, succeeded by I’timid Khan (No. 119 ), and intended to go to Court; but no sooner had he left Ahmadabad than he was deserted by his scrvants, who in a body joined Sultan Muzaflar. The events of the Gujrat rebellion are known from the histories. When Mirai Khan Khandn (No. 29) arrived, Shihab was attached to Qulij Khin

• If not acquired in Bengal, this pre-’ { Book, Gubah of Bengal, and Zuzuk i Gilection could not have been better Juhéngivi, pp. 72, 328. satisfied elsewhere. The eunuchs of # Sikandrah (or Bihishtébad), wher Trngal and Silhat were renowned; for | Akbar’s tomb is, lies half way betwen inter®Ming passages ode below, Third | Ayrah aud Rankattah,

333

(Malwah Corps). He distinguished himself in the conquest ef Bahronch (992), and received that district as tzy2. In the 34th year (997), he was again made Governor of Malwah, in succession to M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21).

Shihab died in M4lwah (Ujain, Tubaqat) in 999. His wife, Babu Agh’ was related to Akbar’s mother; she died in 1005.

During the time Shih’b was Governor of Dihli, he repaired the canal which Firtiz Shah had cut from the Parganah of Khizrébid to Safidin; and called it Nahr i Shikdb. This canal was again repaired, at the order of Shahjahdn, by the renowned Makramat Khan, and called 70, Faiz Nahr, (20th year of Shahjabdn). During the reign of Aurangzeb it was again obstructed, but has now again been repaired and enlarged by the English. (Asdrugganddid.)

27. Ra’jah Bhagwa’n Da’s, son of Rajah Bihéri Mall.

. In the Histories we find the spellings Bhagwant, Bhagwdént, and Bhagwan. Ho joined Akbar’s service with his fathor (No. 23 ). In 980, in the fight with Ibrihim Husain Mirzi near Sarndl (Briggs, Sartil), he saved Akbar’s life. He also distinguished himself against the Rand of [dar, whose son, Amr Singh, he brought to Cowt, When, in the 23rd year, the Kachwihahs had their tuyils transferred to the Panjab, Rajah Bh. D. was appointed Governor of the province. In the 29th year, Bh.’s daughter was married to Prince Salim, of which marriage Prince Khusrau was the offspring. In the 30th year, Bh. D. was made a commander of Five Thousand, and Governor of Zabulistin, as Man Singh was sent against the ‘Yiusufzais. But Akbar for some reason detained him, In Khairébad, Bh. D.’ had a fit of madness, and wounded himself with a dagger ; but he recovered, soon after, in the hands of the Court Doctors. In the 32nd year, the jigirs of the Rajah and his family were transferred to Bihar, Min Singh taking the command of the province.”

Rijah Bh. D. died in the beginning of 998 at Lahor, a short time after Rijah, Todar Mall (No, 39). People say that on returning from Today Mall’s funeral, he had an attack of stranguary, of which he died. He had the title of Amr ul Uimnard,

The Jémi ’ Masjid of Lahor was built by | fim.

Regarding his sons, vide Nos. 30, 104, 336.

28, Qutbuddi’n Kha’n, youngost brothor of Atgah Khdn (15),

As he belonged to the Atyah Khail (vide p. 321), his ¢wyi2 was in the Panjab. He founded several mosques, &c., at Lahor.

In tho 9th year (972), Akbar sent him to Kabul. During -his stay there, be built a villa at Ghaznin, his birth place, On the transfer of the ‘ Atgab Khail’ from the Panjib, Q. was appointed to Malwah. After the conquest of Gujrat, he received as jagir the Sirkér of Bahronch (Broach), “which lies south of Ahmaddbid, and has a fort on the bank of the Narbudda near its mouth.” Subsequently he returned to Court, and was made a commander of Five Thousand.

In the 24th year (12th Rajab, 987), he was appointed atdléq to Prince Salim, received a ddgz,* and the title of Beglar Begi. Akbar also honoured him by placing at a feast Prince Sulfim on his shoulders, Afterwards Q. was again appointed to

• A kind of warm mantle—a great distinction under the Timtrides.

834

Bahronch ‘as far as Nazrbar.’ In the 28th year (991), Muzaffar of Gujrit tried to .make himself independent. Q. did not act in concert with the other officers, and in consequence of his delay and timidity, he was attacked and defeated by Muzaffar near Barodah. Q.’s servants even joined Muzaffar, whilst he himself retreated to the Fort of Barodah. After a short time he capitulated and surrendered to Muzaffar, who had promised not to harm him or his family. But at the advice of a Zamindar, Muzaffar went to Bahronch, occupied the Fort in which Q.’s family lived, and confiscated his immense property (10 kvors of rupees), as also 14 lacs of imperial moncy. Immediately after, Muzaffar had Q. murdered.

His son*Naurang Khan served under Mirz4 Khan Khinan (No. 29) in Gujrét (992), received a jagir in Malwah and subsequently in Gujrat. He died in 999.

The MSS. of the Tabagdt, which I consulted, contain the remark that Naurang Khan was a Commander of Four Thousand, and was, in 1001, governor of Jrinagarh.

His second son, Giijar Khin, was a Haftgadi (No. 193), and served chiefly under M. A’zam Khan Kokah (No. 21). He also had a tuyiil in Gujrat.

29. Kha’n Kha’na’n Mi’rza’ ’Abdurrahi’m, son of Bairam Khién.

His mother was a daughter of Jamal Khin of Mewit? In 9 1, when Hamayiin returned to India, he enjoined his nobles to enter into matrimonial alliances with tho Zamindérs of the country, and after marrying the elder daughter of Jam4l Khin, he asked Bairém Khan to marry the younger one.

M. ’Abdurrahim was born at Lihor, 14th Cafar 964. When Bairim Khin was murdered at Patan in Gujrat (p. 317), his camp was plundered by some Afghans ; but Muhammad Amin Diwdnah and Bibi Zambir managed to remove the child and his mother from the scene of plunder, and bring them to Ahmadabad, fighting on the road with the Afghan robbers. From Ahmadabad, M. ‘Abdurrahim was taken to Akbar (969), who notwithstanding the insinuations of malicious courtiers took charge of him. He gave him the title of Afirzé Rhdn, ond married him subsequently to Mah Bani, sister of M. “Aziz Kokah. (No. 21).

In 981, M. ’Abdurrahim accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Patan (p. 825). In 984, M.’A. was appoinfed to Gujrat, Vazir Kh4n having the manage- ment of the province. In the 25th year, he was male Mir ’Arz, and three _years later, atdlig to Prince Salim.‘ Soon after, he was sent against Sultin Muzaflar of Gujrat. Muzaffar, during the first Gujrati war, had fallen into the hands of Akbar’s officers. He was committed to the charge of Mun’im Khan (No. 11), and after his death, tothe care of Shah Mancitr the Diwdn (No. 122), But Muzaffar managed, in the 23rd year, to escape, and took refuge with the KAt’hfis of Junagayh, little noticed or cared for by Akbar’s officers, But when I’timdd Khan was sent to Gujrdt

to relieve Shibabuddin (No. 26), the servants of the latter joined Muzaffar, and the

Gujr&t rebellion commenced. Muzaffar took Ahmadabéd, and recruited, with the

treasures that fell into his hands (vide Qutbuddin, No. 28), an army of 40,000

troopers. Mirzi ’Abdurrabim had only 10,000 troopers to oppose him, and though

his officers advised him ¢to wait for the arrival of Qulij Kh4n and the Malwah |

s # LA . ? He was the nephew of Hasan Khan that’ the Khanzadahs of Mewat werd of Mewat. (Bad. I, p. 361). In the chiefly converted Janthah Rajputs, fourth Book of the ‘Ain, Abulfazl says ‘

335

J contingent, Dost Khin Lodi, M. ’A.’s Air Shamsher, reminded him not to spoil his laurels aud claims to the Khin Khandnship. M.A. then attacked Muzaffar and defeated him in the remarkable battle of Sarkij, three Aos from Ahmadabad. On the arrival of the Malwah contingent, M. ’A. defeated Muzaffar asecond time near Nadot. Muzaffar concealed himself in RAjpfplah.

For these two victories Akbar made M.’A. a commander of Hive Thousand, and gave him the coveted title of Khan Khinin. For this reason Historians generally eall him Mirzé Khan Khinan.

When Gujrat was finally conquered, M. Khan Khanan gave his whole property to his soldiers, even his inkstand, which was given toa soldier who came last and said, he had not received anything. The internal affairs of Gujréit being settled, Qulij Khan was left in the province, and M.’A. rejoined the Court.

In the 34th year he presented to Akbar a copy of his Persian translation of Babar’s Chaghtdi Memoirs (Wdgi’dé ¢ Babari)2

Towards the end of the same year he was appointed Vakél, and wecutved Jaunpur as tuytl; but in 999 his jagir was transferred to Multin, and he received orders to take T’hat’hah (Sind). .Passing by the Fort of Sabwén,*he took the Fort of Lak’hf, “which was considered the key of the country, just as Gadhi is in Bengal aad Bérah- miilah in Kashmir.” After a great deal of fighting, Mirzi Janf Beg (No. 47), ruler of T’hat’hah, made peace, which M.’A., being hard pressed for provisions, willingly accepted. Sahwén was to be handed over to Akbar, M. Jani Beg was to visit the emperor after the rains, and Mirzé Yrich, M.’A.’s eldest son, was to marry Jini Beg’s daughter. But as M. Jani Beg after the rains, delayed to carry out the stipulations, M.’A. moved to T’hat’hah, and prepared himself to take it by assault, when M. Jini Beg submitted and accompanied M.’A. to Court.? Thus Sindh was annexed. -

When Sultéin Murad assembled, at Bahronch (Broach), his troops for the conquest of the Dak’hin, Akbar despatched M.’A. to his assistance, giving him Bhils’ as jagfr. After delaying there for some time, M.’A. went to Ujain, which annoyed the Prince, though M.’A. wrote him that Rijah ’Alf Khan* of Khaéndes was on the point of joining the Imperialists, and that he would come with him. When M.’A., at last, joined head quarters at Fort Chandor, 30 £os from Ahmadnagar, he was slighted by the Prince ; and, in consequence of it, he hesitated to take an active part in the operations, leaving the command of his detachment chiefly in the hands of M. Shihrukh (No. 7). Only on one occasion after Murdd’s departure from Ahmadnagar, he took a prominent part in the war. Mu’tamiduddaulah Suhail Khan (Briggs, IT, 274; III, 308) threatened Prince Murad, who had been persuaded by his officers not to engage with him. M.

-*A., Rajah ’Ali Khan, and M. Shéhrukh, therefore took it upon themselves to fight the enemy. Moving in Jumada TI, 1005 from Shahpiir, M.’A. met Suhail near the town of Ashti, 12 kos from Pathri. Tho. fight was unusually severe. Rajah ’Alf Khan with five of his principal officers and five hundred troopers were killed (Briggs

2 Vide p. 105, last line. subject of a Masnawi by Mullé Shikebf, 2 Also called Siwistan,on the right bank’ | whom Abullazl mentiyns below among of the Indus. Lak’hi (Lukkee) lies a the poets of Albar’s age. little south of Sahwan. * Khafi Khan calls him Réji *Al

® The conquest of Sindh forms the Khan.

336

IV, 324). The night put an end to the engagement ; but each party believing itself victorious, remained under arms. When next morning, M.’A.’s troopers went to the river [near Supt, Fivishtah] to get water, they were attacked by 25,000 of the enemy’s herse. Daulat Khan who commanded M.’A.’s avantguard, said to him,” It is dying » useless death to fall fighting with but 600 troopers against such odds.” ‘“ Do you forget Dihli?” asked M.’A. “If we keep up,” replied Daulat Khan, “ against snch odds, we have discovered 4 hundred Diblfs; and if we die, matters rest with God.” Qasim -of Barha® and several other Sayyids were near; and on hearing M.’A.’s resolution to fight, he agid, “ Well, Jet us fight as Hindistinis, nothing is left but death; but ask the Khan Khanin what he means to do.” Daulat Khan returned, and said to M.’A- ** Their numbers are immense, and victory rests with heaven; point out a place whore we can find you, should we be defeated.” “ Under the corpses,” said M.’A, There- upon they charged the flank of the enemy and routed them. After this signal victory, M.A. distributed 75 lacs of Rupees among his soldiers. At the request of the Princo, M.’A. was soon after recalled (1006).

In the same year Mah Bani, M. ’A.’s wife died.

In the 44th year, Prince Danyal was appointed to the Dak’hin, and Ni.’A. was ordered tg join the Prince, and besiege Ahmadnagar. The town, as is known from the histories, was taken after a siege of 4 months and 4 days.? M.’A. then joined the Court, bringing with him Bahddur {bn i Ibrihim, who had been set up as Nizim Shah. Danyal was appointed governor of the newly conquered territory, which was called by Akbar Ddndes,? and married to Jani Begum, M.’A.’s daughter. The Khan Khénin was also ‘ordered to repair to Ahmadnagar, to keep down a party that had made the son of Shah ’Alf, uncle of Murtazi, Nizam Shab.

After the death of Akbar, matters in the Dak’hin did not improve. In the 3rd year of Jahdngir (1017), M.’A. promised to bring the war to a close in two years, if he received a sufficient number of troops. Shéhzédeh Parwiz, under the Atdlig- ship of Agaf’ Khan, M4n Singh, Khén Jahin Lodi, and others, were appvinted to assist M.’A. He took the Prince in the rains from Burbinpir to Bilig’hat ; but in consequence’ of the usual duplicity and rancour displayed by the Amirs, the imperial army suffered from want of provisions and loss of cattle, and M.’A. was compelled to conclude a treaty dishonorable for Jahéngir, who appointed Khan Jahin Lodi as his successor, and sent Mahdbat Khan, subsequently M.’A.’s enemy, to bring the unsuccessful commander to Court.

In the 5th year, M. ’A. received Kalpf and Qanauj as tuyitl, with orders to crush the rebels in those districts (vide p. 324, note). Some time afterwards, M.’A. wag again sent to the Dak’hin, as matters there had not improved; but he did not gain any advantage cither.

the Akbarnémah and the Maisir have

“OY van.

• The Sayyids of Barha considered it their privilege to fight in the Lerdwal, Vide No. 75.

? Abulfazl and the Lacknow edition of Firishtab call :the eunuch who mur- dered Chind Bibi wlidiaa or Aisa. Driggs has Wamid Khin. For Nihang Khan, which Briggs gives, all copies of

Abhang Khén. The Tucknow Ed. of Firishtah has Ahang Khdn. The dif- ferences, moreover, between Abulfaz! and Firishtah in details are very remarkable.

® A combination of the words Ddanydl and Khdudes.

337

In the 11th year (1025) Jahangir, at last, despatched Prince Khurram, to whom he had given the title of Shah Matwah, in order to be nearer the scene of war, while Shah Khurram selected Burhanptir as Mead Quarters. Here the Prince also married the daughter of Shahnawiz Khan, M.’A.’sson. ’Adil Shah and Qutbulmulk sent ttibute and submitted, and Jahangir bestowed upon “Adil Shah the title of Fursand (son); and ’Ambar Malik handed over the keys of Ahmadnagar and other Forts, together with the Parganahs of Bilig’hat which he had conquered. Shah Khurram then appointed M.A, Cribabdar of Khandes, Barir, and Ahmadnagar, whilst Shahnawiz Khin wag appointed to Bilighat. Leaving 30,000 horse and 7,000 artillery in the Dak’hin, Shih Khurram joined his father at Mandi, where new honors awaited him.?

In the 15th year, Malik Ambar ‘broke’ the treaty, and fell upon the T’hanahdars of the Mughuls, Darab Khan, M. ’A.’s sccond son, retreated from Bila’ghat to Balapir ; and driven from there, he went to Burhinpir, where he and his father were besieged. On Shahjahin’s approach, the besiegers dispersed. ”

In the 17th year, (1031), Shih ’Abbds of Persia attacked Quandahar, and Shahjahin and ’Abdurrahim were called to Court, to take the command against the Persians; but before they joined, Prince Parwiz, through Nir Jahin’s influence, had been appointed heix-apparent, and Mahdbat Khan had been, raised to the dignity of Khdn Khdndn. Shahjabin rebelled, returned with M.A. to Mandi, and then moved to Burhdnpir. On the march thither, Shahjahin intercepted a letter which M. ’A. had secretly written to Mahabat Khan, whereupon he imprisoned him and his son Darth Khan, and sent him to Fort Asir, but released them soon after on parole. Parwiz and Mahdbat Khan had, in the meantime, arrived at the Narbaddah to capture Shihjabién. Bairdm Beg, an oflicer of Shahjahn’s, had for this reason removed all boats to the left side of the river, and successfully prevented the impcrials from crossing. At M.’A.’s advice, Shihjahdén proposed, at this time, an armistice, He made ‘M. ’A. swear upon the Qorin not to betray him, and sent him as ambassador to Parwiz, Mahdbat Khan, knowing that the fords would not now be so carefully watched as before, effected a crossing, and M.’A., forgetful of his oath, jomed Prince Parwiz, and did not return to Shihjahin, who now fled from Burhdnpitr, marching through Talingdénah to Orissa and Bengal. Mahabat and M. ‘A. followed him up a short distance beyond the Tapti. M. ’A. wrote to Rajah Bhim, a principal courtier of the Daulatshihi party, to tell Shahjahdn, that he (M. ’A.) would do every thing in his

Jahangir himself fixed his residence at Mandi in

1 «Since thetime of Timir no Prince had received this title.” Mludsir. Shah Khurram received subsequently the title of Shdhjehdn, which he retaived as king, in conjunction with the titles of Qirdn i Sént and A’lé Hazrat (yJst eyaa). The last title had also been used by Sulaiman i Kararani, King of Bengal. Aurangzeb, in imitation of it, adopted the title of ld Khigdén.

2 He received the title of Shdhjuhdn and was made a Séhdzdré, or Commander of Thirty Thousand, personal (brevet)

AB

cdhib Y.

‘rank, and a contingent of 20,000 (az asi

wa izdfah, i. e. his former contingent plus an increase in troops). He was also allowed 2 Gandalé (vide p. 308), likewise a custom that had not been observed since the age of ‘Timir. Jahangir even came down trom the J’arokah (the win- dow in the State hall, familiar to all that have seen the halls of the palaces of Ag- rah and Fathpir Silt), and placed ‘a dish full of jewels and gold on Shahja- hin’s head, distributing the whole (3 nusi?) among the Airs.

358

power to detain the imperial army, if the prince would allow his sons to join him, Rajah Bhim replied that the prince had still from five to six thousand followers, and that he would kill M.\A.’s sons, should it come toa fight. Shahjahan then moved into Bengal and Bihar, of which he made DarAb Khan, who had evidently attached himself to the prince, Governor. Mahabat Khan had in the mean time returned to Hdhibad to oppose Shih- jahadn, and had placed M.’A., who looked upon him with distrust, under surveillance.

In the 2ist year, Jabingir ordered Mahdbat Khan to send M. ’A. to court, where he was reinstated in his titles and honours. He afterwards retired to his jivgir at Labor, when Mahdbat Khin followed him and sent him back to Dihli. Soon after the failure of his scheme of retaining possession of Jahingir’s person, and thie return of the monarch from Kabul, Mahibat Kban had to fly. Nur Jahin now appointed BI.’A. to follow up Mahdbat, and contributed herself twelve’ lacs of rupees to the expedition. But before the necessary preparations had been completed, M.’A. took ill at Léhor, and on his arrival in Dihli, he died at the age of seventy-two, in the end of Jahangir’s 21st year (L036). The words Khdn Sipuhsdlér ki (where is the Khan Commander) are the ¢d7zkh of his death.

M. ’A.’s great deeds are the conquests of Gujrat and Sind and the defeat of Suhail Khan of Bijipir. During Jahingir’s reign, he did nothing remarkuble ; nor was he treated with’ the respect which he had enjoyed during the lifetime of Akbar, though he was allowed to retain’his rank. For nearly thirty years, he had been serving in the Dak’bin. Every grandee, and even the princes, accused him of seerct friendship with the rulers of the Dak’hin, and Abultazl, on one occasion, gave his JSatwd that M.’A. was a rebel. Under Jahangir, he was the open friend of Malik “Ambar; and Muhammad Ma’gtim, one of his servants, once informed the emperor that he would find Malik ’Ambar’s correspondence in the possession of ‘Abdurrahim of Lak’hnau (No. 197), who was much attached toM.’A. Mahébat Khan was appointed to enquire into this; but “Abdurrahim of Lak’hnau would not betray his friend. People said, M. ’A.’s motto was, ‘ people should hurt their enemics under tho mask of friendship,’ and all seem to have been inclined to blame him for maliciousness and faithlessness. He used to get daily reports from his newswriters whom he had posted at various stations. He read their reports at night, and tore them up. But he was also proverbial for his liberality and love of letters. The Madsiri Rahini isa splendid testimony of his generosity ; it shews that be was the Meczenas of Akbar’s age. People, by a happy comparison, called him Mir Ali Sher (vide p- 101, noted.) M.A. wrote Persian, Turkish, Arabic, and Hind{ with great fluency. As poet he wrote under the name of Rahim.

Though his father had been a Shi’ah, M.’A. was a Sunni; but people said, he was a Shi’ah, but practised tagiyyah.®

M.:A.’s most faithful servant was Miyin Fahim. People said, he was the son

Yof a slave girl; but he appears to have been a Rijpit. He grew up with M,’A.’s

sons, and was as pious as he was courageous. He fell with his son Firtiz Khan

• Called Madsth i Rahimé in allusion ( 4:35, pr. fear, caution), é. ¢., they do to his name M. ’Abdur-Rabim. Vide as if they were Sunnis, A Shi’ah may Elliot’s Index (1st edition), p. 377. even vilify his own sect, if his personal

2 Wherever Shi‘ahs are in the minori- safety requires it, ty, they practise, if necessary, tagiyyah

339

and 40 attendants in the fight with Mahdbat Khan, who had imprisoned his master: M.‘A. built him a tomb in Dibli, which is now called Nilak Burj, near Humiyin’s. tomb. (Asdrugcanddid.)

M. ’A. outlived his four sons.

1, Mirzd Ivich (or Irij, Shahnawds Khén Bahddur (No.255). When young he: used to be called Khdn Khanda i jawdn. He distinguished himself by his courage. In the 40th year of Akbar he was made a Commander of 400, In the 47th year. after: afight with Malik “Ambar who got wounded, he received the title of Bakddur, During the reign of Jahangir he was called Shahnaw4z Khan (vide Tuzpk, p. 95), and: was made a Commander of Five Thousand. He died in 1028 from excessive drinking. (Vide. Vazuk, p. 270). ; :

Two of his sons are mentioned in the Pddishdhndmah. 1. Mirza Khan. He was Faujdar of Kangrah, and retived ‘foolishly’ from public life in Rabi’ II, 1046. But he was re-employed and was a Commander of Three Thousand in 1055 (Pddishéhudmah II, pp. 483, 723). 2. Lashkarshikan Khin. He got in 1047, a present of 4000 Ri, and received an appointment in Bengal.

Historians call Shahnawiz Khan generally Shahnawdéz Khdn i Jahkdngirt, to. distinguish him front Shahnawaz Khin i Cafawi, a grandee of Shaibjahin.

2. Mirad Dérdb Dérdb-Khdn. He has been mentioned above (p. 337). When. Shahjahan made him Governor of Bengal, he retained his wife, a son anda daughter, and a son of Shahnawfz Khan as hostages (yarghamdl). When the priuce after the fight near the Tons (Benares) had again to go to the Dak’hin, he wrote to Darab Khan to-.move to-~Gadbi (N. W, entrance of Beugal).and join him, Dariib wrote him that he could not come, being besieged by the zamindars of the place. Tle fell at last into the hands of Parwiz and Mahabat Khan, and as Jahangir had ‘no objections’, Mahabat executed him (1035), wrapped his head in atable cloth, and sent it to his father M.’A. as a present of a‘melon.’ A short time before, “Abdullah Khan had killed Darfb’s son and a son of Shahnawdz Khan. ;

3. Mirzd Rahmdn Ddd. His mother belonged to the Saddahas of Amarkot. Though very dissolute, he was most liked by his father. Hie died, at Balapur, about the same time as his eldest brother. Vide Tuzulk, p. 315. No one dared to inform

his father of the event, till people sent at last the famous saint Hazrat lsd of Sindh:

to M. ’A. on a visit of condolence.

4. Mirzd Amrullah. He grew up without education, and died when young.

5. Ra‘jah Ma’n Singh, son of Bhagwan Dis

He was born at Amber, and is, the son of Rajah Bhagwin Das (No. 27). Euro- pean Listorians say that he was the adopted son of Rijah Bh. D., but Muhammadan Historians do not allude to this circumstance, perhaps because Hindiis make absolutec- ly no difference between 2 real and an adopted son. He is-also known under the title of Mirzdé Rdjah, and Akbar bestowed upon him the, title of Zarzand (son). |

He joined Akbar with Biharf Mall (p. 329). In 984, he was appointed against Rani Kiké, and gained, in 985, the great battle near Gogandah.’ Rajah Ramsah of

» The best account of this battle is to | witness. Bad. IT. 230 to 237. The be found in Baildoni, who was an eye- | whole is left out in Briggs,

4

on

~

34.0

4 e * - tA ‘ Ld ° ig , Gwiliar was killed with his sons, whilst the Rand himself in the melée was wounded

by. Man Singh. Akbar, however, felt aunoyed, because M.S. did not follow up his victory, and recalled him.

When. Bhagwan Dis was appointed governor of the Panjib, M. S. commanded the districte along the Indus. In the year 993, Prince M. Muhammad Hakim died, and M. S. was sent to Kabul to keep the country in order. He rejoined Akbar near the Indus with M, Muhammad Hakim’s sons (M. Afrasyab and M. Kaiqubad) ; ° but was soon after sent back to Kabul, where he chastised the Raushinis who, like other Afghin tribes, were given to predatory incursions. After the death of Rajah Bir Bar, in the war with the Ytisufzais, M. S. was appointed to the command of the army in Kabul, in supercession of Zain Khin Kokah (No. 34) and Hakim Abul Fath. He was also put in charge of Zabulistin, ag Bhagwén Dias had a fit of madness (p. 333). In the 32nd year, M.S. was recalled in consequence of loud complaints of the people -against the Rijptits and’ M. &.’s indifference to the Kébulis, and was appointed Governor of Bihdr, to which province the duyzls of the Kachhwahas had been transferred. =f

After the death of Bhagwin Das in 998, M. S., who hitherto had the title of Kunwar, received from Akbar the title of Rajah and a Command of Five Thousand. In Bihar he punished several refractory Zaminddrs, as Pirin Mall and Rajah Sing Rém, and received their tribute. i aaa

The principal events of Man Singh’s life from 997 to 1015 are given in Stewart’s History of Bengal, (pp. 114 to 121).* In the 35th year, M. S. invaded Orissa by way of Jharkand (Chuttit Nagptr). The result of this expedition was the cession of Priri. In the 37th year. when the Afghans under Khwaéjah Sulaiman and Khwijah “Usman attacked Piri, M. S. again invaded Orissa, and re-annexcd, in 1000, that province to the Dihli empire. In the 39th year, M. 8. continued his conquests in” Bhati (the eastern portions of the Sundarban), and built, in the following year, Akbarnagar, or Rajmahall, at a place which Sher Shah, before him, had selected as a convenient spot, as also Salimnagar, the Fort of Sherpttr Murchah (Mymensing). The whole of Eastern Bengal on the right side of the Brahmaputra was likewise annexed. In the 41st year, M.S. married the sister of Lachmf Narain, Rajah of Kich Bihar, who had declared himself a vassal of the Mughul empire. In the same year, M. S. took dangerously ill at G’hordg’hat, when the Afghius attacked him. They were soon after driven back by Himmat Singh, one of M. S.’s sons,? into the Sundarban. In the 42nd year, M.S. had to send a detachment under Hijaz Khan info’ Kuch Bihar for the protection of Lachmi Narain. In tho 44th year, M.S., at Akbar’s request, joined the Dak’hin war. Thinking that the Afghans, in consequence of the death of their leader, the rich Tsi of Ghorag’hat, would remain quict, M.S. appointed bis son Jagat Singh (No. 160) his deputy, and joined Prince Salfin at Ajmir. Jagat Singh died after a short time, and was succeeded by Maha Singh, a younger son, or grandson, of M. 8. The Afghans under

Ter et Set ea a

• The name of ‘ Sayid’ Khan (ots Od) Such as take an interest in tho History of Bengal and Orissa should make use of the

Akbarntauah, which contains many new

facts and details not given in Stewart.

2 He died in 1005, :

which ocenrs several times in Stewart, dl… should be corrected to Sa’fd Khan (wlioysew), the same grandee whose biography was given above (p, 33]).

841 ’Usmmin used this opportunity, defeated, in the 45th year, the imperials near Bhadrak in Orissa, and occupied a great portion of Bengal. M.S. then hastened back over Rahtis, and defeated the Afghans neav Sherptir Ata{, a town of the Sirkir.of Sharifibad, which | extended from Bardwaén to Fath Singh, S. of Murshidabad. After this victory, which obliged ‘Usman to retreat to Orissa, M.S. paid a visit to the EnSeror who promoted him toa (full) command of Seven Thousand. Hitherto Five Thousand had been the limit of promotion. It is noticeable that Akbar in raising M.S. to a command of Seven Thousand, placed a Hindi above every Mubammadan officer, though, soon after, M. Shahrukh (vide p. 312) and M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) were raised to the same dignity.

M. S. remained in Bengal till 1013, when the sickness of. the emperor induced him to resign his appointment, in order to be in the capital. The part which he played at the time of Akbar’s death is known from the Histories. Jahdngir thought it prudent to overlook the conspiracy which the Rajah had made, and sent him to Bengal. But soon after (1015), he was recalled and ordered to quell disturbances in Rahtas (Bihar), after which he joined the emperor. In the 3rd year of Jahdngir’s reign, he was permitted to go to his home, where he raised levies, in order to serve with M. ’Abdurrahim (No. 29) in the Dak’hin war.

M. S. died anatural death in the 9th year of J.’s reign whilst in the Dak’hin- Sixty of his fifteen hundred wives burned- themselves on the funeral"pile. At the time | of his death, only one of his numerous sons was alive, Bhio Singh, regarding whose succession to the title ede Tuzuk i Jahdngiri, p. 130.

The ground on which the Taj at A’grah stands, belonged to Man Singh.

31. Mubammad Quli’ Kha’n Barla’s, a descendant of the Barmaqs(?).’

He served under Humiytin, and held Multan as jdgir. In the beginning of Akbar’s reign, he conveyed, together with Shamsuddin Atgah (No. 15) the princesses from Kabul to India. His tuyzil*was subsequently transferred to Ndgor. Fora short time he was also Governor of Malwah.

In the 12th year, he was sent against Iskandar Khin Uzbak (vide No. 48) in Audh. After the death of Khan Zaman, Iskandar fled to Bengal, and Audh was given to Muhammad Quit Khan as jdg?r.

He subsequently served under Mun’im Khin in Bihar and Bengal. In the 19th year, when David had withdrawn to Sitganw (iigli), Munim Khan despatched M. Q. Kh. to follow up the Afghans, whilst he remained with Rijah Todar Mall in Tandah to settle financial matters. When M. Q. Khan arived at Siteinw, Daud withdrew to Orissa, to which country neither M. Q. Khan nox his officers had much inclination to go. From Satginw, M. Q. Khan invaded the district of Jesav (Jessore),

1 Soin the MSS.; but the name Bar- altogether impossible. The MSS. of the mag is very doubtful. Being a ‘ Baris,’ Madsiy have Buranteg - In the he belonged to that Chaghtai tribe which beginning of’ the Alberndmna ys, Abulfazl

mncad ite deseeit od , . says that this Sth ancestor of Tinitiy was ae . ieee 0 s> eae wr “a ie first that held the ttle of barlids, —the MSS. have various forms for this : ; : Bia aes nane—, who is the 8th ancestor of Timur. which means the sagas as gle shujd’, If: (.=%oy! be the correct form, the ae Heli Barlix had been men- piincrs Dow ; : 5 joned above on p. 206. An Amir substiteion of Grr a renowned name in Chak Barlas served with distinction Mubammadan History, would not appear under ‘limi,

.

3.42

‘ -

where Sarmadi, a friend of Ddiid’s, had rebelled; but the imperialists ‘met with no success, and returned to Sitgianw. Mun’im Khan at last ordered Todar Mall to join M. Q. Khan, and subsequently, both moved into Orissa. Soon after passing the frontier, M. Q. Khan died at Medniptir (Midnapore), Ramazin, 982. He seems to have died a natural death, though some accused one of his enunchs of faul play.

His son, Mirzd Furidin Barlds (No. 227). He served under M. ’Abdurrahim (No. 29) in Sivd, and accompanied, in 1001, Jani Beg (No. 47) to Court He was a” commander of Five Hundred. Unde? Jahdngtr, he was rapidly promoted, and held, in the 8th year, a command of Two Thousand, when he served under Prince Khurram against Rané Amr Singh. He died during the expedition. :

His son Mihr ‘Alf Barlés was made by Jahangir a commander of One Thousand.

32. Tarson Kha’‘n, sister’s son of Shah Mubammad Saiful Muli.

In Histories he is called Tarson Muhammad Khan. Saiful Mulk had been an independent ruler in Gharjistin (a part of Khurdsin); but he had to submit to Tahmasp (A. H. 9-£0.) :

‘Yarson Khan was in the service of Bairam Khin (No. 10), and joined Akbar, when Bairém fell into disgrace. Akbar sent him together with Haji Muhammad Sistani (No. 55) to see Buairdin, on his way to Makkah, as fur as Nagor, then the frontier of the empire. T. Kh. was subsequently promoted, to the post of a Com- mander of Five Thousand, and was for some time Governor of Bhakkar and. then of Patan in Gujréit. In the 21st year, be served in Rajputana, vide No. 44. In the 23rd year, he was made Faujdar of Jaunptir, at the same time that Mullé Muhammad Yazdi (vide p. 189) was appointed Qazilquzdt and Qadr of that Sivkdr. When the Jaunptr Rebellion broke out, T. Kh. with other faithful Amirs moved to Bihar against Bahidur Kbhén and ‘Arab Khan, who were joined by Ma’gtim Khain Farankhidi (No. 157). In the 27th year, he setved under M. ’Aziz Kokah in Bihar. When the Qégshals (No. 50) left Ma’gim Khan and joined the Imperialists, M. “Aziz sent T, Kh.’to G’horig’hat, where most of the Qagqshals had jagirs. T, Kh. stayed at Tajpdy (Dinagepore), settling: matters, when Ma’gim Khan came with a large army from Bhiti (_.i(g3),2 and plundered Western Bengal, approaching even the environs. of Téndah; he also sent a detuchment against T. Kh., who was besieged in the Fort of Lajptr. The siege was raised by a corps sent by Shahbiz Khan i Kamba (No. 80) from Patna, and T. Kh. was thus enabled to join Shahb4z, and drive away the rebels.

1 Abulfazl gives this spelling in the ‘Akbarndmah, and says it means dowland, (from the Hindustani (.ilgy down the river), and extends nearly 400 cos from East to West, aud 300 kos from N. S., from Thibet to the Ocean. It would thus include the Sundarban and the tracts along the Megna. Grant, in tho Vth Report, p. 260, note, defines Bédte as

comprising the Sunderban and all the -

neivhbouring low lands, even Hijli, over- Howed by the tide.

*[sa’s father, secording to Abulfazl, was a Rajput of the Bais clan, if L read

• of trouble.

correctly my MSS. He came in_ contact with Salim Khan and ‘l4j Khan of Bengal, was killed, and his two sons, Ist and Ismé’il were sold as slaves. They were subsequently traced by Québaddin Khan, ‘Ys4’s uncle,to Tardn, and brought back. “si soon became the chief of Bhatf, aud had twelve great’ zamindars depen- dent on him. Hence he is senerally called

‘by Abulfuzl Murzhdn i’ Bhatl, ralev of

Bhatti. He gave the Imporialists no end

ith Ted Je must vot be contotnded’ be aL = the Vakil of Quila Khan of y ris, who cede Pari to Man Singh,

|

843

from Upper Bengal. Ma’eiim fled again to Bhiti, and Shahbaz and T. Kp. planned an expedition against “Tsi, who had afforded Ma’gtim shelter. They crossed the Ganges at Khizrptir, which stands on the frontier of Bhati, took Sunnirginw, plundered Baktarapir (?), wheve “I’s% used to live, and nearly caught Ma‘gtim. At this juncture, “Ys& returned from an expedition ’to KicheBihar, and attacked the

Imperialists near Bhowal (N. of Dacca). The Imperialists had entrenched themselves

near the Brahmaputra, and the fighting was continued for along time both by land

and on the river. At one time, T. Kh. with a small detachment came too near a position held by the enemy, and was attacked by Ma’gtim Khin and wounded. Immediately afterwards he was caught, and killed by Ma’gim (992). Fora relation of his, vide No. 400. ?

83. Qiya’ Kha’n Gung.

Qiyd is a Turkish word and means zed, ornament. Gung, if it is the Persian word, means ‘dumb.’ He served under HumAytin, and held Kol Jalali. On the approach of Henii, he joined Tardif Beg (No. 12) in Dihli, and retreated with him, After Hemt’s defeat, Qiyaé was sent to Agrah, and was raised to the dignity of a commander of Five Thousand. Several parganahs in Gwalidr having been given to him as ¢uydl, Qiy’ Khan, in the 2nd year of Akbar’s reign, besieged Gwalidr, which was held by Bhil Khan, a general of Salim Shah, during whose reign Gwaliir had been the capital of the empire. Bhil Khan, thinking it impossible to hold the Fort for a long time, wished? to hand it over for a consideration to Rajah Ramsih, whose ancestors had held Gwilidr, when Qiyé Khan arrived, and after defeating the Rijab, prepared himself to besiege Bhil Khan. When Akbar, in 966, came to Agrah, he sent a detachment to assist Qiya, and Bhil Khan submitted.

He was a friend of Bairim, but was the first that left him and joined Akbar.

A few years later, Qiyé Khan joined Khin Zaman’s rebellion, but repented and was pardoned, at the request of Mun’im Khan.

After the first conquest of Bengal, Q. Kh. was sent to Orissa, to settle matters, He remained in Orissa and Bengal during the Bongal rebellion, and when, in the 25th year, the Imperialists withdrew from that country, Quthi Khan seized upon Orissa, and besieged Qiyé Khan in some fort. Deserted by his soldiers, Q. Kh. was killed (989).?

2 So the Madsir. The Sawdnih says that Rajah Ramsah with a large force of Rajputs had come to besivge Gwilidr. Firishtah instead of Bhil Khan (Akbar- nimah, Sawanih, Badfoni) has Suhail Khin (?), and Iqbal Khan (?) for Qiyd Khdn, vide Briggs, I, p. 194. The change from Uae to Uxe~ is not remark- able; but the alteration .of 43 to Js) is more violent, as we have an additional alif.and lam.

How untrustworthy our printed edi- tions are, may be seen from Khafi

Khan’s List of Commanders of Five .

Thousand under Akbar (Ld. Bibl. Indica

I, p. 237), where the native editors have given three wrong names among twelve, viz,

P. 237, last line, for Amin Khdn Kokd, vead Zain Khén Kokah (No. 34),

‘P. 238, 1.1, for Shujd? Ahén, ead Shujdat Khan (No. 14).

P. 238, 1. 2, for Lastil Khan, vead Tarson Khan (No. 32).

Moreover Khali Khan’s lst is most incomplete, and does not coincide, although he says so, with the number of

Panjhazaris given in the Tubugdé.

• Several copies of the Tabaqit which Thave consulted, say that Qiya Kh4n died in 984,(?),

344

Turdi Thdn (No. 101), his sou, was a Commander of Fifteen Hundred. Te accompanicd Prince Dinyal to the Dak’hin, but fell later in dixgrace. In the 49th year, he was restored and promoted to a command of Two Thousand Five Iundred, and got a present of 5 lacs of Rupees.

e V. Commanders of Four Thousand Five Hundred. 84. Zain Kha’n, son of Khwajah Magqeid of Hardt.

His father, Khw4jah Magetid ’Ali, was a servant of Akbar’s mother. The name of his mother was Pichah Jan Anagah; she was one of Akbar’s nurses. On Humiytin’s flight to Persia, Magqgotid was always near the howdah of Akbar’s mother, and remained attached to her in all her misfortunes. His brother was Khwajah Hasan (Zain Khin’s uncle), whose daughter married Prince Salim. She is the mother of Prince Parwiz,

In 993, Mirvz&4 Mubammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother, had died, and Akbar crossed the Indus for Zébulistin. Zain Khan was at that time a commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred, and was sent against the Yusufzais. This tribe, says Abulfazl, had formerly been in Qaribagh and Qandahar, and had invaded’ Kabul, where a great number of them were killed by M. Ulugh Beg. The remainder settled at Lamghandt, and subsequently at Ishtaghar. For the last one hwidred years, they had held the territory of Waijtr, and were notorious robbers. In Wisjtir, there was also a tribe of the name of Sulténi, whe traced their descent to a daughter of Sultiin Sikandar. The Yusufzais deprived them treacherously of their district; a few of the Sultanides, however, remained in Watjtir from attachment to their old country.

On a former occasion, when Akbar had moved against M. Muhammad Hakim, the . chiefs of the Yusufzafs submitted, and one of them, Kali, went with Akbar to Agrah and was hospitably treated. He fled, however, but was caught by Shamsuddin K hati (No. 159) near Atal, and was sent back; and although Akbar continued to treat him kindly, he, fled again and stirred up his countrymen.

Zain Khan moved into the District of Waijir (north of Pashawar), and punished the Yiisufzais. Several chiefs asked for pardon. After this he erected a fort in Jakdarah, in the middle of the country, and defeated the enemies in twenty-three fights. He had at last to ask for reinforcements, and Akbar sent to him Rajah Bir Bar and Hakim Abul Faith with some troops. Zain Khan asked them to attack the Alghaus, whilst he would occupy the conquered districts, or he would attack the eneinies, and they should hold the district. But Bir Bar and Hakim Abul Fath, who were no friends of. Zain Khan, proposed that they should attack the Yusufzafs together, and then go back. Z. Kh. said, it would not do to return without better results from a country which had cost so many sacrifices ; else, the best thing they could do, was to return the same way they had come. Butto this they would not listen, and returned by another road (over _y51y5). Z. Kh. paid no attention to their insubordination and joined them, chiefly because he was afraid they would denounce him at Court. As soon as the. Afghans saw the Imperialists returning, they attacked them in every narrow valley. On passing the Girewah? Balandri (cgay S945), Z. Kh. who commanded the rear

• As he was Akbar’s foster brother, he Kokah. is generally called iu histories, Zain Khan ® Girewah means a hill,

345

chunddwal), was so severcly attacked, that he had to face-them. Arrows and stones were showered from all sides on the Imperialists, the soldiers got bewildered, and the horses ran into the train of elephants. Many lives were lost. Z. Kb., unable to prevent a rout, rushed among the Afghans seeking death, when Janish Bahadur (No. 235) got hold of the reins of his horse, and led him by force out of the meléc. In the greatest disorder the Imperialists reached the next station, when the mere rumour of an approach of the Afghins dispersed the soldiers. In the darkness of night most of them lost their way, and several detachments entered the valleys occupied by the Afghans. The enemies being engaged in plundering, they were at first safe; but next day they were allcut off. This was the occasion when Bir Bay with 500 officers fell (vide p. 204).

In the 3lst year (994), Z. Kh. operated successfully against the Mahmands and Ghoris near Pashiwar, who under their chief Jalaluddin Raushini had committed numerous predations. In thenext year, Z. Kh. was made governor of ZAbulistin vice Man Singh, and moved, in the 33rd year, against the Yusufzais. After eight months’ fighting, they submitied, but Z. Kh, insisted on occupying their territory. We followed .the sapie policy as before, and erected a large Fort on the banks of the river Bajgorah

(8:98s2), where their district commences. During the festival of the “Idi Qurbdnt”

(Bagr “Td, in Zi Hajjah), he surprised the Alyhans, and took possession of the whole Gistrict, erecting a fort wherever he thought necessary, and leaving in each a sufficient number of soldiers.* (Vide No. 46.)

In the 85th year, he was sent to punish several rebcllious zamindars in the Himalayas. Most of them, as Rajah Budi (Badh{) Chand of Nagarkot (vide p. 330), Rai Pertib of Mankot, Rajah Parisrim of Mount Jami, Rajah Basti of Mau, Rai Balbhadr of Lak’hinptr, &c., submitted and accompanied Z. Kh. to Court, though they had an army of 10000 horse and a lac of foot soldiers.

After having been made, in the 36th year, a Commander of Four Thousand, Z. Kh. was allowed an ’alam and a naggdrak (vide p. 50), and was appointed, in the following year, governor of the districts beyond the Indus up to the Hindukush, when new opportunities offered for punishing the mountaineers. a

In the 4st year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand, and governor of Kabul, vice Qulij Khan. In the same year, Prince Salim fell in love with Z. Kh.’s daughter, and married her soon after, though Akbar was displeased (vide p. 277, 1. 4, from below). With the death of Jalal Khan Raushani the disturbances in Zabulistdu came to an end, and Z. Kh. was ordered to Lihor, from where Akbar, on his return from Burhanpir, called him to Agrah. .

Z. Kh. died in 1010, partly from excessive drinking. He played on sevetal jnstruments, and composed poems. As Sa‘id Khin (No. 25) for his eunuchs, and Qulij Khan (No. 42) for his horses, so was Z. Kh. famous for his elephants.

• Such forts were called Z’Adrahs, now the common word for a police station.

“ Thdnah means a corps of cavalry matehlockmen, and ; archers, AtaHoueds within an enclosure. Their duty is to guard the roads, to hold the places surrounding the Thinah, and to despatch

44

provisions (rusad) to the next Z"hdnah.” Pddishdhndmah, I. p. 167,

How old the use of the word V’hdnah is, may be seen from the fact that it occurs frequently on Tribeuf and Sitetuw inscriptions of the eighth and ninth cen- turies of the Hijrah.

'

346

A son of his, Shukrullah (No. 373), vide below, was a Commander of Two Hundred. The Madsir mentions another son, Mughul Khan, who served under Jahingir and Shahjahin’ (vide Padishahn. II, p. 641), and died 19th Ramazin 1067. He commanded for some time Fort Odgir in the Dak’hin, where the author of the Madsir later found an inscription referring to his appointment. For a second daughter, vide p. 328.

For Zain Khan’s brother, vide No. 38.

85. Mirza’ Yu’suf Khan, son of Mir Ahmad i Razawi.

He was a real Sayyid of Mashhad, and was much liked by Akbar. In the 30th year he was a Commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred. When Shahbiz Khan left Bihar for Bengal, M. Yusuf Khan was sent from Audh to keep Bihar. In the 32nd year (995), when Qasim Khan (No. 59) resigned, M. Y. was sent to Kashmir as ruler, He was much liked by the people of that country, conciliated Shams Chak, the claimant of the throne, and sent him to Court. In the 34th year (997), Akbar visited Kashmir, and issued several orders regarding the taxation of the country. In the districts of Marardj and Kamrij, 7. ¢., the upper and lower districts on both sides of the Bahat river, he fixed the taxes at one-fourth, ue

In Kashmir every piece of ground is called patiah, though a pattak originally is equal to 1 Big’hah, 1 Biswah (7éht) of Akbar. Two and a half patéaks and a little more are equal to 1 Kushmiré Big’hah. Three kinds of grain pay taxes: in Kashmir, and each village is assessed at some kharwadrs of shili. A kharwér is equal to 3 mans, 8 sers of Akbar. The principal weight used in Kashmir is the tar%, which is equal to 8 sers of Akbar (vide p. 84, note 3). At the time of the Rab? crop, they take 2 tarke from each pattah of wheat and vetches (mdsh). The country having been recently annexed, was assessed very lightly, at 22 lacs kharwars, which was 2 lacs more than before, the Aharwdér being reckoned at 16 dédms. For this sum, Akbar handed over Kashmir to M. Y. Kh.

In the 36th year, one of M. Y. Kh.’s Mutagaddis (revenue clerks) fled to court, and stated that the revenue should he AQ per cent. (dah-pdnzdah) higher, and the kharwdr should be valued at 28 ddéme. M. Y. Kh. informed Akbar that so high an assessment was an impossibility ; but Akbar, sent Qazi Nurullah and Qéizi ’Ali to Kashmir, to report on the revenue. As M. Y. Khan’s people assumed a threatening attitude, Nirullah returned, and Akbar sent Hasan Beg Shaikh ’Umari (No. 167) to Kashmir. On his arrival, some of M. Y. Kh’s people made a conspiracy, and stirred up the malcontents of the country, who collected under Yadgr, the son of M. Y. Kh’s uncle. “The disturbances became so serious, that Qazi ’Ali and Hasan Beg returned to Hindistin; but the rebelg blockaded the roads, and killed Qézi ‘Ali. Hasan Beg escaped, not without wounds. YAdgar then read the khutbah in his name, and had dies prepared for striking coins. Several bad omens foreshadowed his speedy ruin. Without having any knowledge of this rebellion, Akbar revisited Kaslnnfr; but when he was informed of the state of the country, he put M. Y, Kh. under the charge of Abulfazl. Y4dgér in vain tried to oppose Akbar at the frontier passes, and fled from Srinagar to Hirapur, where some of M. Y. Kh.’s men spread at night the rumour that Akbar bad suddenly arrived. In the confusion which ensued, Yadgar fled outside of the camp, accompanied by & servant of the namo of Yisuf. His camp was plundered, and M. Y, Kh.’s men got hold of Yusuf, who had returned

347

to get a horse for his master. They tortured him, till ho confessed wher® YAdgir was. Soon after, they caught him and cut off his head.

As M. Y. Kh. refused to remain in charge of Kashmir under the increased revenue, the country was made Ahdligah, and Shamsuddin Khiafi (No. 159) was appointed Governor with 3,000 troops. Some time after, at Prince Salim’s request, M. Y. Kh. was re-instated.

In the 38th year, M. Y. Kh. was nppointed Dirogah of the Topkhinah, ant received Jaunptr as éuy2il, vice Quiij Khin (1002); but in the 41st year his jdgir was transferred to Gujrat, to enable him to serve in the Dak‘hin. In the following year, when Qidiq of Harit (No. 43) died, M. Y. Kh. was appointed atdlig to Prince Murad, whom-he joined in Balapir (Barir). After the death of Prince Murad (p. 309), M. Y. Kh. distinguished himself together with Abulfazl in the Dak’hin wars, and later, under Prince Danyal, in the conquest of Ahmadabad, on which occasion M. Y. Kh. is said to have been more energetic than other grandees. — se

After joining Akbar’s Court at Burhanptr, in the 46th year, M. Y. Kh. went again to Prince Danyal, who, in 1010, sent him to assist Abulfazl and the Khan- Khanan at Balig’hét. But soon after, he died ofabscess at Jalnipir’, in Jumada II, of the same year. His body was taken to Mashhad.

M. Y. Kh. generally stayed at Sult4npir, which he looked upon as his Indian home. His contingent consisted exclusively of Rohilahs, whose wages he paid monthly.

His sons. 1. Mirzd Lashkari Gafshikan Khdn (No. 375). He was under Akbar T’hinahdar of Bir (East of Ahmadnagar), and got from Jahingir the title of Caldar Khan, and a ¢uytl in Bibdy. In the 5th year (of Jahangir), he was promoted to the post of a Commander of 1500, with 700 horse, and was made in the following year Ciibahday of Kashmir. In the 8th year, he was removed from his office. In the 21st year, when Mahabat Khan had fled, he was sent towards Dihli, to intercept Mahabat’s treasures which were known to have arrived from Bengal. This he did. In the beginning of Shih Jahén’s reign, he was made a Commander of 2500, and 2000 horse, received the title of Qafshikan Khan, and was again sent to Bir, where he remained for along time. Ho withdrew at last from public life, got a pension of Rs. 12,000 per annune, and lived at Lahor. He died in 1055.

He was frank to a fault. Once he invited the Mangabdars of Kabul, and feasted them on, pork ; and when called to Court, to answer for his conduct, he gave Jahangir a lesson by saying that not only pork, but also wine was forbidden in the law. For this answer he fell into disgrace.

2. Mirzd ‘Ivaz ((é9*). He was a good Prose writer, and wrote a History of the World, entitled Chaman.

3. Mérzd Afldtin. ‘He lived with his brother.’ He was subsequently made Mutawallf of Sikandrah (Akbar’s tomb), where he died.

Jalndpir’ Tt is difficult to say how these words have found their way into

My copy of the Tabagdt, as also another MS. which I have secn, contains

the following entry—‘ Aé the time he’

was appointed to operate against Réji, he died at Jannutibdéd wn the Dakhin, which is generally called

séme MS. of the Tubagdt, which was finished in 1001 A. H., or nine years before M. Y. Khan’s death.

B48

A relatio# of M. Y, Kh., Mir ’Abdullah, was under Shahjahin a Commander of 1509 and GOO horse. He was for some time Governor of Fort Dharir, E. of Bir, mentioned above. He died in the 8th year of Shabjahan.

TL. Commanders of Four Thousand.

36. Mahdi’ Qa sim Khe’n.

» The Tabugdét mentions him among the ‘Commanders of Five Thousand. He served first under M. ’Askari, Babar’s third son, whose foster brother he was. His brother was Ghazanfar Kokah’ (_,2.a¢ ). Huméaytin, after the conquest of Gujrits had appointed ’Askari to Ahmadabid. One night, when half drunk, M. ’Askari said, “I am king and the shadow of God;” when Ghazanfar gently replied, “Thou art drunk, and hast lost thy senses,” at which all who were present laughed. Askari got enraged, and. imprisoned Ghazanfar; but he escaped, went to Sultan Babdduy, king of Gujrat, who had retreated to Fort Diu, and betrayed the plans of ’Askari. Bahadur thereupon collected an army, marched to Ahmadabad, and drove the Prince away (vide No. 12). ; s

Mahdi Qasim Khan joined Huméytin on bis return from Persia, and was made in the beginning of Akbar’s reign, a Commander of Four Thousand. In the 10th year, Abdul Majid Agaf Khan (No. 49) had been ordered to pursue Khin Zamin (No. 13 ; but entertaining doubts regarding his own safety, he fled to Garha (Jabalpix), M. Q. Kh. was, therefore, sent to Garha, after Akbar had, in 973, returned from Jaunpiir to Agrah, and was ordered to capture “Abdul Majid. When M.Q. Kh. arrived at Garha, “Abdul Majid fled to Khan Zaman; but the wretched state of the country displeased M. Q. Kh. so much, that without asking Akbar’s permission, he left Garha and went to Makkah. From there he returned over Persia and Qandahar, and arrived, towards the end of the 13th year, at Rantanbhiy, which Akbar besieged, and asked to be forgiven, sending at the same time a fine batch of Persian horses as ‘a present. Akbar pardoned him, restored him to his old rank, and gave him Lak’hnau as tuydl.

‘Nothing else is known of him’ (2fadsir). He had been dead for some time in 1001, when the Tubaqdt was completed. Husain Khan Tukriya (No. 53) was the son of his sister and his son-in-law.

He had a villa at Lahor, which was called Bagh i Mahdi Qdsim Khdn, vide Badaoni IT, 90, 292, and Calcutta Review for October, 1869 (Jahangtr’s Death).

87. Muzaffar Kha’n i Turbati’.

Turbat is the name of a tribe (ulis) in Khurisin. His full name is, Khwajah Muzaffar ’Ali Khan i Turbati. He was Bairam’s Diwan. Bairim ‘delegated him from Dipalpir to Sher Muhammad Diwanah (p. 317), who sent him in chains to Akbar. Though several courtiers advised the Emperor to kill Muzaffar, he pardoned him, and made him ’Amil_(Collector) of the Parganah of Parsaror. Subsequently Akbar made him Divdn i Buytitdt (Collector of the Imperial Stores, &.), and at last Divan of the Empire, with the title of Muzaffar Khaéu (971). Rajah Todarmall was then

3 Ghazanfar means a lion. Baddont | Beg. The Ed. Bibl. Indica Edition has, (II. p. 126, 1. 8) calls him Ghasongur by mistake, Ghanasfar, —

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under him. According to Baddoni, the two quarrelled incessantly, though people said that the Rajah was a better financier than Muzaffar, whose accession to office was honor- ed by the short tdrzkh gJI6, xdlim (= 971), or ‘Tyrant.’

In the 11th year, he abolished the Jam’ i Ragmi. This is the name of the assessment of the Dihli empire, which had existed “since the time of Bairim; but the rent roll shewed an assessment very different from the actual state of things; ‘ for, on account of the number of men (Zasrat ¢ mardum, i.e. Jagiy holders) and the unsettled state (galb i wildyat) of the country, the revenue was increased in name (bandm afzidah) for the sake of mere shew (bard: mazidivtibdr). This Jam’ i Raqmi was now abolished (vide Third Book, A’éz i Dahsdlah), and Muzaffar prepared a rent .roll, according to his experience and the returns of Qiniingos. The new rent: roll was called Jam’ i Hagil i Hal, or the Roll of the present actual income (vide p. 352). As the Ddgk law (pp. 255, 256, and p. 242) did not then exist, Muzaffar Khan fixed the number of soldiers which the contingents of the Amdérs and the ‘Muldzims (friends of the king) should contain, and the soldiers were divided into three classes.?

In the 12th year, it was reported“hat Muzaffar loved a boy of the name of Qutb. Akbar had the boy forcibly removed, whereupon Muzaffar assumed the garb of a Fagqir, and went into the forest. Akbar was thus obliged to recall him, and restored the beloved. ,

In the 17th year, a mania for Chaupar (p, 303) had seized Akbar’s Court Muzaffar lost not only his goldmuhurs, but also his ‘temper, and aunoyed the Emperor so, much, that he was told to goto Makkahe But he was re-called, and joined the Court at Strat, which Akbar then besieged. In the 18th year (981), after having been for some time in Sérangptir in Mélwah, he was appointed Vak<d of the Empire, with the title of Jdmlatul Mulk. But he did several things which Akbar did not approve of, and when the Emperor returned from Patna, from where he had despatched a corps to take Rahtas in South Bihar, he ordered Muzaffar to join the expedition, without allowing him first to pay his respects (vide Briggs II, 249). Like his: companion, Khwajah Shamsuddin Khafi(No, 159), M. distivguished himselfin the campaign, punish- ed the rebels on several occasions, and took Hajipty, of which the Afghans had again taken possession. Tor these services, M. was appointed, in the 20th year, Governor of Bihar, from Chaus4 to Garhf. Soon after the taking of Hajipir, M. was nearly caught by a party of Afghans, who saw him reconnoitering the’ banks of the G’handak. ;

‘ In the 22nd year, M. returned to Court, where Shih Mangur (No. 122) and Rajah Today Mall continued, under his superintendence, their financial , reforms.

On the death of Khan Jahan (No. 24) in 986, he was made Governor of Bengal.

2 The Maasir says, he allowed the frst class 48,000 ddms, the second 32000 d., and the third 24000 d. per annum. These numbers appear to be very large, when compared with p. 231. But what was the value of a ddm in those days ? In the 40th year of Akbar’s reign,the follow- ing pay regulation was introduced—

Mughul, Afghan, or Hindf

Sihaspahs, 1000 @. per mensem. Duaspahs, 800 @. Yakaspahs, 600 @. Ist Class Rajprits, 800 a. Qnd ditto ditto, 600 d. . (Akbarnémah). But at that time 40 ddma were equal to 1 Akbarshahi Rupee,

. which differed very little from our rupee.

350

In the 25th year (988), Shih Mangdr subjected the Amirs of Bihar and Bengal to strict enquiries, and called on them to refund sums which they had spent without permission. When he insisted on his demands, Ma’gim i Kabuli and several other grandces that held jagire in Bihar, rebelled. Muzatfar imitated Shih Mancir’s policy in Bengal, and when he commenced vigorously to collect outstandings, Biba Khan Qaqsh4l and other Jagirddrs of Bengal rebelled likewise. M. defeated them on several occasions, but would not listen to proposals of peace. At last the Bihar rebels joined those of Bengal, and mustered a sufficient force to.take the field against Muzaflar. Notwithstanding this, the rebels would have gladly come to terms and gone to Orisa, had not Muzaffar betrayed his weakness by moving to the Fort of Tandah, which, according to Baddoni, consisted of nothing but four old walls. The rebels thus emboldened demanded full pardon, permission to go to Makkah, and restoration of one- third of their property. At this juncture, Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17) escap- ed from Muzaffar’s custody, joined the rebels, and informed them of M,’s miscrable condition. They. moved therefore against Teen, took it, captured M., and killed him (Rabi’ I, 988’).

The Jami’ Masjid in Agrah was built = Muzaffor. I am told the Masjid is now in ruins which still go by the name of Nawdb Muzaffur Khdn ki Masjid or Kdlé Masjid. The Mudsir says, it stood in the Kutrah Miydn Ragig, but this name does not appear to be now-a-days in use. The Masjid now called the Jami’ Masjid of A’graoh was built, in 1058, by Jahan Avi Begun, Shabjahin’s daughter, at acost of five lacs of Rupees. >

According to the Mir-dé ul ’A’lam, his youngest daughter was married to Shah Fathullah of Shiraz.

38. Saif Kha’n Kokah, elder brother of Zain Khan Kokah (No. 84).

His mother had only daughters, and when she was pregnant with Saif Khan, her husband threatened to divorce her, should it again turn out to be a daughter. She complained of this to Akbar’s mother, and Akbar, though then a child, told her husband that he would incur bis displeasure if he should do so; ‘besides,’ said he, ‘it shall be this time a fine boy.’ The mother looked upon Prince Akbar’s words as a prophecy from heaven, and in course of time Saif’ Khan was born.

Akbar was very fond of Saif Khan, and made him, though quite ycung, a Commander of Four Thousand. He distinguished bimself by hix bravery, especially in the 17th year, at the taking of Stat, where he was wounded by a bullet, In the beginning of the next year (981), he accompanied Akbar on his forced march from Agrah to Ahmadabad (p. 325), and was killed bravely fighting with Muhammad Husain Mirza.

Wow Akbar appreciated his services may be seen from the fact, that having heard that Saif Kh4n was heavily involved, he paid, on his return to Agrah, every debt due by him.

His two sons, Sher Afkan (355), and Amanullah (356) are mentioned below as Commanders of Two Hundred and Fifty.

“* According to Badioni (II, p. 282), was then captured and slain. Mazaffar capitulated, left the Fort, and

351

39. Ra’‘jab Todar Mall, a Khetri.

He was born at Lihor. The Madsirul Umard does not record his services before the 18th year of Akbar’s reign; but T. M. appears to have entered Akbar’s service at a very early period. In 971, he was employed under Muzaffar (Bad. JI, 65), and in 972, he served under Akbar against Khan Zamin (vide No. 61). He held the first important post in the 18th year, when after the conquest of Gujrat he was left there to assess that province. In the 19th year, after the conquest of Patna, he got an *alam and a nagqgdrah (p. 55), and was ordered to accompany Mun’im Khan to Bengal. He was the soul of the expedition. In the battle with Daid Khini Kararani, when Khan Alam (vide No. 58) had been killed, and Mun’im Kbfn’s horse had run away, the Rajah held his ground bravely, and ‘not only was there no defeat, but an actual victory.’ “ What harm,” said Todar Mall, “if Khan ’Alam is dead ; what fear, if the Khan Khadnan has run away, the empire is ours!” After settling severally financial matters in Bengal and Orisé, Todar Mall went to Court, and was employed in revenue matters. When Khan Jahan (No. 24 ) went to Bengal, Todar Mall was ordered to accompany him. He distinguished himself, as before, in the defeat and capture of Daid. In the 21st year, he took the spoils of Bengal to Court, among them 8 to 400 elephants. In the following year, he was again sent to Gujrit, vice Vazir Khin (No, 41), who had given no satisfaction. Whilst arranging at Ahmad4bid matters with Vazir Khin, Muzaffar Husain, at the instigation of Mihr ‘Ali Guldb{, rebelled. Valir Khin proposed to retreat to the Fort, but Todar Mall was ready to fight, and defeated Muzaffar in the 22nd year, near Dholgah, which lies 12 kos from Ahmadabad, Vazir Khan would have been lost in this battle, if Todar Mall had not come to his assistance. Muzaffar, after his defeat, fled to Jinagarh.

In the same year Todar Mall was appointed Vaztr, When Akbar left Ajmir for the Panjab, the house idols of the Rajah were lost, as mentioned on p. 32, note.

When the news of Muzaffar’s death (No. 87) and the occupation of the whole of Bengal and Bihar by the rebels reached Akbar, he sent Todar Mall, Cadig Khan, Tarson Khén, &c., from Fathpir Sikri to Bihar. Muhibb’Ali (No. 107), Governor of Rahtds, and Muhammad Ma’gim Khan i Farankhidi (No. 157 ) were appointed Kumakts, or auxiliaries. The latter joined the Rajah with 3000 well equipped horse, evidently bent on rebellion. Todar Mall managed to keep him quiet; but he reported the matter to Court. The Bengal rebels, under Ma’gim i Kabuli, the Qagshals, and Mirza Sharafuddin Husain, with 30,000 horse, 500 elephants, and many ships and artillery, had collected near Mungir, and Todar Mall, from fear of treachery among his auxiliaries, shut himself up in the Fort of Mungir, instead of risking a general engagement. During the siege, two of his officers, Humaytin Farmilf and Tarkhin

. Diwanah, joined the rebels. Though suffering from .want of provisions, Todar Mall held himsclf bravely, especially as he received timely remittances from Court. After the siege had lasted for some time, Babi Khan Qigshal died, and Jabirf, son of Majnin Khin Qigsh4l desired to leave. The rebel army dispersed ; Ma’gtim i Kabulf went to South Bibdr, and ’Arab Bahadur wished to surprise Patna, and take possession of the Imperial treasury, which Pahay Khin (perhaps No. 407) had saloly lodged in the Fortof that town. After sending Ma’givim i Farankbidf to Patna, to assist Pahdy Khan, Todar Mall and Qidiq Khan followed Ma’etin i Kabuli to

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Bihar. Ma’gtim made a fruitless attempt to defeat Cadiy Khan in a sudden night . attack, but was obliged to retreat, finding a ready asylum with ’I’st Khin, Zamindadr of Orisa. Todar Mall was thus enabled to report to Akbar that South Bihar, as far as Garhi,.was re-annexed to the Dihli empire.

In the 27th year (990), Todar Mall was made Dfvan, or rather Vakél. During this year he introduced his financial reforms which have made him so famous. The third book of the Ain contains his new rent-roll, or Acl i Jam’ i Thmdr, which superseded Muzaffar’s assessment (p. 349), His regulations regarding the coinage have been alluded to above, and others may be found in the Akbarnimah.

The most important reform introduced by Todar Mall is the change in the language and the character used for the revenue accounts. Formerly they had been kept in Hindi by Hindd Aluharrirs. Today Mail ordered that alt government accounts should henceforth be written in Persian. He thus forced his co-religionists to learn the court language of their rulers,—a circumstance which may well be compared to the introduction of the English language in the courts of India. The study of Persian therefore became necessary for its pecuniary advantages.

Todar Mall’s order, and Akbar’s generous policy of allowing Hindtis to compete for the highest honors—we saw on p. 341 that Man Singh was the first Commander of Seven ‘Thousand,—explain two facts, firsé, that before the end of the 18th century the Hindus had almost become the Persian teachers of the Muhammadans ; secondly, that a new dialect could arise in upper India, the Urdz, which without the Hindus as redbiv- ing medium, never could have been called into existence. Whether we attach more influence to Todar Mall’s order or to Akbar’s policy, which once initiated, his successors, willing or not, had to follow, one fact should be borne in mind that before the times of Akbar, the Hindus, asa rule, did not study Persian, and stood therefore politically below their Muhammadan rulers. ; ‘

In the 29th year, Akbar honored hhn by paying him a visit. In the 32nd year, a Khetri, from private hatred, wounded T. M. on a march at night time. The man was at once cut down. ,

When Bir Bay (No. 85) had been killed in the war with the. Yisufzais, T. M. was ordered to accompany Man Singh, who had been appointed commander-in-chief. In the 34th year, when Akbar went to Kashmir, T. M. was left in charge of Lahor. Soon after, he applied for leave to go to the banks of the Ganges, as he was old and wished to die. Akbar Ict him go; but he recalled him from Hardwar, and told hin that looking after his duties was more virtuous than’ sitting on the banks of the Ganges. T, M. unwillingly returned, but died soon after, on the 11th day of the year 998 (vide No, 27, p- 338).

Though often accused of headstrongness and bigotry by contemporancous historians, Todar Mall’s fame, as general and financier, has outlived the deeds of most of Akbar’s grandees: together with Abulfazl and Man Singh, he is best known to the people of India at the present day.

His son Dhard (No. 190) was a Commander of Seven Hundred, and was killed during the Sindh expedition, while serving under Khan Khanan (p. 335 ). People say that he used to shoe his horses with golden shoes,

The name Zodur Mall is often spelt in MSS. with the indi 7, d, and r, which

353

explains the spelling ‘Torel Mall,’ which we find in old Histories. Under Shahjahan also there lived a distinguished courtier of the name ‘ ‘Todar Mall.’

Tho Zafrihul ’Imdrat* says, Todar Mall’s father died when T. M. was quite young, and that the widow was in great distress. T. M., at an early age, shewed much clearness and common sense, and received an appointment as writer, from which humble position he rose to the greatest honors.

40. Muhammad Qa’sim Kha’n, of Nishépir.

The Madsir calls him Qisim Muhammad Khan, and has put his name under the letter Q; but Abulfazl, Baddoni, and the Tabagdt give his name in the above order.

He was a rich landowner of Nishapiir, and fled after the invasion of the Uzbaks to India, where he served under Bairam Khan. He distinguished himself in the war with Sikandar Sur, and served as Hardwal, or leader of the van, under Khan Zamin (No, 13) in the battle with Hemu. Immediately after, but still in the-first year of Akbar’s reign, he was sent against Hiji Khin, who had defeated Rind Udai Sing of Maiwar, and taken possession of Nagor and Ajmir, H4ji Khan was an old servant of Sher -Khan, and was distinguished for his wisdom and bravery. On the appearance of the Imperialists, however, Haji Khan’s army dispersed, and he himself withdrew to Gujrit. M.Q. Kh. thus took possession of Nagor and Ajmir, which for a long time remained the South Western frontier of Akbar’s empire.

In the 5th year, he left Bairim’s party, and joined the Chaghtdi nobles. He commanded the left wing of Shamsuddin Atgah’s corps in the fight in which Bairém was defeated (p. 317). After the victory, he received Multan as jagir.

He was next sent to Sarangptir in Malwah, where, in the 9th year, he was visited by Akbar on his sudden hunting expedition to that province, the object of which was to get hold of ‘Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No. 14). M. Q. Kh. assisted in the pursuit.

According to the Tabagdt, M. Q. Kh. died soon after at Sarangpir.

41. Vazi’r Kha’n, brother of “Abdul Majidi Agaf Khan (1), of Hardt(No.49).

When Vazir Khin escaped with his brother (vide below No. 49) from Bahadur han (No. 21), he fled. to Karah, and obtained subsequently, through the mediation of Muzaffar Khan (No. 37), freo pardon for himself and A’’caf Khan.

Tn the 2lst year, when ’Aziz Kokah (p. 326) had incurred Akbar’s displeasure, V. Kh. was sent to Gujrat, to govern in ’Aziz’s name, and when that chief had been called to Court, he was appointed governor (sipaksdldr) of the province. But he did not distinguish himself, and Akbar, in the 22nd year, sent Today Mall (No. 39) to Gujrat, to take the administration out of V. Kh.’s hands. Jt happened that about the same time, Mihr ’Ali Guldbi, a friend of M. Ibrahim Husain, rebelled and set up as king Muzaffar Husain, Ibrahim’s young son, whom he had brought from the Dak’bin. As

a Sd aa a Soa ee ee

• This is the title of a Persian MS.

reserved in the Library of the Asiatic Eociety of Bengal. It was composed by Sil Chand, of the Government College of Agrah, and treats of the antiquities of that town. The book gives many valuable and interesting particulars. In

45

the preface an English gentleman is raised, whose Christian names are James tephen, but the surname is not legible. The name clearly ends in gfoz, and may be Babington, or some similar name. The style is bombastic, and there is no proper arrangement,

354

mtutioned above, the rebellion was crushed through Todar Mall’s bravery. When the Rijah left, Mihr ’Ali appeared again, and V. Kh., most of whose soldiers had joined the rebel, shut himself up in the fort of Ahmadabad. In one of the assaults, Mihr “Alf was killed by a bullet, and Muzaffar Husain Mirza, from timidity, raised the siege. Not- withstanding this success, matters in Gujrat did not improve, and oppressions became so numerous, that Akbar deposed V. Kh. and called him to Court.

In the 25th year, Akbar appointed him vazzr in the place of Shih Manoir of Shiraz (No. 122), and soon after governor of Audh.

In the 27th year, when M. ’Aziz (No. 21) had been sent to Bihir, V, Kh. was ordered to join him with his contingent, and as after the flight of Ma‘gim Khan sickness obliged ’Aziz to return to Bihar, he left V. Kh. in charge of the province, tilla new Cuibahdar should be appointed. V. Kh. made use of the opportunity, and moved against Quthi Khan, ruler of Orisi, whom he defeated (vide p. 356), Quthi, in the following (29th) year, sent tribute, and was left in possession of Orisié. V. Kh. returned to Tandah, and applied himself, with the assistance of CAdiq Khan (No. 43) and Shahbéz Kh4n i Kambii (No. 80) to financial matters. or

In the 31st year, Akbar ordered that each gibah should, in future, be ruled by two Amirs, and Vazir Khin was appointed Cubahdar of Bengal, with Muhibb ’Ali Khan (No. 107)-as assistant. In the following year, 995, V. Kh. died.

Shahbiz Khan, who was Bakhshi of Bengal, allowed Mirzi Muhammad Cilih, V. Kh.’s son, to take command of his father’s contingent. But M. M. Calih shewed much inclination to rebel, and Akbar sent Mir Murdd (282, or 380) to bring him and his contingent to Court. On the route, at Fathpir Hanswah, he behaved so rebelli- ously, that Mir Murad imprisoned him with the assistance of the jigirddrs of the district, and took him fettered to Akbar. He was kept imprisoned for some time.

42. Qulij Kha’n.

He is called -Andajéni, from Andajin, a province of Farghdnah, south of the Saihiin, “His ancestors had been for mavy years serving under the Timuvides. His grandfather was a noble at Sultin Husain Mirza Baiqra’s court.

The principal facts of his life have been mentioned on p. 34, note 2. In mentioning his appointment to Stirat, the ‘iron fort,’ which Akbar, in the 17th year, conquered in one month and seventeen days, Abulfazl says that the Fort had been built in 947 (1540-41, A. D.) by Cafar Agha, alias Khudiwand Khan, a Turkish slave of Sultin Mabmid of Gujrat. The ¢drtkh of its construction is characteristic (metre long Ramat),

C54 Grtt Kip? Weg Big y) oy4 Om

‘ May this structure prove a barrier for the chest and the life of the Firing{.”

Qulij Khén died at the age of eighty, on the 10th Ramazin 1022 (end of 1613, A. D.)? at Pashiwar. He was at his death a Commander of Six Thousand, Ki ive Thousand horse,

• The numbers added give 947. The Misled by bad MSS., I mentioned on last yd, though somewhat irregular, 34, note, the year 1035 as the year of cannot be left out. hi is death. The AMir-diul ’Alam and

? So according to the Zuzuk i Jahdn- the Madsir give as tdvtkh of his death git i (ed, Sayyid Almad, p. 123, 1.1.) the Arabic words, Almautu jasrun

355

The IMadsir and Badaoni (111, p. 188) say that he belonged to the tribe of pst gile Jént Qurbdni (?); but for the latter word the MSS. have different readings, as Qurbdni, Farbdnt, Farydni, &c.

The Madstr copies fromthe Zakhirat ulkhawdnin the following story which is said to have taken place in 1000 A. H., when Jaunpur was Q.’s jagir. ‘ Q. was building a house, when the working men in digging came to a cupololike-structure. Q. and several other respectable men were called, and they remained on the spot till the newly discovered building was fully dug out. It had a door with an immense lock attached to it weighing one man. When forced open, an old man made his appearance, who asked the bystanders in Sanscrit, whether Rim Chandr’s avatér (incarnation) had taken place; whether he had got back his Siti; whether Krishna’s avatdy had taken place at Mathura; and, lastly, whether Mubammad had appeared in Arabia. On receiving affirmative answers to these questions, the old man further wished to know, whether the Ganges still flowed. This also being affirmed, he expressed a wish to be taken out. Q. then put up seven tents, joined to each other, in each of which the sage remained for a day. On the 8th day he came out, and said prayers according to the way of Muhammadans. Iu sleep and eating he differed from other men; he spoke to no one, and died after six months.’

Qulij Khdn’s sons. 1. Mirz& Saifullah (No. 292), 2. Mirz& Chin Qulij (No. 293), regarding whom vide below.

43. Ca’diq Khan, son of Baqir of Harit.

Other Historians call him Gidiq Muhammad Khan.’ His father, Muhammad Baqir, bad been vazér to Qaré Khan Turkman, ruler of Khurisin, Qara had rebelled against Shih Tahmiasp, and fled to India. Cadiq entered Bairém’s service as Rikdb- ddr (spur-holder), and got soon after a mangab, and was made, after Bairim’s death, an Amir. Baddont (II, 220) alludes to his services under Humayiin in Qandahaz, and the Tabagdt says that he had’been since his youth in Akbar’s service.

After the conquest of Patna, Akbar returned by boat to Jaunpir. On the road, in crossing the river at Chaus, a valuable elephant perished through (.’s carelessness. Akbar confiscated his jagir, excluded him from Court, and told him to go to Bhat’h (Bhat’h G’hora, or Bandah-Rewah), to get another elephant. After passing over ‘ the * heights and the low places’ of fortune, Cadiq, in the 20th year, returned to Court with

yucilu alhdbiba ild alhabibi ; ‘ Death is Qultj, properly giiliij, means in

the bridge which joins the beloved to the Beloved;’ but the letters added give 1023, not 1022, as in the T’uzuk.

Por Lusain iu the last line of the note ou p. 34, which is given in inferior MSS., better copies have Chin Qulij, which is to be substituted for it.

His tukhudiug ‘ Ulati’ has been men- tioned above. The Tabagdé says that an- other poct of the same dakhallug was in the serviceof Zain Khin Kokah (No. 34), and Badéoni (III, 188, 189) mentions two other poets of the sume takhallug.

Turkish @ sword, and ‘Quiij Khin’ is the same as Shamsher Khan. Tho word is variously spelled in MSS., sometimes with long vowels, and a final ch.

? Akbar disliked the names Metham-

. mad and Ahinad; hence we find that

Abulfazl leaves them out in this list. Similar omissions occurred above, as Munim Kh4n (No. 11), Mirza ’Aziz (No. 21), for Muhammad Mun’im and M. Muhammad ‘Aziz; or, Shihtb Khan (No. 26), for Shihabuddin Ahmad Khan. More examples will be found below.

356

100 elephants, aud was restored to favor. He was made governor-of Garha, vice Kai Sarjan (No. 96). In the 22nd year (986), (., with several other grandees, was ordered to punish Rajah Madhukar, should he not submit peacefully. Passing the confines of Narwar, Q. saw that kindness would not do; he therefore took the fort of Karharé (|,4,5), and cutting down the jungle, advanced to the river Dasthara, close to which Undchhah lay, Madhukar’s residence. A fight ensued. Madhukar was wounded and fled with his son Ram Sah. Another son of his, Hoyal Deo (Madsir, Horal Rio), and about 200 Rajputs were killed, ©. remained encamped in the Raijah’s territory. Driven to extremities, Madhukar sent Rim Chand, a relation of his, to Akbar at Bahirah, and asked and obtained pardon. On the 3rd Ramazin, 986, Cadiq with the penitent Rajah arrived at Court.

Soon after, (.’s agtd’ were transferred to the Eastern Districts of the empire, so that he might take part in the suppression of the revolt in Bengal. In the 27th year, during the temporary absence of ‘Aziz Kokah (No. 21), Cadiq and Mubibb Ali

“ Khan (No. 107) defeated Khabitah? one of Ma’gtim’s officers, on the Ghandak near Hajipdr, and sent his head to Akbar. In the beginning of the 28th yeor, he paid his respects at Court, but was immediately ordered to rejoin Mirzé Kokah, who had again left for Bihar.

In the, beginning of the ,29th year, he was ordered to move to Vazir Khan (No. 41), who at a place six kos from Bardwin was treating with Qutli.? Through

.’s skill, a sort of peace was concluded, which confirmed Qutli in the possession of Oriséi. (. then returned to his ¢ugiil at Patna.

When Shahbiz Khan (No. 80) returned from his expedition to Bhati, the cay” dérs of Bengal and Bihar were ordered to move to him. ()., however, was no friend of Shahbiz. The mutual dislike rose to the highest pitch, when once (.’s elephant ran against Shahb&z, who believed the accident premeditated; and Akbar sent - Khwéjab, Sulaiman (No. 327) to Bengal to settle their differences. One was to remain

‘in Bengal, the other to go to Bihér; but (., in the 30th year, left Bengal without permission, and went to Court, where he was not admitted. But when Shahbaz went from Bihar to Bengal, C, went again to Court, and was appointed governor of Multin.

When the Raushénis in the District of Mount Teréh (3jy33), “which lies west of Pashawar, and is 32 kos long, and 12 kos broad,” commenced disturbances, C., in the 33rd year, was ordered to bring them to obedience, which he did with much tact and firmness. After the return of Zain Khan (No, 34) from Waijur, (. was sent there, to subjugate the Yusafzais,

In the 36th year, Prince Murdd was sent from MaAlwah to Gujrit, and as Ismé’il

Quli Khan (No. 46) had not given satisfaction as Vakdi, ¢. was appointed atdliy to

Khabitah (44:3) was a Mughul, where, moreover, the event, sccording and had risen by bravery under Ma’pim to the erroneous chronology of that his- i Kabulf from a humble position to the | tory, is put in the 28th year.

ostof’a Commander. In Baddoni (Ed. - . Ze Bibl Indica, p. 310,) he is called Khabi- The spelling Quéléi if perhaps pre-| gah Bahddur (asd) and Ihastah ferdBle to Qatli, if this name is a

(died) in my MS. of the Tabagdt, shortened form of Qutlugh.

357

the Prince, whom in the 40th year he accompanied to the Dak’hin. Shahbaz Khan being one of the auxiliaries, the old enmity broke out again. After the siege of Ahmad- nagar had been raised, (. distinguished himself in protecting the frontiers of Barar.

Iu the beginuing of the 41st year, he was made aCommander of Five Thousand. In the same year he defeated Sardwar Khan, and made much booty. He was then made governor of Shahptir, which town Prince Muréd had founded six kos from Balipir.

Cadiq died at Shahpur in the beginning of 1005. At Dholptr, which ‘lies 20 4os from Agrah, near the left bank on the Chambal river,’ C. had erected splendid buildings anda Mausoleum. He had also done much for the cultivation of the surrounding country.

He was one of the best officers Akbar had.

His sons. 1. Zihid Khan (No. 286), a Commander of Three Hundred and Fifty. In the 47th year, he was made a Khdén, and, on the accession of Jahangir, a Commander of Two Thousand.

2. Dost Muhammad (No. 287). 38. Yar Muhammad (No. 288). ‘Neither of them was alive at the time of Shihjaban. Dadsir.

44, Ra‘i Ras‘isingh, son of Rii Kalyan Mall (No. 93).

R&i Singh belonged to the Rathors of Bikanir, and is the fourth descendant from Rai Maildeo. His father, Kalyan Mall, was a friend of Bairam (p. 316), and paid, in the 15th year, his respects to Akbar at Ajmir, when he together with his son entered the emperor’s service. He also sent his brother’s daughter to Akbar’s Harem. Kalydn Mall was in the 40th year » Commander of Two Thousand.

Rai Singh, in the 17th year, when Akbar made preparations to crush the rebellion in Gujrat, occupied Jodhpt, the old seat of Mal Deo, in order to prevent the rebels from invading the Dibli territory ; but Ibrahim, after his defeat at Sarndl, invaded Akbar’s territory, and besieged Nagor, which at that time was the tuydél of Khan i Kalin (No. 16), and was defended by his son, Farrukh Khan (p. 322). JR. came to his relief, and the Mirz4 had not only to raise the siege, but was pursued, and defeated by R. In the following year also, R. distinguished himself in the engagement with Muhammad Husain Mirza (p. 325).

Tn the 19th year, R. and Shah Quli Mahram (No. 45) were ordered to punish Chandy

Sen, son of Rajah Mal Deo; but as they were unable to take Siwd4nah, Chandr

Sen’s stronghold, notwithstanding the auxiliaries which Akbar had sent them at R.’s

request, R., in the 21st year, was called to Court, and Shahbaz Khan (No. 81) took the

command. Before the end of the same year, however, R. and Tarson Muhammad

Khan (No, 32) were sent against the refractory zamindadrs of Jalor and Sarohf; but as

they applied to Akbar for pardon, R. and Sayyid Hashim of Birhah (No. 143)

garrisoned Naédot to watch the Rand of Udaiptx, and bring the rebels of those

districts to obedience. As at this time Saltén Deodah, the zamindar of Sarohi, from

distrust again assumed a hostile attitude, R. marched against Sarohf and besieged

ea et aire ee! he

Pee several passages in the Akbar- ( their own, and appointed their Vazirs, eit h ie oleae that atdlig (pr. a their Divdns, Bakhshis, &e. The ap- The imperial on tlie yard or Vezir, | pointment of the Vakdl, however,

Pe up Courts of | appears to have rested with the emperor.

358

it. During the siege, R. called his thmily to his camp; but Saltin Deodah fell upon the caravan, killed several relations of R., and then withdrew to Abti¢arh,? R. in the meantime took Sarohf, and hastened to Abtigarh, which Saltén surrendered. R. lett.a garrison there, and took Saltin to Court.

In the 26th year, when Mirzé Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother, threatened to invade the Panjib, R. together with several other grandees was sent in advance. They were soon followed by Prince Murdd. When the imperial army, in the end of the same year, returned to Agrah, R. and several others were sent as tuyitiddérs to the Panjab. In the 28th year, he served in Bengal.

In the 30th year,.R. and Ism@’‘il Quli Khan (vide No. 46) led successfully an expedition against the Balichis. In the following year (19th Rajab, 994), R.’s daughter was married to Prince Salim. In the 35th year, he went for some time to Bikaniy, and served, in the end of the 36th year, in Sindh under M. ’Abdurrahim (No. 29).

In the 38th year, Akbar paid R. a visit of condolence. The son of Rijah Ramchand Baghelah of Bandhii died suddenly on his way to Baindhi, to which he had only lately, after the death of his father, been appointed. The young Rajah had married a daughter of R. Akbar interceded for their young children, and prevented R.’s daughter from burning herself. Soon after, R. stayed away from Court for some reason, during which time one of his servants complained of him to Akbar. The emperor called the man to court; but R. concealed him, and gave out, he had run away. Akbar was annoyed and excluded R. for some time from the darbirs ; but after some time he restored him and sent him as governor to Strat, with the order to assist in the Dak’hin wars. R., however, delayed in Bikanir, and when he had at last left, delayed on the road to Stivat. Akbar advised him to’ be obedient ; but secing that he would not go, called him to Court, but without allowing him to attend the darbirs. After some time he was pardoned.

In the 45th year, R. was ordered to accompany Abulfazl to Wasik ; but as his son Dalpat? (No. 252) had caused disturbances in Bikanir (vide p. 359), R. got leave to go home. In the following year, he went again to court. In the 48th year, he served under Prince Salim against the Rand of Udaipir.

At the death of the emiperor, R. was a Commander of Four Thousand. Jahangir, on his accession, made him a Commander of Five Thousand. When the emperor

2 « Abigarh is a fort near Sarohi, and Sulfén + Deorah (8yy25 qlhate, for

not far from the frontier between Gujrat Saltin Deodah (82529 wile) of the

and Ajmit’. Abultazl says in the Akbar- Mailsiv. ° .

némah (events of the 21st year) that the 2 or Dalpat, the Tuzuk i Jahdngivt

old name of Abigarh was Arbudd (pp. 36, 106, and 126) has wrong Daltp.

Achal, Arbudd being the naine of a The Tuzuk and the second volume

spirit who, disguised as a female, shews of the Pddishdhndmah Edit. Bibl.

wanderers the way, and ackal meaning Indica, p. 635) have Siraj Singh, for

ventuaclae a fort eat of this Str Singh, and the latter calls him a

high mountain was difficult of access ; & gigs (2) instead of 4)y4i), perhaps

could Me ce hold out for a long sacs of the native Pi But held. Pas chin ne oe ne the Madsir and the first volume of the RENEE: 5 PEPER Gs ALY, COPIES ot 7 Padishahnamah have Sir Singh (pp. 297, Sawdnih andthe Akbarnémah have 302, at the end of the first decade.)

wy al e .

359

set out for the Panjab to pursue Khusrau, R. was put in charge of the travelling harem ; but on the road he left without order and went to Bikanir. In the second year, when Jahangir retuned from Kabul, R., at the advice of Sharif Khan. presented himself before the emperor with a fautah round his neck, to shew his willingness to suffer punishment for his crimes, and was again pardoned. He died in 1021. ‘

His sons. 1. Dalpat (No. 252). He was a Commander of Five Hundred. In the 36th year, he served in the Sind war, but was looked upon as a coward. In the 45th year, when Akbar was in the Dak’hin, Muzaffar Husain Mirza, in consequence of his differences with Khwéajagi Fathullah, had fled; and Dalpat, under the pretext of following him up, had gone to Bikinir and created disturbances. In the 46th year, his father brought him to his senses. D. asked to be pardoned, and was ordered again to come to Court.

In the third year of JahAngir’s reign (1017), he appears to have.offended the emperor; but at the request of Khan Jahin Lodi he was pardoned. After the death of his father, D. came from the Dak’hin to Court, was appointed successor, and got the title of Radi, although his younger brother (by another mother), Stir, Sipgh. claimed the right uf succession, which Rai Singh had promised him from affection to his mother. Str Singh, however, disgusted Jahingir by the bold way in which “he preferred his claim.

D. was then ordered to join M. Rustami Cafawi (No. 8), the governor of Sind. In the 8th year, it was reported to Jahangir that Sir Singh had attacked and defeated his brother, who in consequence had created disturbances in Higdv. Hashim, the Faujdar of that Sirkar, caught him and sent him fettered to court, where he was executed as a warning to others.

For Dalpat’s son, Mahes Das, and grandson, Ratan, vide Padishihnamah, pp. 635, 723 ; 684, 729.

2. Sidr Singh. After the death of his brother he rose to favor. In Histories he is generally called Rdo Sir Singh, a title which he received from Shaéhjahan. He died in 1040. He had two sons, Karan and Satr Sal, the former of whom in- herited the title of do (vide Padishahnimah II, p. 727).

VIL. Commanders of Three Thousand Five Hundred, 45. Sha’h Quli’ Mahram ji Bahiarlii. ; He was in Bairim’s service and distinguished himself in the war with Hemi. Tt was Shah Qulf that attacked Hemii’s elephant, though he did not know who his opponent was. The driver, however, made him a sign, and’ he led the elephant

with Hemi, whose eye had been pierced by an arrow, trom the battle-field, and brought the wounded commander to Akbar.” Soon after, before the end of the first

2 © Before the end of the first year, Pir Muhammad was despatched against U4ji Khan in Alwar, and as he with- drew, the imperialists took possession of the Sivkaér of Alway as far as Deolf Sajari [or Sdehkdri], the birth-place of ema, and performed many brave deeds,

They also caught Hemti’s father alive, and brought him to Pir Muhammad, who asked him toembrace Islam. As he would not, he was killed by him. After gathering his spoils, Pir M. returned to a Sawdnih from the Akbarnd- mah,

ie?

x.

360

year, Sb. Q. served with Muhammad Qisim Khan (No. 40) against Haji iin i in Nagor and Ajmir.

In the third year, it was brought to Akbar’s notice, that Sh. Q. was tect attached to a dancing boy of the name of Qabiil Khan; and as the emperor had the boy forcibly removed, Sh. Q. dressed as a Jogi, and went into the forests. Bairim- traced him with much trouble, and brought him back to court, where the boy was restored to him.

Like Bab&é Zambiir, he remained faithful to Bairim to the last, and was par doned together with his master in Tilwarah (p. 317):

After Bairam’s death, he was rapidly promoted and made an Amir. In tlic 20th, year, when Khan Jahan (No. 24) was sent from the Panjab to Bengal, Sh. Q. was appointed Governor of the Panjab, rising higher and higher in Akbar’s favour.

It is said that the Emperor, from goodwill towards him, admitted him to his female apartments. After the first time be had been allowed to enter the Harem, he went home, and had his testicles removed (majbub). From this circumstance, he . was every where called Mahram,} 2. e. one who is admitted to the Haram and knows its secrets.

In the 34th year, Akbar, after his return from Zébulistin, crossed the Bahat (Jhelum) near Rastlptr, and encamped at Hailin. During his stay there, he mounted a female elephant, and was immediately attacked by a mast male elephant. Akbar was thrown down and sustained severe contusions. A rumour of his death spread over the whole country; in some provinces even disturbances broke out. The Rajputs of Shaikhawat, especially, plundered the districts from Mewat to Rewiart ; and in the 35th year, Akbar had to send Sh. Q. against them. He soon restored order,

In the 41st year, he was made a commander of Four Thousand, and soon after of Five Thousand. The Zabugdt says that in 1001 he had been. a commander of Three Thousand for thirty years.

He died at Agrah in 1010. At Narnaul, where he chiefly live, he erected splendid buildings, and dug large tanks. When he felf death approaching » he gave the soldiers of his contingent two years’ pay in advance, and left, besides, many legacies. As he had no heirs, his remaining property lapsed to the state (Tuzuk, p. 22).

46. Isma’i/l Quli’ Kha’n, brother of Khén Jahan (No. 24).

He must not be confounded with No. 72. He was caught in the battle near Jalindhar (p. 317), He joined Akbar’s servicg ,with his brother, under whom he mostly served. When his brother had died in Bengal, he came with the immense pro- perty he had left behind him to Court, and was favorably received. In the 30th year, he was sent against the Balichis (vide No. 44). On his arrival in Bahichistin, the people soon submitted, and their chiefs, Ghdzi Khan Wajhiyah and Ibrahim Khan, repaired to Court, and were allowed to retain the country. ~ In, the 31st year, when Bhagwan Das (No. 27), on account of his madness, had not been allowed to go to Zabulistin, I. Q. was sent there instead. But he committed certain improprieties and fell into disgrace, and was ordered to go from Bhakkar to Makkah. He begged hard

1 For similar examples, vide p . 319, | and No. 37, p. 349. which also happened im the third year, ® Or Mukrin,

361

to be f forgiv en; * jsut Ke was not allowed to see the Emperor, and-was sent ssi the

| Yiisinfaaty. far \

“At that time epidemics were raging in Waijiy, and the chicfs of the Viisufzais

cane fotwaxd and"submitted to I. Q., whilst Zain |Khin (No. 34), governor of ZAbu-

listin, prossed shard upon Jalalah Raush4nf, who had left Terah and entered Waijir.

.

Zain, Khao therefore entered the district, determined to use the opportunity to wipe

_ off the disgrace of ‘his former defeat. The arrival of Cadiq Khan (No. 43), however,

wha bad been sent from Court, to occupy the district, and capture Jalilah, annoyed LL. Q. still more, as he thought that that duty might have been left to him as T’hauahdar

Of the, district. I. Q. forgot himself so far as to allow Jalileh to escape. He then went

to Courb, where he was severely reprimanded for his conduct.

In, the 33rd year, he was made Governor of Gujrit. In the 36th year, when Prince Murad had been mgde Governor of Malwah, I, Q. was appointed his atdlig or Vakil; but he gave no satisfaction, and was called to Court, Cadiq:Khan having _been appointed in his stead.

In the 39th year, he was sent to Kalpi, to look after his jagir. In the 42nd year

. (1005}, he was made a Commander of Four Thousand.

He was given to luxury, and spent large sums on carpets, vessels, dress, &c. He kept 1200 women, and was so jealous of them, that whenever he went to Court, he put his seal over the strings attached to their night-Crawers. The women resented this and other annoyances, made a conspiracy, and poisoned him.

» Three sons of his are mentioned below—1. Ibrahim Quli (No. 322), 2 commander of Three Hundred; 2. Salim Quit (No. 357), and 3, Khalil Quli (No. 358), both coumanders of Two Hundred. They do not appear to have distinguished themselves.

VIL, Commanders of Three Thousand.

47. Mirza’ Ja’ni’ Beg, ruler of T’hat’hah. Ho belonged to the Arghzin clan, and therefore traced his descent to Chingiz Khin. Abulfazl in the Akbarnimah gives his tree as follows -— OF his ancestors, Atki Timur had been Chingiz Khan. killed in the war with Tagtamish Khin, and Tilt Khan. the Emperor Tinaur took care of Shankal Beg,

eh ee Qian.) and made him a Tarkhdn (vide the note at Hulagi Khan (the brother of Manga the end of this biography).

Abigh (or, Abighd) Khan, d, 663. Mirzi “Abdul ’Ali, fourth ancestor of

M. Jani Beg, had risen to high dignities Arghtin Khén, d. 690., - under Sultin Mabmiid, son of M, Abii Sa’fd, Four generations intervening. and received the government of Bukhara. He

was ‘treacherously killed, together with his

| five eldest sons, by Shaibiuf Khan Uzbak; Shankal Beg Tarkhan. only his sixth son, M. Muhammad ’Ysé, es. caped. The Arghin clan in Bukhara, being thus left without a head, emigrated to Khura- pam Vi Tarkban. sin, where they attached themselves to Mir

Zul-ntiu Beg Arghiin, who was the Amirul-

Atki Timur.

Several generations not known.

46

—

ou

362

Mirzé ’Abdul ’Ali Tarkhan. Umava and Sipabsalar of Sultatt Tusain Mirza M. Muhammad ‘Ts& Tarkhin, d. 975. He also was aédli¢ and father-in-law to-Prince

• 9 Badi’uzzamin Mirzi,gand held Qandahir as M. Muhammad Baqi Tarkhin, d. 993. jagir. When the prince’s carcer ended, his Mind Payan dah Mubammad Tar- t¥° sons, Badi’uzzam4n and Muzaffar Mirza, khin. proclaimed themselves kings of Khurasin. Anarchy prevailed; and matters grew worse, when Shaibin Khin invaded the country. Mirza Ghazi Beg Tarkhan. Zul-min Beg fell in battle against him. Shujé’ Beg, better known as Shih Beg, Zul-ntin’s son, held Qandahir during the absence of his father, and succeeded him in the government. He was bent-on con- quest. In 890, he took Fort Sewe from Jim Nizimuddin (generally called in Histories

| Mirza Jant Beg Tarkhan.

Jém Nanda), king of Sindh. He continued to interfere, as related by Abulfazl below ° in the Third Book, (Cuibab of Sindh), and managed at last, in 929, to conquer the’

country, thus compensating himself for the loss of Qandahar, which had been occupied by Babar. A short time before his death, which took place in 930,” he invaded Multin, then in the hands of the Langdéhs.

Sh4h Beg Arghtin was succeeded by his son Mirzé Shah Husain Arghin, who took Multéin from Sultin Husain Langéh (vide Third Book, Cubah of Multin). M.

Shah Husain Arghtn was afflicted with a peculiar fever, which only left him when he |

was on the river Indus, He therefore used to travel down the Indus for six months

of the year, and upwards for the remaining portion. On one occasion, he went towards *

Bhakkarf when some of the nobles deserted him, and elected Mirzi Muhammad ’I’s#, | third ancestor of M. Jani Beg, as their chief. M. Shab Husain, assisted by his foster

brother, Sultin Mahmud, Governor of Bhakkar, opposed him; but he had at last to come to terms, and cede a large part of Sindh to M. ’Isé. On Shah Husain’s death, in 963, the whole country fell to Isa.

In this manner the older branch of the Arghtins came to the throne of T’hat’hah.

“Tsf died in 975, and was succeeded by hiy son M. Muhammad Baqi, who successfully crushed the revolt of his younger brother, M. Jan Babi. M. Baqi, in 993, committed suicide during an attack of insanity ; and as his son, M. Péyandah Muhammad, was also subject to fits of madness, the government passed into the hands of M, Jani Beg, the son of M. Payandah.

Akbar had often felt annoyed that, notwfihstanding his frequent stays in the |

Panjib, M. Jani Beg had shewn no anxiety to pay him a visit. In the 35th “

year therefore (999), when the Khan Khanan was ordered to invade Qandahar, he was told to send some one to M. J. B,, and draw his attention to this neglect ; if no heed was paid, he was to invade Sindh on bis return. Multin and Bhakkar being the ¢uydl of the Khan Khanan, he did not move into Qandahdr by way of Ghaznin and Bangash, but chose a round-about way through his jAgir. In the meantime the conquest of T’hat’hah had been determined upon at Court, and the Khéin Khanan set

• Shah Beg was a learned man, like and commentaries to the Matdii’,

‘his renowned opponent Babar. He (glae ars) and the ’Aqaid i Nasafi

wrote a Commentary to the well known : 4 Arabic grammar Adjiyah (5338 ¢ »*), (ut vglas ob),

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ous at once for Sindh (vide p. 335, and Brigg’s Firishtah). After bravely defending the country; M, J. B. had at last to yield. In the 38th year (1001), accompanied by the Khan Khanin, he paid his respects to Akbar at Laihor, was made a Commander of Three Thousand, and received the Cubah of Multan as ¢wyz?, Sindh itself being assigned to M. Shahrukh (No. 7). But before this arrangement was carried out, a report reached Akbar that the Arghiin clan, about 10000 men, women, and children, moved up the river, to follow M. J. B. to bis new ¢uyziZ, and that great distress had thereby been caused both among the emigrants and those who were left behind. Akbar felt that under such circumstances policy should yield to mercy, and M. J. B. was appointed to Sindh. Ladhari Bandar, however, became Ahdlicah, and the Sirkar of Siwistin which

• had formerly paid peshkash, was parcelled out among several grandees.

• In the 42nd year, M. J. B. was promoted to a command of Three Thousand and Five Hundred. He was much liked by Akbar for his character, religious views (vide p. 209), pleasing manners, and practical wisdom. It is perhaps for thio reason that Abulfazl has placed him first among the Commanders of Three Thousand, though

names much more renowned follow. From his youth, M. J. B. had been fond of

wine, but had not indulged-in excesses; his habitual drinking, however, undermined his health, and brought on delirium (sarsdm), of which he died, in 1008, at Burbanpiir in the Dak’hin, after the conquest of A’sir.

A skort time before his death, he offended Akbar by declaring that had he had .

an Asir, he would have held it for a hundred years.

M. J. B, was fond of poetry ; he was himself a poct and wrote under the takhallug of Halimi? ’ e

Mirzd Ghd2t Beg, son of M. Jani Beg. At the death of his father, he was only 17 years old; and though not at Court, Akbar conferred Sindh on him. He was opposed by Mirzé ’Isi Tarkhan, son of Mirz4 Jan Baba ( brother of M. Muhammad Baaqf, grandfather of M. Jani Beg); but Khusrau Khan Chirgis, an old servant of the Arghins and Vakdél of his father, espoused his cause, and M. ’’sé Tarkhan fled from Sindh. The army which M. Ghazi Beg and Khusrau Khan had at their disposal, seoms to have made them inclined to rebel against Akbar; but the Emperor sent promptly Sa’id Khan (No. 25) and his son Sa’duliah? to Bhakkar, and M, Ghazi Beg came to Court, and was confirmed in the government of Sindh.

After the accession of Jahangir, M. Ghazi Beg received Multin in addition to Sindh, was made a Commander of Seven Thousand, and was sent to relieve Qandahar (Tuzuk p. 33, 72, 109), which had been besieged by Husain Khin Shamlii, the Persian Governor of Harét. He also received the title of Farzand (son). Sbéb “Abbas of Persia often tried to win him over, and sent him several khil’ués.

of Siwistin and Bhakkar. Subseyuent- ly when the districts on the other side of the Indus were ceded to Nadir Shah,

2 Hore follows in the Madsir ul Umard a description of Sindh taken from the Third Book of the Ain, concluding with

e following remark :—

‘At present (when the author of the Maasir Fyrote), the whole of Sindh is un- der Khudé Yar Khan Lati ((,W). From

long time he had farmed (i7drah kard) ‘the Ctbah of Tehat’hah, and the Sirkirs

Khudé Yar Khan administered them for Nadir Shih.’

2 Sa’dullah has been omitted to be mens tioned on p. 332, He received the title of Nawdzish Khdn in 1020; vide Tuazuk, pp. 3b, 96,

f f

364

He died suddenly at the age of twenty-five in 1018, the word Ghdzt being the Térikh of his death. Suspicion attaches to Lutfullah, his Vak¢2 and son of Khusran Khan Chirgis, who appears to have been treated unkindly. M. Ghazi does not appear to have had children.

Like his father, he was a poet. He wrote under the takhallug of Vagdrd, which he had bought of a Qandabar poet. He played nearly every instrument. Poets like TAlibi of Amul, Mull4 Murshid i Yazdjirdi, Mir Ni’matullah Vacili, Mull4 Asad Qiggab- khwan, and especially Fughfiri of Gilan enjoyed his liberality. The last left him, because his verses were too often used for dakhl (vide p. 102, note 6). In his private life, M. Gh&zf was dissolute. Not only was he given to wine, but he required every night a virgin; girls from all places were brought to him, and the women of the town of T’hat’hah are said to have been so debauched, that every bad woman, even long after his death, claimed relationship with the Mirzd4.

Note on the meaning of the title of ‘ Tarkhan.’

Abulfazl, in the Akbarnémah (38th year), has a valuable note regarding the meaning and the history of this ancient title, The title was hereditary,’and but rarely given. Chingiz Khan conferred it on Qishliq and Batt for having given him correct information regarding the enemy. The title in this case, as in all others, implied that the holder was excused certain feudal services, chiefly attendance at Court (takléf i bdr). Chingiz Khan, moreover, did ‘not take away from the two nobles the royal share of the plunder. Under Tinnur, a Tarkhan had fice access to every place of the palace, and could not be stopped by the macebearers; nor was he or his childref liable to be punished for any crime, provided the number of his or their crimes did not exceed the number xine.? .

Some say, a Tarkhin had seven distinctions and privileges—1. a tabl ; 2. a taéiindn- togh; 3.a naqqdrah; 4. he can confer on two of his men a qushdn togh, ov chatr togh ;° 5. his Qur (p. 109) was carried (qér i % niz barddrand). Among the Mughuls no one but the king was allowed to use a quiver. 6, He could enclose (qgurg) a forest as his private hunting ground, and if any one entered the enclosure, ho forfeited his personal liberty. 7, He was looked upon as the head of the clan to which he

• So the Madsir. The Tuzuk (p. 109),

2, Mirai Muhammad (iilih, who played perhaps more correctly, places the death

some part during Aurangzeb’s war with

of M. Ghazi in the 7th year of Jahingit’s’

reign, 1021.

After M. Ghazi Beg’s death, Sindh was taken away from the Tarkhans, and M, Rustam was appointed Governor (vide p. 314).

Khusrau Chirgis tried to set up some ’Abdul ’Ali Tarkh4n, whose pedigree is not known; but Jahangir bestowed his favors on Mirza “sé ‘larkhan, son of M. Jan Baba (uncle of M. Jani Beg). He rose to the highest honors under Shahjahén, and died snore than hundred year old, in 1062, at Sambhar. He had

vur sons—|l, Mirza “Indyatullah, who died in the 2)st year of Shahjahan;

Daya Shikoh ; 3. Pathullah ; 4. M. ’Aqil. Mirzi Bibriz, M. Muhammad Calih’s son, is mentioned as a Commander of Five Hundred under Shéhjahan.

2 Nine was looked upon as an import- ant number by the Mughuls. ‘Thus kings received zine presents, or the pre- sent consisted of zzne pieces of the same article. Hence also the Chaghtai éugez (or deégzz, or tugiz), nine, came to mean @ present, in which sense it occurs in the Péddishdhnémah and the ’A’lamgirnd- mah, especially in reference to presonts of stulls, as haft tuqguz pdrehah, ‘a

resent of seven pieces of cloth.’

8 Vide p. 50.

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belonged. In the statehall the Amirs sat behind him to his right and left arranged in _ form. of a bow (kamdawwdr).

When Toghluq Timur conferred this title upon an Amir,? he put all financial matters (ddd o sitad) ‘as far as a Haziri’ (?) in his charge; nor were his descendants, to the ninth generation, liable to be called to account; but should their crimes excecd the number nine, they were to be called to account. When a Tarkhin had to answer for blood shed by him (pdddsh z khan), he was placed on a silver white horse two years old, and a white cloth was put below the feet of the animal. His statement was made by a chief of the Barlis clan (vide p. 341, note), and the sentence was communicated to him by a chief of the Arkiwat (wa5,!) clan. His neck vein was then opened, the two chiefs remaining at his side, and watching over him till he was dead. The king was then led forth. from the palace, and sat down to mourn over him.

Khizr Khwijah in making Mir Khudidéd a Tarkhdn, added three new privi- leges. 1. At the time of wedding feasts (ti), when all grandees have to walk on foot, and only the yasdwal (chief mace bearer) of the king is on horseback to keep back the, crowds, thé Zarkhdn also proceeds on horseback. 2. When during the feast the cup is handed ‘to the king from the right side, another cup is at the same time handed to the Tarkhan from the left. 3. The Tarkhan’s seal is put on all orders ; but the seal of the king is put to the beginning of the last line and below his.

Abulfazl, in concluding these remarks, says that these distinctions are extraordi- nary enough ; he believes it possible that a king may grant a virtuous man immunity for nine crimes; but he thinks it absurd to extend the immunity to nine generations,

.

48. Iskandar Kha’n, a descendant of the Uzbak Kings.

He distinguished himself under Hum4yiin who on his return to India made hin — a Khdn. After the restoration, he was made Governor of Xgrah. On Hemt’s approach, he left Agrah, and joined Tardi Beg at Dihli. Both opposed Hemi, Iskandar com- mandi the left wing (jéiranghdr). His wing defeated the rightwing (burunghdr) and the van (hardwal) of Hemi, and hotly pursued them, killing many fugi- tives. Tho battle was almost decided in favor of the Imperialists, when Hemi with his whole force broke upon Tardi Beg, and put him to flight. The victorious Iskandar. was thus obliged to return. He afterwards joimed Akbar at Sarhind, fought under Khan Zaman (No. 13) against Hemi, and received after the battle for his bravery the title of Khdz ’A’lam.

As Khizr Khwajah Khan,? the. Governor of the Panjab, had retreated before Sikandar Khdn Stir, and fortified himself in Léhor, leaving the country tothe Afghans, Akbar appointed Iskandar to move to Siydélkot and assist Khizr Khwajah.

1 The MSS.call him (,=49,J or sate, with every variety of diacritical points.

? Khizr had descended from the kings of Mughulistin ;-but according tothe T@- bugdt from the kings of XKdshghar. He was a grandee of Humayian, lett him on his flight to Persia, and was with M. ‘Askari in Qandahar, when lluma-

rin on his return besieged that town, Belore the town surrendered, Khizr Khwajah threw himself down from the wall, managed to reach Humayiin’s tent, and implored forgiveness. Hoe was restored to favor, was made Amir ul Umard. and married Gulbadan Begum, H.’s sister. When Akbar marched against

366

Afterwards he received Audh as ¢wytl. ‘From want of occupation,’ he rebelled in the tenth year. Akbar ordered Ashraf Khan (No. 74) to bring him to Court but Isk. joined Khin Zamdn (No, 13). Together with Bahidur Khan (No. 22), he occupied Khairabid (Audh), and attacked Mir Muizzulmulk (No. 61). Bahadur ultimately defeated the Imperialistss but Isk. had in the first fight heen defeated and fled to the north of Audb. ;

When in the 12th year Khin Zaman and Babadur again rebelled, Isk. in concert with them occupied Audh. He was attacked by Muhammad Quli Khan Barlis (No. 31), and besieged in Avadh. When Isk. heard that Khin Zaman and Bahadar had been defeated and killed, he made proposals of peace, and managed during the nego- tiation to escape by boat with his family to Gorik’hpur, which then belonged to Sulai- man, king of Bengal. He appears to have attached himself to the Bengal Court, and accompanied, in 975, Bayazid, Sulaiman’s son, over Jharkand to Orisé. After Sulaiman’s return from the conquest of Orisi,? Isk.’s presence in Bengal was looked upon as dangerous, as Sulaiman wished at all hazards to be at peace with Akbar, and the Afghans waited fora favorable opportunity to kill Iskandar. He sscaped in time, and applied to Mun’im Khan, who promised to speak for him. At his request, Isk, was pardoned. He received the Sirkar of Lak’hnau as tuyzil, and dicd there in the following year (980). .

49. A’caf Kha’n ’Abdul Maji’d (of, Hardt), a descendant of Shaikh Abu Bakr i Taibad{.

His brother Vazir Khan has been mentioned above (No. 41). Shaikh Zain- uddin Abi Bakri Taibidé? was a saint (¢dhib kamdl) at the time of Timur. When Timur, in 782, set out for the conquest of Hardt, which was in the hands of Malik Ghiisuddin, he sent, on his arrival at Taibid, a messenger tothe Shaikh, to ask him why he had not paid his respects to the conqueror of the world. ‘‘ What have I,” replied the Shaikh, “to do with Timur?” Timur, struck with this answer, went himself to the

Hemi. Khizr Khan was made Governor of the Panjab and ordered to operate against Sikandar Stir, who duwing Humayin’s lifetime had retreated to the Sawaliks. Leaving Haji Khan Sistini in Lahor, Khizr Khén moved . against Sikandar, whom he met near a place called in the MSS. Coylaee,

Kh. selected two thousand horsemen to reconnoitre; but Sikandar was on the alert, fell upon the detachment, and de- feated the Imperialists. Kh. without further fighting retreated to Lihor. Si- kandar used the respite, and collected a large army, till Akbar himself had to Move against him. Finding Akbar’s army too strong, Sikandar shut himself up in Mankot. After a siege of six mouths, Sikandar bribed Shamsuddin Atgah (No. 15) and Pir Muhammad (No. 20), who prevailed upon Akbar to pardon him. Sikandar sent his son

Abdurrahman with some elephants as peshkash, and was allowed by Akbar to occupy Bihar as tuyittl (vide p. 319, 1.10 from below). Mankot surrendered on the 27th Ramazin 964. Sikandar died two years later.

It, is difficult to say why Abulfazl has not entered Khizr Khan in the List of Grandecs.° His name is given in the Tabugdt. Similarly Khwajah Mu’az- zim and Mir Shah Abulma’ali are left out. For Kh.’s son vide No. 153.

2 On Sulaimén’s return from Oris, he appointed Khan Jahdn Lodhi, his Amir ul Umara, Governor of Orisé. Qutli Khan, who subsequently made himself king of Orisi, was then Gover- o of Pwi (Jaggamath.) Bad. IL,

2 He died A. H. 791. His biography is given in Jami’s Nafhdé ul Uns. Taibad belongs to Jam i Khurdsan.

367

Shaikh, and upbraided him for not having advised Malik Ghids, “ I have indeed done so,’ said the Shaikh, ‘ but he would not listen, and God has now appointed you over him. However, I now advise you, too, to be just, and if you likewise do not listen, God will appoint another over you.” Timur afterwards said’ that he had seen many dervishes ; every one of them had said something from selfish motives, but not so Shaikh Abi Bakar, who had said nothing with reference to himself.

Khwajah ’Abdul Majid was a Grandee of Humaytin, whom he served as Diwan. On Akbar’s accession, he also performed military duties. When the Emperor moved to the Panjab, to crush Bairim’s rebellion, “Abdul Majid received the title of Agaf Khdn,xegarding which vide the note after this biographical notice. Subsequently Agaf was appointed Governor of Djhli, received a flag and a drum, and was made a Commander of Three Thousand. When Fatt, a servant of ’Adli, made overtures to surrender Fort Chanidh (Chunar), A., in concert with Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, took posses- sion of it, and was appointed Governor of Karah-Manikptir on the Ganges. About the same time, Ghazi Khin Tannivi, an Afghin noble who had for a time been in Akbar’s services, fled to Bhat’h G’hor4, and stirred up the Zamindars against Akbhr. A., in the 7th year, sent a message to Rijah Rim Chandr, the ruler of Bhat’h, to pay tribute to Akbar, und surrender the enemies. But the Rajah prepared for resistance. A. marched against the Rajah, defeated him, and executed Ghézi Khin. The Rajab, after his defeat, shut himself up in Bandhi,’ but obtained Akbar’s pardon by timely submission, chiefly through the influence of several Rajahs at Court. A. then left the Rajah in peace; but the spoils which he had collected and the strong contingent which he had at his disposal (vide p. 241, 1.18) made him desirous of further warfare, and he planned the famous expedition against Gadha-Katangah,? or Gondwanah, south of Bhat’h, which was then governed by Durgawati,? the heroine of Central India. Her heroic defence and suicide, and the death of her son, Bir Sih, at the conquest of Chaurigadh (about 70 miles west of Jabalptr), are wellknown. The immense spoils which A. carried off, led him temporarily into rebellion, and of the 1000 elephants which he hadtaptured, he only sent 200 to Court. But when Khan Zamén (No. 13), in the 10th year, rebelled and besieged Majniin Khan Qagqsbal (No. 50) in Manikpir, A. camo with 5,000 troopers to his relief, presented himself before: Akbar, who had marched against Khin Zaman, and handed over the remainder of the Gadha spoils.

» Abulfazl, in the events of the 42nd Gadha-Katangah. Abulfaz) says, it had

year of the Akbarnémah, says that *Ald- uddin-i-Khilji besieged Bindht in vain. 2 Gadha (Gurh, Gurhbab, Gurrah) lies close to Jabalpur in Central India. Katan- gah is the name of two small places, one due south of J abalptix below Lat. 22, as on the Map in Journal A. S. B., Decr. 1837, P). LVLL; anotherapparently larger place of the same name lies N.W. of, and nearer o, Jabalpur and Gadha, about Lat. 23° 30’, as on the Map of Central India in Sir \J. Malcolm’s Malwa ; but both are called lon the maps Katangt. In Muhammadan | Histories, the country is generally called

au extent of 150 kos by 80 kos, and there were in ancient times 80000 flour- ishing cities. Tho inhabitants, he says, are all Gonds, who are looked upon by Hinds as very low. “ The Rajahs of Gadha-Katengah are generally called the Gadha-Mandlé Ra- Jabs. Mandla lies S. EB. of Jabalptr, on the right side of the Narbaddah.

® Capt. Sleeman in his ‘ History of the Gurha Mandala Rajas,’ Journal A. S. Bengal, Vol. VI., p. 627, spells her name Durghoutee. He calls her son Bir Na- rain, Vide also Baddond II, 66.

—

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He thereby regained Akbar’s confidence and was appointed to follow up the rebels. At this juncture, the imperial Mutacaddis, whom A. before had handsomely bribed, re- ported from envy his former unwillingness to hand over the spoils, and exaggerated his wealth. Hypocritical friends mentioned this to A. ; and afraid of his personal safety, he fled to Gadha (Cufar, 973).

Akbar looked upon his flight as very suspicious, and appointed Mahdi Qasim Khan (No. 36) to Gadhéi. A. then left Central India ‘with a sorrowful heart,’ and joined, together with his brother (No. 41), Khan Zaman at Jaunptix, But he soon saw that Khan Zaman only wanted his wealth and watched for a favorable moment to kill him. A. therefore made use of the first opportunity to escape. Khan Zaman had sent his brother Bahadur (No. 22) against the Afghans, and A. was to accompany him. Vazir Khin, whom Kh4n Zaman had detained, managed likewise to escape, and was on the road to Minikptir, which A. had appointed as place of rendez-vous. No soon- er had <A. escaped than Bahadur followed him up, defeated his men, and took A. pri- soner. Bahadur’s men immediately dispersed in search of plunder, when suddenly Valdiy Khan fell over Bahadur. Bahddur made some one a sign to kill A., who sat fetter- ed on an elephant, and A. had just received a wound in his hand and nose, when Vezir in time saved his life, and carried him away. Both reached, in 973, Kayah, and asked Muzaffar Khin (No. 37) to intercede for them with the emperor. When Muzaffar, in 974, was called by the emperor to the Panjab, he took Vazir with him, and obtained full pardon for the two brothers. A. was ordered to join Majntin Qagshal at Karah- Minikptr. His bravery in the last struggle with Khan Zaman induced Akbar, in 975, to give him Piydg as tuydél, vice Haji Muhammad Sistani (No. 55), to enable him to recruit a contingent for the expedition against Rand Udai Singh. A. was sent in advance (mangald). In the middle of Rabi’ I, 975, Akbar left Agrah for Chitor. The Rand had commissioned Jai Mall, who had formerly been in Mirt’ha, to defend the fort, whilst he himself had withdrawn to the mountains. During the siege, which lasted four months and seven days, A. distinguished himself, and when, on the 25th Sha’ban, 975, the fort fell A. was made Governor of Chitor.

Neither the Badsir, nor the Tabagdt, mentions the year of his death. He must have been dead in 981, because the title of Agaf Kh4n was bestowed upon another noble.* :

Note on the Title of ‘Agaf Khan.’

Acaf was the name of the Vazir of Sulaim4n (Solomon), who like his’ master is proverbial in the East for his wisdom. During the reign of Akbar three grandees received this title. Badéonf, to avoid confusion, numbers them Agaf Khan I., IL., and I. They are—

“Abdul Majid, A’gaf Khan I., d. before 981. (No. 49).

Khwijah Mirz4 Ghidsuddin Ali, Xcaf Khan IL, d. 989. (No. 126).

Mirzé Ja’far Beg, Acaf Khan TIL, (No. 98).

• Stewart (History of Bengal, p. 120) | 112, that Fariduddin i Bukhari [No. 99] says, ‘Abdul Majid Acaf Khan officiated is the author of the History of the Eun- in 1013 for Man Singh in Bengal. This | peror Jahangir.’ is as impossible as his statement on p.

369 The threo Alcafs were Diwdus or Mir Bakshis. The third was nephew to the second, as the following tree will shew : Agha poe Dawitdayr.

jenn, 2. Mirzé, Badf’uzzaman.

1. Ghidsuddin “AI, 3. Mirai Abmag Beg. Asaf Khén IT. aot

4 % ra CC; , Mirza, Niruddin.

=| A daughter Mirzi Ja‘far Beg, | Acaf Khan IIT. Mumtiz Mahall, (Shahjahan’s wife). Jahangir conferred the title of ‘ Agaf Khan’ (IV.) on Abul Hasan, elder brother of Nir Jahan, and father of Mumtéz Mahall (or Taj Bibi, Shihjahdn’s wife), whose mother was a daughter. of Agaf Khan II. During the reign of Shahjahin when titles ‘containing the word Daulah* were revived, A’gaf Khdn was changed to A’gafud- daulak, and this title was conferred on A’cafuddaulah Jumlatul Mulk Asadjang (Shaih- jahin-Aurangzeb), a relation of Acaf Khan IV. Under Ahmad Shih, lastly, we find A’gafuddaulah Amir ul Maméalik, whose name like that of his father, Nizim ul Mulk Agaf-Jih, occurs so,often in later Indian History.

60. Majnu’n Kha’n i Qa’qsha‘l.?

He was a grandee of Humayitn, and held Narnaul as jégér. When Humiytin fled to Persia, Haji Khan besieged Narnaul, but allowed Majntin Khan to march away ‘unmolested, chiefly at the request of Rajah Bihéri Mall, who, at that time, was with Haji Khan (vide p. 329).

On Akbar’s accession, he was made Jigirdér of Manikpur, then the east frontier of the Empire. He remained there till after the death of Khan Zaman (No. 13), bravely defending Akbay’s cause. In the 14th year, he besieged Kalinjar. This fort was in the hands of Rajah Ram Chand, ruler of Bhat’h, who during the Afghan troubles had bought it, for a heavy sum, from Bijli Khan, the adopted son of Pahéy Khin. When, during the siege, the Rajah heard of the fall of Chitor and Rantanbhiur, he surrendered Kalinjar to M. (29th Cafar, 977). Akbar appointed M. Commander of the Fort, in addition to his other duties.

In the 17th year (980), he accompanied Mun’im Khan (No. 11) on his expedition to Gorik’hpir. At the same time the Gujrdti war had commenced, and as Babé Khan Qiqshal? had words with Shahbiz Khan, (No. 80), the Mir Tozak, regarding certain

• They had been in use among the Khalifahs and the Ghaznawis. Thus Ya- min ud-daulak which title Shahjahan bestowed on Abul Hasan Acaf Khan IV.), had also beon the title of Mahmid of Ghazni when prince. the Dak’hin occasionally conferred titles with Daulah, This is very likely the reason why Akhbar conferred the title of Azad ad-daulah on Mir Fathullah of Shirfiz, who had come from the Dak’hin.

The title Dlalik, so common among -

47

The kings of °

‘the Pat’hans, was never conferrad by the

Mughul (Chaghtai) Kings of Delhi. Titles with Jang, as Firidzjang, Nug- ratjang, fe., came into fashion with

• Jahingty.

2 Name of a Turkish clan. Like the Uzbaks, they were disliked by Akbar, and rebelled. Majmin Khan was cer- tainly the best of them.

• Bdbd Whan Qdgshal also was a gran- dee of Akbar, but Abulfazl has left him out in this list. Like Majnin he distin-

|

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arrangements, he was reproved by Akbar. But the rumour spread in Mun’im’s army that Biba Khan, Jabari (Majnin’s son), Mirzi Muhammad, and other Qaqshils, had killed Shahbaz Khan, and joined the rebellion of the Mirzis in Gujrit; and that Akbar had therefore ordered Mun’im to imprison Majniin. In consequence of these false rumours, M. and others of his clan withdrew from Mun’im, who in vain tried to convince gthem of the absurdity of the rumours ; but when M. soon after heard that Babé Khan and Jabari had been rewarded by Akbar for their brave behaviour in the Gujrati war, he was ashamed of his hastiness, and rejoined Mun’im who, in the meantime, had taken Govik’hpiir.

M. accompanied Mun’im on his Bengal expedition. When, in 982, David retired to Orisé, and Kél& Pahar,? Sulaimén Mankli and Babi Mankli had gone to Ghorag’hit, Mun’im sent M. against them. M. conquered the greater part of Nor- thern Bengal, and carried off immense spoils. On the death of Sulaimin Manlili, the acknowledged ruler of G’hordg’hit, a great number of the principal Afghan nobles were caught, and M. with the view of securing peace, married the daughter of Sulai- man Mankli to bis son Jabari. He also parcelled out the whole country among his clan. But Babi Mankli and Kal& Pahdy had taken refuge in Kuch Bihér, and when Mun’im was in Katak, they were joined by the sons of Jalaluddin Str, and fell upon the Qaqshals. The latter, without fighting, cowardly returned to Tandah, and waited for Mun’im, who, on his return from Oris4, sent them with reinforcements to G’horig’hat. The Qagqshals re-occupicd the district. Majniin died soon after at G’hordg’ hit.

The Tabagdé says that he was a Commander of Five Thousand and had a contin- gent of 5,000 troopers. .

His son Jabdri? distinguished himself by his zeal and devotion. The enforcing

~of the Ddgh law led him and his clan into rebellion. Jabarf then assumed the title of Khin Jahdn. When the Qagqshils left Ma’cim (p. 326), Jabari went to Court. Akbar imprisoned him, but pardoned him in the 39th year.

kept for the last six hundred years in the temple of Piri) differs considerably from the Akbarnamah. Kala Pahfy was killed

guished himself in the war with Khan Zaman and the Mirzis. During Mun- *im’s expedition to Bengal, the Qaqsbals

received extensive jigirs in G’horig’hAt. Baba Khan was looked upon as the head of the clan after Majniin’s death. He rebelled with Ma’cim Khan i Kabul, partly in consequence of Muzaffar Khin’s (No. 37) exactions, and assumed the title of Khan Khanin. He died in the same year in which Muzaffar died, of cancer in the face (khdérah), which he said he had brought on himself by his faithlessness.

• The renowned conqueror of the tem-

ple of Jagannat’h at Puri in S. Orisa. .

Vide below Third Book, Cibahs of Ben- gal and Orisi. A minute description of his conquest is given in the Makhzan it Af- ghdant, and by Stirling in his Account of Orissa, Asiatic Researches, Vol. xv. But Stirling’s account, taken as they are from the Puri Vynsavali (a chronicle

by a gun shot in one of the fights be- ‘ tween Ma‘gim and Qutlhi of Oris&, and *Aziz Kokah (vide p. 326), which, in 990, took place between K’halginw (Colgong) and Gadhi (near Rajmahall).

Babi Mankif subsequently entered Akbar’s service (vide No. 202). European , , Historians generally spell his name Babu Mangali, as if it came from the Hindi mangal, Tuesday. This may be correct ; for common people in India do still use ; such names. But mankdi is perhaps pre- | ferable. ‘I’wo of ‘Timtir’s ancestors had the same name. The Turkish manklé means fla, khdlddr, spotted.

2 The best MSS. of the Akbarnimah, Badaoni, and the Maiésir have (gua,

. Stewart (p. 109) calls him Jebbaburdy (2).

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51. Shuja’at Kha’n, Muqi’m i ’Arab.

He is the son of Tardi Beg’s sister (No. 12). Humiyin made Muqim a Zhdn. On the emperor’s flight to Persia, he joined Mirzi ’Askari. When Humayin took Qendahér on his return, Mugqim, like most old nobles, presented himself before the emperor with a sword hanging from his neck, and was fora short time confined. After his release, he remained with Mun’im Khan (No, 11} in Kabul, and followed him to India, when Akbar called Mun’im to take Bairém’s place.

In the 9th year, Mugim distinguished himself in the pursuit of “Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No, 14), ‘the king of Mandw’, and received the title of Shujd’at Khan, which Akbar had taken away from the rebellious “Abdullah.

In the beginning of the 15th year, Akbar honored him-by being his guest for a day.

In the 18th year, he accompanied the Emperor on his forced march to Ahmadabad (p. 325). Once he slandered Mun‘im, and Akbar sent him to the Khan Khandn to do with him what he liked ; but Mun’im generously forgave him, and had him restored.

In the 22nd year, he was made a Commander of Three Thousand, and Governor and Commander-in-Chief of MAlwah. .

In 988, when troubles in Bihir and Bengal had broken out, Shuja’at Khan, at Akbar’s order, left Sérangpdr for Fathpar (Baddont II, 284). At the first stage, “Iwaz Beg Baylis who complained of arrears of pay and harsh treatment of the men, created 2a tumult, made a man of the name Hajf Shihab Khan leader, fell upon Shujé’at’s tent, and killed his son Qawim Khan.? Shujaé’at himself was mortally wounded. Some of his adherents, at last, yranaged to put the dying Sh. on an elephant, and led him off to Sarangpiir. Though Sh. had expired before they reached the town, they did not spread the news of his death, and thus kept the greater part of the soldiers together, and joined Akbar in Sarangptr.

Akbar punished the rebels severely. According to p. 284, Akbar once saved Shujé’at’s life in the jungles.

From Badaonf (II, 284), we learn that Qawim Khan was a young man, renowned for his musical talents.

Mugim Khan (No. 386) is Shuji’at Khin’s second son. He was promoted under Akbar to a Commandership of seven hundred.

Qdim Khdn was the son of Muqim Khan. Qaim’s son, ’Abdurrahim, was under Jahangir a Commander of seven hundred and 400 horse, got the title of Tarbiyat Khan, and was made, in the 5th year, Faujdar of Alwar. Qaim’s daughter, Cdlihah Bani, was received (3rd year) by Jahangir in his harem, and went by the title of Pddishah Mahall. She adopted Miydn Joh, son of the above ’Abdurrahim, Miyan Joh was killed by Maha- bat Khan, when near the Bahat (Jhelam) lie had taken possession of Juhaingir’s person.

No, 52. Sha’h Buda’gh Kha’n, a descendant of. Uyméq? Kal of Sa- marqand.

• So the Maasir and the Akbarnamah. They were renowned in India as horse- Badaoni (II, 284) has Qdim Khdn ; but men. Hence Gw:t, as the word is gene- this is athe Bibl pee of the native rally spelt by Mughul Historians, means ce aad ee f th ‘ a kind of superior cavalry ; vide Tazuk

» two tribes of the Qaré | 4147, 1.17. How this Turkish word Turks called lef or Gleyf, tiymdg. lost its original meaning in India, may

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The Turkish Buddgh means ‘a branch of atree.’ He distinguished himself under

. Hamiytin, and was made by Akbar a Commander of Three Thousand. In the 10th year, he accompanied Mir Mu’izzul Mulk (No. 61) against Bahidur No. 22). Though the imperialists were defeated, B. Kh, fought bravely, and was captured. His son, Abdul Matlab (No. 83), ran away. In the 12th year, B, Kh. went with Shibibuddin Ahmad (No. 26) against the Mirzis in Malwah, received Sirangptr as tuydl, fought under ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in the battle at Patan (18th Ramazin

980), and was for a long tine Governor of Mandi, where he died. The Tabagdé says, -

he had the title of Amirul Umard. He was alive in 984, when he met Akbar at Mohini.

Inside Fort Mandi, to the south, close to the walls, he had erccted a building, to which he gave the name of Wilkdnt’h, regarding the inscriptions on which the Audsir gives a few interesting particulars.

No. 53. Husain Kha’n (Tukriyah), sister’s son of Mahdi Qésim Khan (No. 36). ;

‘He is the Bayard and the Don Quixote of Akbar’s reign.’ In his jikéds he was sans peur, and in his private life saxs reproche ; he surpassed all grandees by his faith- fulness and attachment to his masters, but his contingent was never in order; he was always poor, though his servants in consequence of his liberality lived in affluence. He slept on the ground, because his Propliet had enjoyed no greater luxuries ; and his motto in fight was ‘ death or victory ;’ and when pcople asked him, why he did not invert the order and say ‘victory or death,’ he would reply, ‘O! I do long to be with the saints that have gone before.’

He was the patron of the Historian Baddoni,’ who served Husain as almoner to his estate (Shamsabad aud Patiali).

Husain Khan was not only sister’s son, but also son-in-law to Mahdf Qasim Khan (No. 36). He was in Bairém’s service. In the second year, after the conquest of Mankot, Akbar made him Governor of Labor, where he remained four months and four days. When Akbar, in Qafar 965, marched to Dihli, he appointed H. Kh. Governor of the Panjab. During his incumbency, he shewed himselfa zealous Sunni. As the Christians did with the Jews, he ordered the Hindus as unbelievers to wear a patch (Hind. tusrd) near the shoulders, and thus got the nickname of Zukriyah, ‘ Patcher.’

‘ Like Shih Qulf Khin Mahram (No. 45), he stuck to Bairam to the last, and did not meet Akbar at Jhijhar; but after Bairim had been pardoned, he entered Akbar’s service. When Mahdi Qasim Khan, from dislike tq Gadba, went by way of the Dak’hin to Makkah, H. Ih. accompanied him a short distance on the road. On his return, he reached Satwds in Malwah, when the rebellion of the Mirzis broke out,

be seen from p. 57, 1.1, of the second head or founder of a clan. The ad- volume of my Ain text, where Abulfazl | jective Miydn Kdlé occurs frequently. applies’ the word to Rajput cavalry of Two Miyain Kalis may be found below

the Rathor clan. The word is pro- among the list of’ learned men (Qizi- *Abdussami’) and the poets (Qasim i Kahi).

nounced aimdg in India.

The meaning of Miydn IHal is still unclear to me. ‘To judge from Abulfazl’s ? Vide my Essay on Baddonf and his phrase, it must be the name of the Works inJ.A.S. Bengal, for 1869, D 120,

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and in concert with Muqarrib Khan, the zuyilddr of that place, he tried to fortify himself in Satwis. But Mugarrib lost heart and fled; and H. Kh. was forced to leave the Fort, and asked Ibrahim Husain Mirza for an interview. Though urged to join the Mirzi, H. Kh. remained faithful to Akbar.

In the 12th year, when Akbar moved against Khan Zaman, H. Kh. was to take a command, but his contingent was not ready. In the 13th year his jagir was transferred from Lak’hnau, where he and Badioni had been for about a year, to Kant o Golah.2 His exacting behaviour towards Hindtis and his religious expeditions against their temples annoyed Akbar very much. In the 19th year, when the Emperor went to Bihar, H. Kh. was again absent ; and when Akbar returned after the conquest of Hajiptir, -he confiscated H.’s jagir; but on satisfying himself of his harmlessness, he pardoned him, restored his jigir, and told him to get, his contingent ready. His mania, however, again overpowered him. He made an expedition against Basantpir in Kamion, which was proverbially rich, and: got wounded by a bullet in the shoulder. Akbar was almost convinced that he had gone into rebellion, and sent Cidiq Khan (No. 43) to him to bring him by force to Court. H. Kh. therefore left Garh Muktesar, with the view of going to Mun’im Khan, through whose influence he hoped to obtain pardon. But he was caught at Barha, and was taken to Fathptr Sikri, where in the same year (983) he died of his wounds.

The Tabaqat says, he was a Commander of Two Thousand ; but according to the Akbarnamab, he had since the 12th year been a Commander of Three Thousand.

His son, Yusuf Khan, was a grandee of Jahangir. He served in the Dak’bin in the corps of Aziz Kokah (No. 21), who, in the 5th year, had been sent with 10,000 theh to reinforce Prince Parwiz, the Khin Khanan, and Man Singh, because on account of the duplicity of the Khan Khandn (Zuzuk p. 88) the imperialists were in the greatest distress (vide pp. 327 and 336), Yusuf’s son, “Izzat Khan, served under Shibjahin, (Pddishdhn. IT, 121).

54. Mura’d Kha’n, son of Amir Khin Mughul Beg.

His full name is Muhammad Murdd Khin. In the 9th year, he served under Acaf Khan (No. 49) in Gadha Katangah. In the 12th year, he got a jagfr in Mélwah, and fought under Shihdbuddin Ahmad against the Mirzis. After the Mirzds had returned to Gujrat, M. got Ujjain as tuydl.

In the 18th year; the Mirzis invaded Malwah from Khandesh, and Murid Khan, together with Mir ’Azizullah, the Diwan of Malwah, having received the news two days before the arrival of the enemies, shut themselves up in Ujjain, determined to hold it for Akbar. The Emperor sent Qulij Khan (No. 42) to their relief, when the ‘Mirziiy retreated to Mandi. Followed up by Qulij and Murad, they retreated at last across the Narbaddah. :

In the 17th year, the Mirzis broke out in Gujrat, and the jagivdiys of Maélwah assembled under the command of M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21). Murfd held s command in the Ieft wing, and took part, though not very actively, in the confused battle near Patan (Ramazin, 980).

bas by mistake Lak’hnor (on the Rim- This niast be an oversight.

gee ae ee a Pe ee ee ee

• Elliot (Index, p. 235, First Edition) and he calls Husain Khan a Kashmir. pay instead of Luk’hnuu (in Audh),

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In 982, he was attached to Mun’im’s expedition to Bengal. He conquered for } Akbar the district of Fathabid, Sirkir Bogli (S. E. Bengal), and was made Governor of Jalesar (Jellasore) in Oris, after David had made peace with Mun’im.

When in 983, after Mun’im’s death, Daid fell upon Nazar Bahadur, Albar’s Governor of Bhadrak (Orisi), and, treacherously killed him, Murad wisely retreated to Tandah.”

Subsequently M. was again appointed to Fathitbid, where he was when the Bengal rebellion broke out. Murad at Fathdbad, Qiy4é Kh4n in Orisié, Mirz4 Najit at Satginw, were almost the only officers of Akbar’s Bengal corps, that did not take part in the great military revolt of 988. Qiya was killed by Qutli (p. 343), and Murad diced at Fath4bad, immediately after the first outbreak of the revolt in 988, ‘ before the veil of his loyalty was rent.’

After his death, Mukand, the principal Zamindavr of Fathdbid, invited Murad’s sons to a feast, and treacherously murdered them.

Vide No. 369.

55. Ha’ji Muhammad Kha’n of Sistin.

He was in the service of Bairam, who was much attached to him, In 961, when Bairim held Qandahair, rumours of treason reached Humiytin. The Emperor went from Kabul to Qandahav, and personally investigated the matter, but finding Bairim innocent, he went back, taking Haji Muhammad with him, who during the investiga- tion had been constantly referred to as inclined to rebellion.*

After the conquest of Hindustan, H. M., at Bairdm’s request, was made a Khin, and was rapidly promoted.

In the Ist year of Akbar’s reign, H. M. was ordered to accompany Khizr Khwi- jah (p. 365, note 2) on his expedition against Sikandar Sir. Tardi Beg’s (No. 12) defeat by Hemi had a bad effect on the Emperor’s cause; and Mulli Abdullah Makh- dim ulmulk who, though in Akbar’s service, was said to be devoted to the interests of the Afghans, represented to Sikandar that he should use this favorable opportunity and leave the Sawaliks. As related above, Khizr Khwajah moved against Sikandar, leaving H. M. in charge of Lahor. Being: convinced of Makhdum’s treason, HH. M. tortwred him, and forced him to give up sums of money which he had con- cealed.

In 966, Bairém fell out with Pir Muhammad (No. 20), and deprived him of his office and emoluments which were given to H. M. When Bairdm fell into disgrace, he sent H. M. with several other Amfrs to Dihli with expressions of his humility and desire to be pardoned. But H. M. soon saw that all was lost. He did not. receive permission to go back to Bairam. After Bairém had been pardoned (p. 318), H. M.

2 As Mun’im left Thanabdars in Bhad- tak and Jalesar, Datid must have been restricted to Katak Proper. Mun’im’s invasion of Oris’ was certainly one of the most daring exploits performed dur- ing Albar’s reign.

Having mentioned Katak, I may here state that the name ‘ Atak’, (Attock, in the

Panjab) was chosen by Akbar -who built the town, because if rhymes with Katak. The two frontier towns of his empire were to have similar names. Akbarnd- mah,

® Haji Muhammad is the same to whom Erskine’s remark refers quoted, by Et- phinstone (Fifth Edition), p. 470, note.

875

and Muhammad Tarson Khan (No. 32) accompanied him on his way to Hijéz as far as Nagor, then the frontier of the Empire. Once, on the road, Bairaém charged H. M. with faithlessness, when the latter gently reminded him that he had at least nevor drawn his sword against his master.

H. M. was present in almost every campaign, and was promoted to the post of Sih-hazdri. In the 12th year, when Akbar set out for the conquest of Chitor, he sent H. M. and Shibabuddin Ahmad (No. 26) from Gigriin against the sons of Sultan Mu, hammad Mirza, who had fled from Sambhal and raised a revolt in Malwah. H. M. then received the Sirkar of Mandi as jdgir.

In the 20th year, H. M. accompanied Mun’im Khan on his expedition to Bengal

and Orisé,‘and got wounded in the battle of Takaroi (20th Zi Qa’dah, 982). He then a.

accompanied the Khan Khainin to Gaur, where soon after Mun’im’s death he, too, died of malaria (983).

Note on the Battle of Takarot, or Mughulmiré, in Orisd.

This battle is one of the most important battles fought by Akbar’s generals. It crushed the Afghans, and decided the possession of Bengal and Upper Orisé. The MSS. of the Akbarndmah and the Aladsir have ust y) Takarohi, and és: iy SO Takarot. My copy of the Sawinrih has the former spelling. A few copies of the Akbarnfimah have us* 998 Nakrohi. In Baddont and the Tabagdt the battle of Takaroi is called the battle of Bygecs? (vide p. 318), which may be Bayhorak, Bachhorah, Bajhorh, or Bachhorh. Stewart’s account of Mun’im’s Oris& expedition (Vth Section), differs in maay particulars from the Akbarnamah and the Tabaqit. He places the battle in the environs of Katak, which is impossible, and his ‘Bukhtore’ is » blunder for tpi? ba chittud, ‘in Chittua,’ the final alif having assumed the shape of a »7e, and the ry that of ¢- Tho Lucknow lithograph of the Akbarnimah, which challenges in corruptness the worst possible Indian MS., bas ba chitor, in Chitor !

The Akbarnéimah, unfortunately, gives but few geographical details. Todar Mall moved from Bardwin over Madaran* into the Parganah of Chittud (3:4), where he was subsequently joined by Mun’im. Daud had taken up a strong position at 593 dy, Harpur or Haripir, “which lies intermediate (barzakhe) between Bengal and Orisd.” The same phrase (barzakhe), in other passages of the Akbarnamah, is applied to Chittua itself. Dérid’s object was to prevent the Imperialists from entering Orisa, into which led but few other roads; “ but Ilyfs Khan Langéh shewed the victorious army an easier road,” and Mun’im entered the country, and thas turned Datid’s position. ‘The battle then takes place (20th Zi Qa’dah, 982, or A. D., 3rd March, 1575). After the battle Todar Mall Icads the pursuit, and reaches with his corps the town of Bhadrak. Not long after, he writes to Mun’im to come and join him, as David had collected his troops near Katak, and tho whole army

• Madavan lies in Jahandbdd, a Par- this town vide my ‘Places of Historical

anah of the Higli district, between Interest in the Higli District,’ in the \BardwAn and Medniptir (Midnapore). Re- April Pr oceedings of the As. Soc. of Ben- loarding the importance and history of | gal tor 1870,

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moves to Katak, where a peace was concluded, which confirmed Datid in the possession of Katak.

Now from the facts that the battle took place svon after the Imperialists had left Chittud, which lies a little E. E. N. of Mednipiv (Midnapore), and that after the victory -RAjah Today Mall, in.a pursuit of several days, pushed as far as Bhadrak, I was led to conclude that the battle must have taken place near Jalesar (Jellasore), and probably north of it, as Abulfazl would have mentioned the occupation of so large a town. On consulting the large Trigonometrical Map of Oyis& latcly published, I found on the road from Mednipir to Jalesar the village of Mogulmarec* (Mughulmani, é. e., Mughul’s Fight), and about seven miles southwards, half ways between Mughual- mari and Jalesar, and two miles from the left bank of the Soobaurecka river, the village of Tookaroe.

According to the map the latitude of Mughulmari is 22°, and that of Tookaroe, 21° 53 nearly.

There can be no doubt that this Tookaroe is the uve, Takarot, of the Akbarnémah.

The battle extended over a large ground. Badéonf (II, p. 195, 1. 3) speaks of three, four kos, z. e., about six miles, and thus the distance of Takaroi trom Mughul- mari is accounted for.

I can give no satisfactory explanation of the name 8)y¢=*, by which tho battle is called in the Tabaqit and Baddoni (II, 194, 1. 2), It looks as if the name contained the word chaur which occurs so often in the names of Parganahs in the Jalesar and Balesar districts.

/ In Baddon{ (Edit. Bibl. Indica, p. 196), and the Tabagdé, it is said that Todar i. Mall in his pursuit reached sds Us Kalkalghdté (?), not Bhadyak.

List of Officers who died in 983, after their return from Oyisd, at Gaur of

malaria.

1. Mun’im Khan, Khbain Khanin, 8. Haji Yusuf Khan, (No. 224). (18th Rajab). Vide p. 318. 9. Shah Tahir, (No. 236).

2. Haji Khan Sistani, (No. 55). 10. Hashim Khan.

3. Haidar Khan, (No: 66). 11. Muhsin Khan.

4. Mirz4 Quli Kh4n, his brother. 12. Qunduz Khan.

5. Ashraf Khan, (No. 74). 13. Abul Husain. 6, Mu’inuddin Ahmad, (No. 128). 14, Shab Khalil. 97, Jua’l Khan, (No, 209). =

6. Afzal Kha’n, Khwa4jah Sultin ’Ali? i Turbati.

Regarding Zurbaté, vide No. 37. He was Mushrif (accountant) of Humiyin’s Treasury, and was, in 956, promoted to the post of Mushrif i Buyttdt (store accoun- tant), In 957, when Mirzi Kamran took Kabul, he imprisoned A. Kh., and forced

• Another ‘Mughulmari’ lies in_ the Madivan to Mednipur. Bardwin district, between Bardwan 2 The word ’Ali has been omitted in and Jahinabad (Migli District) on my text edition on p. 224, the old high road from Bardwan over

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him to pay large sums of money, Ori HumAyiin’s return to India, A. Kh. was made Mir Bakhshi, aid got an ’alam. He was together with Tardi Beg (No. 12) in Dihli, when Humiydin died. In the battle with Hem4, he held a command in the centre (god), and his detachment gave way during Hemi’s charge. A. Kh., together with Pir Muham- mad (No. 20)and Ashraf IXhin (No. 74), fled from the battle-field, partly from hatred towards Tardi Beg—the old hatred of Khurisanis towards Uzbaks—, and retreated to Akbar and Bairim. As related above, Tardi Beg was executed by Bairam for this retreat, and A. Kh. and Ashraf Khan were convicted of malice and imprisoned. But both escaped and went to Makkah. They returned in the 5th year, when Bairim had lost his power, and were favorably received at Court. A. Kh. was made a Commander of three thoasand.

‘Nothing else is known of him.’ Madsir.

57. Sha‘hbeg Kha‘n, son of Ibrahim Beg Harik (?)*

He is sometimes called Beg Khdén (p. 313). He was an Arghzn ; hence his full name is Shah Beg Khan Arghin. Under Jahangir he got the title of Khdn Daurdn,

He was in the service of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim of Kabul, Akbar’s brother, and was Governor of Pashawar. When after the Prince’s death, Min Singh, in 993, crossed the Nilab (p. 340) for Kabul, Shih Beg took M. M. Hakim’s two sons, Kai Qubid and Afrasiyik, to Akbar, and received a mangab. Sh. B. distinguished himself in the war with the Yusufzais, and got Khushdb as jdgtr. He then served under the Kh&n Khanfn in Sindh, and was for his bravery promoted to a command of 2500. In the 39th year Akkar sent him to Qandahir (p. 313), which Muzaffar Husain had ceded. During the time of his Governorship, Sh. B. succeeded in keeping down the notorious Kikar ( Bis ) tribe. In the 42nd year, he was made a Commander of

3500. In the 47th year, Ghaznfn was placed in his charge (vide No. 63).

Immediately after the accession of Jahdngir, Husain Khan Shatli, the Persian Governor at Hardt, thinking Akbar’s death would lead to disturbances, made war upon Sh. B. and besieged Qandahaér, which ‘he hoped to starve out. To vex him, Sh. B. gave every night feasts on the top of the castle before the very eyes of the enemies (Tuzuk, p. 33). One day, Husain Khén sent an ambassador into the Fort, and Sh. B., though provisions had got low, had every available store of grain spread out in the streets, in order to deceive the enemies. Not long after, Husain Shah received a reprimand from Shah ’Abbés for having besieged Qandahaér ‘without orders,’ and Husain Khan, without having effected anything, had to raise the siege.

When Jubangir in 1016 (18th Cofar) visited Kabul,* Sh. B. paid his respects, was made a Commander of 5000, and received the title of Khdn Daurdn. He was also made Governor of Kabul (in addition to Qandahar), and was ordered to preparé a financial settlement for the whole of Afghdnistin. After having held this office till the end of 1027, he complained of the fatigues incident to a residence in Kabul, horse-travelling and the

2 So the Matsir. My MSS. of the Ain * According to the Tuzuk (p. 53), Sh. B. have £b,=, which may be Hark, Har- ‘then held the Parganah of Shor as jdgir, mak, Harbak, &. Some MSS. read regarding which vide Elliot’s Index, first clearly Hurmak. edition, p. 198,

48

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drizzly state of the atmosphere of the country,” paid in the beginning of 1028 his re- spects at Court (Zvz.,p. 257), and was appointed Governor of T’hat’hah.? He resigned, however, in the same year (Zuz., p. 275) and got the revenue of the Parganah of Khushab assigned as pension (75,000 Rs.).

Before he went to T’bat’ hah, he called on Agaf Khin to take leave, and Acaf.recom- mended to him the brothers of Mullé Muhammad of T’hat’hah, who had been a friend of Agaf. Shéhbeg had heard before that the Mulla’s brothers, in consequence of Agaf’s support, had never cared for the Governors of the province; hence he said to Agaf, “Certainly, I will take an interest in their welfare, if they are sensible (sarkisdb) ; but if not, I shall flay them.” Acaf got much annoyed at this, opposed him in ever: ything, and indirectly forced him to resign.

Sh. B. was a frank Turk. When Akbar appointed him Governor’of Qandahar, he conferred upon him an ‘alam and a nagqdrak (p. 50); but on receiving the insignia, he said to Farid (No. 99), “ What is all this trash for? Would that His Majesty gave me an order regarding my mangad, and a jdgir, to enable me to get better troopers for his service.” On his return, in 1028, from Kabul, he paraded before Jahingir his con- tingent of 1000 picked Mughul troopers: whose appearance and horses created much sensation. Sis

He was much given to wine drinking. He drank, in fact, wine, cannabis, opium, and kukndér, mixed together; and called his beverage of four ingredients Chér Bughré (p. 60, 2. 13), which gave rise to his nickname Chdr Bughrd Khur.

His sons. 1. °Mirzdé Shédh Muhammad, Ghaznin Khdn, a well educated man. Jahangir, in 1028, made him a Commander of One Thousand, 600 horse.

2. Ya’gub Beg, son-in-law to Mirzi Ja’far Agaf Khan (III) (No. 98), a Com- mander of Seven Hundred, 350 horse. The Madsir says, he was 2 fatalist (azalparast), and died obscure.

3. Asad Beg (Tus. p. 275), a Commander of Three Hundred, 60 horse. The Madsir does not mention him.

The Tuzuk, p. 34, mentions a Qisim Beg Khan, a relation of Sk. B. This is perhaps the same as No. 350.

Shihbeg Khan Arghin must not be confounded with No. 148.

58. Kha’n ’A’lam Chalmah Beg,* son of Hamdam who was Mirzd Kamran’s foster brother.

Chalmah Beg was Humdyin’s Sufarchi, or table attendant. Mirzi Kaémrin had, in 960, been blinded, and at the Indus asked for permission to go to Makkah.

1 The text has gatrah, which is men- tioned as a peculiarity of Kabul. Ido rot know whether I have correctly trans- lated the term.

? Sayyid Ahmad in his edition of the Tunuk, os 266) makes him governor of Patnoh—a confusion of 44 and. aij,

® For Chalmah, the MSS. of the Ain have, at this place, Halim. In No, 100, the same name occurs. The Madsir and

good MSS. of the Akbarzdmah have’ ‘Chale Turkish dictionaries give chalmah (lq) in the meaning of wild

goat’s dung, and chdlmah (&-Jtz) in that, of dastér, a turban.

In the Edit. Bibl. Indica of Badéont Khan ’Alam is wrongly called alsiyls, { instead of pegs,

379

Before he left, Humayun, accompanied By some of his courtiers; paid him a visit, when the unfortunate prince, after greeting his brother, quoted the verse— got gt 5G IS 43 gee? Ble AS osle Sy) cfeayys 2,5 alls

‘ The fold of the poor man’s turban touches the heaven, when a king like thee casts his shadow upon his head.’

And immediately afterwards he said the following verse extempore—

cin > 5, cele 598 F ene cho cle omy dg yO 35 51 pale 2

‘ Whatever I receive at thy hands is kindness, be it the arrow of oppression or the dagger of cruelty.’

Humayin felt uncomfortable and tried to console him. He gave next day orders that any of KAmran’s old friends might accompany him free to Makkah; but as no one came forward, he turned to Chalmah Beg, and said, “ Will you go with him, or stay with me?” Chalmah Beg, though he knew that Humaytin was much attached to him, replied that he thought he should accompany the Prince in the ‘gloomy days of need and the darkness of his solitude.’ The Emperor approved of his resglution, aud made liberal provisions for Kamrén and his companion.

After Kimrdn’s death, Chalmah Beg returned to India, and was favorably received by Akbar, who made him a Commander of 3000, bestowing upon him the title of Khdn ’Alam: He served under the emperor against the Mirzis in Gujrat, and was presesnt in the fight at Sarndl (p. 330, No, 27). ,

In the 19th year, when Akbar moved against Diid in Patna, Khan ’A‘lam commanded a corps, and passing up the river in boats towards the mouth of the G’handak, effected a landing, though continually exposed to the volleys of the enemies. Akbar praised him much for his daring. In the same year he was attached to Mun’im’s corps. In the battle of Takaroi (p. 375), he commanded the hardwal (van). He charged the Afghans, and allowing his corps to advance too far, he was soon hard pressed upon and gave way, when Mun’im sent him an angry order to fall back. But before his corps could be brought again into order, Gujar Khan, Daid’s best general, attacked the Imperialists with his line of elephants, which he had rendered fierce looking by means of black gutdses (Yak tails) and skins of wild beasts attached to them. The horses‘of the Imperialists got frightened, nothing could make them stand, and their ranks were utterly broken. Ih. ’A‘.’s horse got a sword cut, and reared, throwing him on the ground. He sprang up, and mounted it again, but was imme- diately thrown over by an elephant, and killed by the Afghans who rushed from all sides upon him (20th Zi Qa’dah, 982).

It is said that before the battle he had presentiment of his death, and begged of his friends not to forget to tell the Emperor that he had willingly sacrificed his life.

Kh. ’A. wae a poet and wrote under the Takhallug of Hamdamt (in allusion to the name of his father).

A brother of his, Muzaffar, is mentioned below (No. 301) among the Commanders of Three Hundred, where for pbel, in my Text edition, p. 229, read pes.

59, Qa’sim Kha’n, Mir Bahr Chamanérdi (?) Khurasén.*

*I am doubtful regarding the true | Khwrdsdn, ‘Ruler of Khurasin. The meaning of the odd title chaman-érdi Maasir, not knowing what to do with

380

He is the son of “Mirz& Dost’s’sister, who was an old servant of the Timirides. When Mirz4 Kamran was, in 954, besieged in Kabul, Humayiin had occupied Mount Agqabin, which lies opposite the Fort of Kabul. Whilst the siege was going on, Qasim Khan and his younger brother, Khwajagi Muhammad Husain (No. 241), threw them- selves down from a turret between the Ahanin Darwazah and the Qisim Barlas bastion, and went over to Humayitin, who received them with distinction. :

Soon after Akbar’s accession, Q, Kh. was made a Commander of Three Thousand. He superintended the building of the Fort of Agrah, which he completed “ after eight years at a cost of 7 krors of tankahs, or 35 lacs of rupees. The Fort stands on the banks of the Jamnah river, E. of the town of Agrah, on the place of the old Fort, which had much decayed. The breadth of the walls is 30 yards, and the height from the foundation to the pinnacles 60 gaz. It is built of red sandstone, the stones being well joined together and fastened to each other by iron rings which pass through them. The foundation every where reaches water.”

In the 23rd year, Q. was made Commander of Agrah. In the beginning of Sha’bin 995 (32nd year), he was ordered to conquer Kashmir, ‘a country which from ita inaccessibility had never tempted the former kings of Dihlf.’ Though six or seven roads lead into Kashmfr, the passes are all so narrow, that a few old men’ might repel a large army. The then ruler of Kashmir was Ya’qtib Khan, son of Yusuf Khin Chak. He had fortified a pass ;? but as his rule was disliked, a portion of his men went over to Q., whilst others taised a revoltyin Srinagar. Thinking it more important to crush the revolt, Ya’qub left his fortified position, and allowed Q. to enter the country. No longer able to oppose the Imperialists, he withdrew to the* mountains, and trust- ed to an active guerilla warfare; but disappointed even in this hope, he submit- ted and became ‘a servant of Akbar.’ The Kashmiris, however, are famous for love of mischief and viciousness, and not a day passed without disturbances break- ing out in some part of the country. Q. tired of the incessant petty annoyances, resign- ed his appointment (vide No. 35). In the 34th year he was made Governor of Kabul. At that time -a young man from Andajan (Fargh&nah) gave out that he was a son of Shahrukh.? He met with some success in Badakhshan, but was defeated by the Tiran

it, has left it out. Bir Bahr means ‘ad- miral.’ If chamandrdi Kh. be a genitive, the words mean, ‘ Admiral ‘of the ruler of Khurdsan,’ which from his biography does not appear to be correct. His brother (No. 241) 1s styled Alér Bar, an officer whose duties seem to have been confined to looking after arrangements during trips, hunting expeditious, &e.

2’The old Fort of Agrah was called

(I, 327} clearly says that it was a lofty structure at the foot of the Fort of Gwé- liar, not “one of the Forts dependent on Gwaliar.”

For Udantgir, on the same page in Ellist, read Untgar (_Siiyt), It was Fort in the Sirkar of Mandlair, on th left side of the Chambal. Our maps hav Ootgir or Deogurh.

Badalgarh (Bad. I. 429). It sutfered much_ during the earthquake of 911 (3rd Gafar), and was nearly destroyed aug an explosion which happened in

The Fort Bddalgar s3 ab, not sso, which Elliot (Index, First Edit., p. 229) identifies with the Fort of Agrah, cannot be the old Fort of Agrah, because Baddoni

• Called in the MSS. UL«i5 JiS, The word kutal, means ‘a mountain,’ or ‘a mountainpass.”

®TIn 1016 another false son of Mirzi Shahrukh (p. 313) created disturbances and asked Jabéngir for assistance against the Turanis.

The fate of Mirz& Shahrukh’s second son, Mirza Husain, is involved in obscu-

881

» Shih. The pretender then made friendship with the Zibulf Hazdrahs, and when Q., on one occasion, had repaired to Court, he entered Akbar’s territory, giving out that he was going to pay his respects to the Emperor. But Hashim Beg, Q.’s son, who

,fficiated during the absence of his father, sent a detachment after the pretender, who now threw himself on the Hazdrahs. But Hashim Beg followed him, and took him a prisoner to Kabul. Q., on his return from India, let him off, and even allowed him to entdr his service. The pretender in the meantime re-engaged his old men, and when he had five hundred together, he waited for an opportunity to fall on Q. Atthis junc- ture, Akbar ordered the pretender to repair to Court. Accompanied by his ruffians, he entered at noon Q.’s sleeping apartments, when only a few females were present, and murdered his benefactor (1002). Hashim Beg soon arrived, and fired upon the pre-

tender and his men.

In the melée, the murderer was killed.

For Qasim’s brother vide No. 241; and for his son, No. 226.

60. Ba’gi’ Kha’n, (elder) brother of Adham Khin (No. 19).

His mother is the same M&hum Anagah, mentioned on p. 323. “ From Badaoni (II, 340} we learn that Bagi Khan died in the 30th year as Governor of Gadha-Katan-

gah.” This is all the Madsir says of him.

His full name is Muhamrhad Bagi Khan Kokah. From Baddonf II. 81, we see that Baqi Khan took part in the war against Iskandar Khin and Bahfidur Khin (972-73), and fought under Mu’izzulmulk (No. 61) in the battle of Khairdbdéd, in which Budégh Khan (No. 52) was captured. The pattle was lost, chicfly because Baqi Khan, Mahdi Qasim Khén (No. 36), and Husain Khan Tukriyah (No. 53) had personal grievances—their Uzbak hatred—against Mu’izzul-Mulk and Rajab Todar

‘Mall.

61. Mi’r Mu’izzul-Mulk i Misaw(, of Mashhad. He belongs to the Musawi Sayyids of Mashhad the Holy, who trace their descent to *Ali Miis& Raza, the 8th Imam of the Shi’ahs. A branch of these Sayyids by a different

mother is called Razawis.

In the 10th year, Akbar moved to Jaunpur to punish Khan Zaman (No. 13), who had despatched his brother Bahidur and Iskandar Khin Uzbak (No. 48) to the district of Sarwdr.’ Against them Akbar sent a strong detachment (vide No. 60) under Mu’izzulmulk. Bahfdur, on the approach of the Imperialists, had recourse to nego- tiations, and asked for pardon, stating that he was willing to give up all clephants.’

rity, “Heran away from Burhanptr, went to sea and to Persia, from where he went to Badakhshin. People say that he is still alive [1016]; but no one knows whether this new pretender is Shibrukh’s son or not. Shahrukh left Badakhshan about twenty-five years ago, and since then the Badakhshis have set

up several false Mirzis, in order to shake |.

off the yoke of the Uzbaks. This pre- tender collected a large number of Uymigs (p. 371, note 2) and Badakhshi Mountaineers, who go by the name of Gharjahs [6x,2, whence Gharjistén], and took from the Uzbaks a part of the

country. But the enemies pre€sed upon him, canght him, and cut off’ his head which was carried on a spear all over Badakhshan. Several false Mirzis have since been killed: but I reatly think their race will continue, as long as a trace of Badakhshis remain on earth.” Quzud: 7 Jahdngiri, p. 67.

2 Most MSS. have yy, The Edit. Bibl. Indica of Baddoni, p. 78, has sty yn Sarddr; but again dla, on p. 83. There is no doubt that the district got its name from the Saw River (uel,

‘ys my) 11) .

382

M. M., however, desired war, and though he granted Babddur an interview, he told him that his crimes could only be cleansed with blood. But he reported the matter to Akbar, who sent Lashkar Khin (No. 90) and Rajah Todar Mall to him, to tell him that he might make peace with Bahadur, if he was satisfied of his good intentions. But here also the rancour of Khurasinis towards Uzbaks decided matters, and Todar Mall only confirmed M. M. in his resolution.* Although a few days later the news arrived that Akbar had pardoned Khan Zaman, because he sent his mother and his uncle Lbré- him Kh4n (No. 64) to Court as guarantees of his loyalty, M. M. attacked Bahidur near Khairibid. Muhammad Yar, son of Iskandar Khan’s brother, who commanded the van of the rebels, fell in the first attack, and Iskandar who stood behind him, was carried along and fled from the field. The Imperialists thinking that the battle was decided, commenced to plunder, when suddenly Bah4dur, who had been lying in wait, fell upon M. M.’s left wing and put it to flight. Not only was Budégh Khan (No. 52)

• taken prisoner, but many soldiers went over to Bahddur. Flushed with victory, he attacked the centre, where the grandees either fled or would not fight from malice (vide No. 60). ‘Todar Mall’s firmness was of no avail, and the day was lost.

After the conquest of Bihar, M. M. got the Parginah of Arah (Arrah) as jdgér. fu the 24th year, the nobles of Bihar under Ma’gitm i Kabuli, éugiilddr of Patna, rebelled. ‘They won over M. M., and his younger brother Mir ‘Ali Akbar (No. 62); Int both soon left the rebels, and M. M. went to Jaunpur recruiting, evidently medi- -tatiug revolt independently of thp others. Inthe 25th year, Akbar ordered Asad Khan Torkntn, gégirddr of Manikpuy, to hasten’to Jaunpir, and convey M. M. with all his su-picious adherents to Court. Asad Khan succeeded in catching M. M., and sent him by boat to the Emperor. Near Itawah, however, the boat ‘foundered,’ and M. M. lost lig life.

62. Mi’r *Ali’ Akbar, (younger) brother of the preceding,

Ife generally served with his brother, and held the same rank. In the 22nd year, he presented Akbar, according to the Tabagdt, with a Maulidndmah, or History of the birth of tue Emperor. It was in the hand-writing of Qazi Ghidsuddin i Jami, a man of lenrninys, who hed served under Humayiin, and contained an account of the vision which Musadgrae hid in’the night Akbar was born, The Emperor saw in his dream the new born bil, aud wits told to call his name Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar. This Maulidné- wuh Achar prized very much, and rewarded Mir ’Ali Akbar with a Parganah? as én’dm.

Wen tis brother was sent to Bihar, M. ’A. A. was ordered to accompany him.

2

Te established himself at Zamaniyah, which “ lies 6 £os from Ghaiziptx” (vide p. 320),

“eee

¥ Taddonf wy Todar Mall’s arrival

• hes acphte on Muwizzul Mulk’s fire.” Throwghoal hiv ;work, Badioni shews himselt’an udmirerof Khan Zamdnand his brother BabAdur. With Mwizz, a Shi’ah of the Shi‘ahs, he has no patience. ‘ Mu- ‘izz’s ideas, he says, were ‘I and nobody else; he behaved as proud as Fir’aun and Shaddad ; for pride is the inheritance of all Sayyids of Mashhad. Hence people say—‘ Akl i Mashhad, bajuz Imam 1 shumd, La’natulléhi bar tamdm 7

shumda,’ ‘O people of Mashhad, with the exception of your Imam [Mis& Raza], may God’s curse rest upon all of you! And also, ‘The surface of the earth re- joices in its inhabitants ; how fortunate would it be, if a certain Mashhad vanish- ed from the surface of the earth.’

• Called in the Madsir 4,0), (though it cannot be Nuddea in Bengal) ; in my copy of the Sawdnih & o0 ; but Nadi-

nah in Sambhal app®ars to be meant.

888

and rebelled like his brother in Jaunpir. After the death of his brother, Akbar ordered M. ’Aziz (No. 21), who had been appointed to Bihar, to send M. ’A. A. fettered to Court. Notwithstanding his protests that he was innocent, he was taken to the Emperor who imprisoned him for life.

63. Shari’f Kha’n, brother of Atgah Khén (No. 15).,

He was born at Ghaznin. After Bairdm’s fall, he held a ¢uyzl in the Panjab, and generally served with his elder brother Mir Muhammad Khan (No. 16).

On the transfer of the Atgak Khail from the Panjab, Sb. was appointed to the Sirkar of Qannauj. In the 21st year, when Akbar was at Mohini, he sent Sh., together with Qizi Khin i Badakhshi (No. 223), Mujahid Khan, Subhin Quii Turk, against the Rané. He afterwards distinguished himself in the conquest of Konbhalmir. Ta the 25th year, he was made atdlég to Prince Murad, and was in the same year sent to Malwah as Governor, Shuji’at Khan (No. 51) having been killed. His son Biz Bahadur (No. 188) was ordered to join his father from Gujrit. In the 28th year, he served against Muzaffar, and distinguished himself in the siege of Bahronch, which was held for Muzaffar by Chirkis i Rimi and Nacfra, brother of Muyzaffar’s. wife. The former having been killed, Naciré escaped in the 7th month of the siege, through the trench held by Sharif, and the Fort was taken. In the 30th year, he was sent with Shihibuddin (No. 26) to the Dak’hin, to assist Mirz& ’Aziz (No. 21).

In the 35th year, he went from Malwah to Court, and was made in the 39th year Governor of Ghaznin, an appointment which he had long desired. There he remained till the 47th year, when Shah Beg (No. 57) was sen? there.

‘Nothing else is known of him.’ Afadsir.

. His son, Biz Bahadur (No. 188), held a jdgér in Gujrat, and was transferred to Malwah as related above. He served in the siege of Asir, and in the Ahmadnagar war. In the 46th year, he was caught by the Talingahs, but was released, when Abulfazl made peace, and the prisoners were exchanged.

IX.—-Commanders of Two Thousand and Five Hundred.

64, Ibra’hi’m Kha‘n i Shaiba’ni’ (uncle of Khin Zamin, No. 18).

He served under Humiytin. After the conquest of Hindustan, Humiyin sent him with Shah Abul Ma’ali to Lihor, to oppose Sikandar Stir, should he leave the Sawdliks. After the fall of Mankot, he received the Parganah of Sarharpir,’ near Jaunpir, as jdgi, and remained with Khan Zaman. During Khan Zaman’s first rebellion, Ibrahim Khan and Khan Zaman’s mother repaired at Mun’im Khan’s request to Court as hostages of his loyalty, Ibrahim appearing, as was customary, with a shroud and a sword round his neck, which were only taken off when the Emperor’s pardon had been obtained.

In the 12th year, however, Khan Zaman again rebelled, and Ibrihim went with Iskandar (No. 48) to Audh, When the latter had gone to Bengal, Ibrahim, at Maun’im’s request, was pardoned, and remained with the Khan Khénan.

In the Tabagdé, Ibr. is called a Commander of Four Thousand. ce Ea

1 It is difficult to reconcile this state- pts,” is mentioned as the jagir of ’Abd- ment with Baddéoni II. 23, where Sar- urrabman, Sikandar Sur’s son, who got harpur, which “lies 18 os from Jaun- it atter the surrender of Mankot.

384

His son, Ismail Khan, held from Khin Zamin the town of Sandelah in Audh. In the 3rd year, Akbar gave this town to Sultin Husain Khan Jaliir. Ismail opposed him with troops which he had got from Khan Zaman ; but he was defeated and killed.

65. Khwa‘jah Jala’luddi’n Mahmu’d Buju’q, of Khurisin.

The’ MSS. of the Ain have Aluhkammad, instead of Mahkmid, which other his- tories have, and have besides a word after Muhammad which reads like oat and =”, This should be no doubt (9=? bujug, the scriptio defectiva of the Turkish GF! bujiq, ‘having the nose cut,’ as given in the copy of the Madsir.

Jaléluddin was in the service of M.’Askari. He had sent him from Qandahér to Garmsir, to collect taxes, when Humdayin passed through the district on his way to Persia. The Emperor called him, and Jalal presented him with whatever he had with him of cash and property, for which service Humayun conferred on him the title of Mir Sémdn, which under the circumstances was an empty distinction. On Humé- yun’s return from Persia, Jalil joined the Emperor, and was ordered, in 959, to accompany the young Akbar to Ghaznin, the tuyzl of the Prince. His devotion to his master rendered him so confident of the Emperor’s protection, that he treated the grandees rudely, and incessantly annoyed them by satirical remarks, I6’fact, he had not a single friend.

Akbar on his accession made him a Commander of Two Thousand Five Hundred, and appointed him to Ghaznin. His enemies used the opportunity and stirred up Mun’im Khan, who owed Jalal an old grudge. Jalal soon found his post in Ghaznin so dis. agreeable, that he determined to look for employment elsewhere. He had scarcely left Ghaznin, when Mun’im called hirh to account. Though he had promised to spare his life, Mun’im imprisoned him, and had a short time after his eyes pierced. Jalil’s sight, however, had not been entirely destroyed, and he meditated a flight to India, Before he reached the frontier, Mun’im’s men caught him and his son Jalaluddin Mas’td.* Both were imprisoned and shortly afterwards murdered by Mun’im.

This double murder is the foulest blot on Mun’im’s character, and takes us the more by surprise, as on all other occasions he shewed himself generous and forbearing towards his enemies, . :

66. Haidar Muhammad Kha’n, Akhtah Begf.

He was an old servant of Humayitn, and accompanied bim to Persia. He gave the Emperor his horse, when in the defeat near Balkh Huméytin’s horse bad been shot. On the march against Kamrin who had left Kabul for Afghanistin, the imperialists came to the River Surkhab, Haidar, with several other faithful Amirs, leading the van, They reached the river Siydh-4b, which flows near the Surkhab, before the army could come up. Kamran suddenly attacked them by night; but Haidar bravely held his ground. He accompanied the Emperor to Qandahér and to India,

| and was appointed to Baydnab (Bad. 1., 463), which was held by Ghazi Khan Sir, father of Ibrébim Khan, After the siege had lasted some time, Huidar allowed ‘Ghazi to capitulate ; but soon after, he killed Ghazi. Huméytin was annoyed at this breach of faith, and said he would not let Haidar do so again.

• He must not be confounded with p. 67, who ‘ate opium like cheese out of the Jaldluddin Mas’id mentioned Zuzwk, the hands of his mother.’

385

After Akbar’s accession, H. was with Tardi Beg (No. 12) in Dihlf, and fought under Khan Zaman (No. 13) against Hemi. After the victory, he went for some reason to Kabul. At Mun’im’s request, he assisted Ghani Khin (vide p. 318) in Kabul. But they could not agree, and H. was called to India. He accompanied Mun’im, in the 8th year, on his expedition to Kabul and continued to serve under him in India. '

In the 17th year, H. served with Khan i Kalin (No. 16) in Gujrat. In the 19th year, he was, together with his brother Mirz& Quli, attached to the Bengal army, under Mun’im. Both died of fever, in 983, at Gaur (vide p. 376).

A son of H. is mentioned below (No. 326.)

Méirzd Quilt, or Mirzd Quli Khdn, Haidar’s brother, distinguished himself under Humiaytin during the expedition to Badakhshin. When Kamran, under the mask of friendship, suddenly attacked Humiaytin, M. Q. was wounded and thrown off his horse. His son, Dosé Muhammad, saved him in time.

According to the Tabagdt, M. Q. belonged to the principal grandces (wmard i kibdr), a phrase which is never applied to grandces below the rank of Commanders of One Thousand. His name occurs also often in the Akbarnémah. It is, therefore, difficult to say why his name and that of his son have been left out by Abulfaz! in this list. ae 67. I’tima’d Kho/n, of Gujrat.

He must not be confounded with No, 119.

I’timad Khan was originally a Hindi servant of Sultan Mabmid, king of Gujrat. Ho was ‘trusted’ (i’timdd) by his master, who had allowed him to enter the harem, and had put him in charge of the women, It is said that, from gratitude, he used to eat camphor, and thus rendered himself impotent. He rose in the king’s favor, and was at last made an Amir, In 961, aftera reign of 18 years, the king was foully murdered by a slave of the name of Burbin, who besides killed twelve nobles. I’timad next morning collected a few faithful men, and killed Burhin. Sultin Mahmiia having died without issue, I’t.raised Raziul Mulk, under the title of Ahmad Shih, to the throne. Razi was a son of Sultin Ahmad, the founder’ of Ahmadébad; but as he was very young, the affairs of the state were entirely in I’t.’s hands. Five years later, the young king left Ahmadabad, and fled to Sayyid Mubarik of Bukhdra,? a prin- cipal courtier; but I’t. followed him up, defeated him, and drove him away. Sultén Ahinad then thought it better to return to I’t., who now again reigned as before. On several occasions did the king try to get rid of his powerful minister; and I’t. at last felt so insecure, that he resolved to kill the king, which he soon afterwards did. I’t. now raised a child of the name of Nat’hi (xe)? to the throne, ‘who did not belong to the line of kings ;” but on introducing him to the grandees, I’t. swore upon the Qorain, that Nat’hi was a son of Sultin Mahintid: his mother when pregnant had been handed over to him by Sultin Mubniid, to make her miscarry; but the child had been five months old, and he had not carried out the order. The Amirs

ne a pt LO CT Rag acl

? Regarding this distinguished Gujrati s. Hamid, (No. 78). noble, vide the biegrapby of his grandson, * Some MSS. read Nahe.

49

386

had to believe the story, and Nat’htii was raised tothe throne under the title of Sultin Muzaffar. :

This is the origin of Sultin Muzaffar, who subsequently caused Akbar’s generals so much trouble (vide pp. 326, 334, 335).

T’t.-was thus again at the-head of the government; but the Amirs parcelled out the country among themselves, so that each was almost independent. The consequence was, that incessant feuds broke out among them. I’t. himself was involved in a war with Chingiz Khan, son of [‘Qmadul Mulk, a Turkish slave. Chingiz maintained that Sult4n Muzaffar, if genuine, should be the head of the state; and as he was strengthened by the rebellious Mirzis, to whom he had afforded protection against Akbar, I’t. saw no chance of opposing him, left the Sultin, and went to Dungarpur. Two nobles, Alif Khan and Jhujhar Khin, took Sultan Muzaffar to him, went to Chingiz in Ahmadabad, and killed him (Chingiz) soon after. The Mirzds sceing how distracted the country was, took possession of Bahronch and Strat. The general confusion only increased, when Sult4n Muzaffar fled one day to Sher Khan Fiuladi and his party, and I’t. retaliated by informing Sher Khan that Nat’hi was no prince at all. But Sher Khan’s party attributed this to I’t.’s malice, and besieged him in Ahmad- &bad. I’t. then fled to the Mirz4s, and soon after to Akbar, whose attention he drew to the wretched state of Gujrat.

When Akbar, in the 17th. year, marched to Patan, Sher Khan’s party had broken up. The Mirzas still held Bahronch ; and Sultén, Muzaffar, who had left Sher Khan, fell into the hands of Akbar’s officers (vide No. 362). I’timad and other Gujr4ti nobles had in the meantime proclaimed Akbar’s accession from the pulpits of the mosques and struck coins in his name. They now waited on the Emperor. Barodah, Champinir, and Strat were given to I’t. as ¢wyzil ; the other Amirs were confirmed, and all charged themselves with the duty of driving away the Mirzis. But they delayed and did nothing ; some of them, as Ikhtiyaérul-Mulk, even fled, and others who were attached to Akbar, took I’t. and several grandees to the Emperor, apparently charging them with treason. I’t. fell into disgrace, and was handed over to Shahbiz Khan (No. 80) as prisoner.

In the 20th year, I’t. was released, and charged with the superintendence of the Imperial jewels and gold vessels. In the 22nd year, he was permitted to join the party who under Mir Abi Turdb (vide p. 198) went to Makkah, On his return, he re- ceived Patan as jdgér.

In the 28th year, on the removal of Shihabyddin Ahmad (No. 26), he was put in charge of Gujrat, and went there accompanied by several distinguished nobles, though Akbar had been warned; for people remembered I’t.’s former inability to allay the fac- tions in Gujrdt. No sooner had Shihab handed over duties than his servants rebelled. I’t. did nothing, alleging that Shib4b was responsible for his men ; but as Sultin Muzaffar had been successful in Kat’hiwar, I’t. left Ahmadfbad, and went to Shihab, who on his way to Court had reached Kari, 20 %oe from Ahmadibad. Muzaffar used the opportunity and took Ahmadaébad, Shihab’s men joining his standard.

Shibéb and I’t. then shut themselves up in Patan, and had agreed to withdraw from Gujrat, when they received some auxiliaries, chicfly ina party of Gujritis who

had left Muzaffar, to try their luck with the Imperialists. I’t. paid them well, and

387

sent them under the command of his son, Sher Khan, against Sher Khan Fuladi, who . was repulsed. In the meantime M- ’Abdurrahim (No. 29) arrived. Leaving ,I’t- at Patan, he marched with Shihab against Muzaffar.

I’timad died at Patan in 995. The Tabagdt puts him among the Commanders of Four Thousand.

In Abulfazl’s opinion, Gujratis are made up of cowardice, deceit, several good qualities, and meanness ; and I’timad was the very type of a Gujrati.

No. 68, Pa’yandah Kha’n, Mughul, son of Haji Muhammad Khan Koki’s brother.

Haji Muhammad and Shih Muhammad, his brother, had been killed by Humé- ytin for reason on his return from Persia. Haji Muhammad was a man of great dar- ing, and. his value, when he was faithful, was often acknowledged by the Emperor.

Payandah, in the 5th year of Akbar’s reign came with Mun’im from Kabul, and was ordered to accompany Adham Khan (No. 19) to Malwah. In the 19th year, he accom- panied Mun’im to Bengal. In the 22ud year, he served under Bhagwan Das against Rana Partab. In the Gujrit war, he commanded M. ’Abdurrahim’s (No.29) hardwal.

In the 32nd year, he received G’horie’hit as jagir, whither he went.

‘This is all the Medsiz says regarding Péyandah.

His full name, was Muhammad Piyandah. He had a son Wali Beg who is mentioned below (No. 359).

From the Zuzuk, p. 144, we see that Piyandah died in 1024 A.H. Jahangir, in 1017, had pensioned him off, as he was too old. Tuz., p. 68. :

No. 69. Jagannat’h, son of Rijah Bihari Mall (No. 23).

Ho was a hostage in the hands of Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17; vide p. 329), After some time he regained his freedom and was well received by Akbar. He gene- rally served with Man Singh. In the 21st year, when Rind Partab of Maiwar op- posed the Imperialists, Jagannat’h during an engagement when other officers had given way, held his ground, and killed with his own hands the renowned champion Rim Dis, son of Jai Mall. In the 23rd year, he received ajigir in the Panjib, and was, in the 25th year, attached’ to the van of the army which was to prevent Mirzi, Muhammad Hakim from invading the Panjab. In the 29th year, he again served against the Rana. Later he accompanied Mirzi Yusuf Khan (No. 35) to Kashmir. In the 84th year, he served under Prince Murad in Kabul, and accompanied him, in the 36th year, to Mélwab, of which the Prince had been appointed Governor. In the 43rd year, after several years’ service in the Dak’hin, he left Murad without orders, and was for some time excluded from Court. On Akbar’s return from the Dak’hin, J. met the emperor at Rantanbhiu, his jigir, and was then again sent to the Dak’hin.

In the Ist year of Jahangir, he served under Prince Parwiz against the Raina, and was in charge of the whole army when the emperor, about the time Khusrau had been captured, called Parwiz to Court (Zwzuh, p. 33). In the same year, J. sup- pressed disturbances which Dalpat (p. 359) had raised at Nagor.

Tn the 4th year, he was made a Commander of Five Thousand, with 3000 horse.

Rém Chand; his son. He was under Jahangir a Commander of Two Thousand,

1500 horse. ce A 1 The Tuzuk, p. 74, calls him Karm Chand. Vide also Pddishdhndmah, J., b» 315:

388

Ridjah Manrip, ason of Ram Chand. He accompanied Prince Shahjahin on his rebellion, and got on his accession a Command of Three Thousand, with 2000 horse. , He died in the 4th year of Shahjahin. He hada son Gopdl Sing’h.

70.” Makhsu’s Kha‘n, (younger) brother of Sa’id Khan (No. 25).

He. served under hie brother in Mullin. In the 23rd year, he served under Shahbaz Khan (No. 80) against Gajpati, and three years later, he accompanied Prince Murid to Kabul, where he also served under Akbar, who had gone thither and pardoned his brother, M. Muhammad Hakim.

Subsequently, Makhetig served under Prince Salim. In the 49th year, he was a Commander of Three Thousand.

He was alive in the beginning of Jah&ngiy’s reign. The author of the AZadsir has not recorded the date of his death.

He had a son Maggtid who did not get on well with his father, for which reason Jahingir would not give him a mangab. ‘

71. The author of the A’i’n, Abulfazl, son of Shaik Mubarik of Nagor. Abulfazl’s biography will be found elsewhere. X. Commanders of Two Thousand. re

72. Ismail Kha/n Duldai. ‘

Duldai,, or Duldai, is the name of a subdivision of the Barlds clan (vide p. 341, note). ‘

The Madsir calls him Ismé’il Quli Beg Diildai. A similar difference was observed in the name of Husain Quli Khan (No. 24), and we may conclude that Beg, at least in India, was considered a lower title than Khdn, just as Beglar Begi was considered inferior to Khdn Khdndn.

Ismé’il Quli was a grandee of Babar and Huméyin, distinguished in the field and in council, When Humayun besieged Qandahar, and the Grandees one after the other left M. ’Askarf, Ism. also joined the Emperor, and was appointed, after the con- quest of Qandab4r, Governor of Dawar. When Kabul was besieged, Ism. and Khizr Khwaijah (vide p. 365, note 2) attacked Sher ‘Ali, ‘an officer of Mirzi Kamvin, who at the prince’s order had followed up and plundered the Persian caravan (qdfilah ¢ wildyat) on its way te Charik4n ;? but as the roads were occupied by the Imperialists, Sher ’Alf could not reach Kabul, and marched towards Ghaznin, when he was over. taken and defeated. Ism. and Khizr spoiled the plunderer, and went again to Hu- méyiin. .A short time after, Ism. and several other grandees left the emperor, be- cause they resented the elevation of Qarachah Khan,, and followed Mirz4 Kamran to Badakhshan. Humayun followed them up and caught them together with Kamran, Ism. among them. Ism. was, however, pardoned at Mun’im’s request.

Ism. accompanied the emperor on his march to India, and was sent, after the capture of Dihli, together with Shah Abul Ma’dli to Lahor.

“Nothing else is known of him.” Madsir,

*So the Madsir. Our maps have | centre ofa large caravan trade. - Istélif Charilar (Lat. 35°. Long. 69), which lies | (JG), or as!liwt) lies half way be- north of Kabul, and has always been the |! tween Kabul and Charikar.

389

78. Mi’r Babus (?), the I’ghur.

The Ighurs are a well known Chaghtai tribe. The correct name of this grandee is a matter of doubt, as every MS. has a different lectio ; vide my Text edition, p. 224, note 6. The Madsir has left out the name of this grandee; nor do I find it in the List of the Tabaqat.

74. Ashraf Kha’n Mir Munshi’, Muhammad Agghar of Sabzwar (?).

He was a Husaini Sayyidef Mashhad (MMadsir, fir-dt ul’ Alam), The author of the Tabagdt says, he belonged to the ’Arabshéht Sayyids ; ‘but people rarely make such fine distinctions.’ Abulfazl says, he was of Sabzwar ; but in the opinion of the Maisir, this is an error of the copyists.

Ashraf Khan was a clever writer, exact in his style, and a renowned calligrapher, perhaps the first of his age in writing the Za’lig and Nasta’lig characters (p. 101, 1. 14). He also understood jafar, or witéhevatt.

Ashraf was in Huméyin’s service, and-had received from him the post and title of Mir Munshi. After the conquest of Hindustin, he was made Mir ’Arz and Mir Mal. At Akbar’s accession, he was in Dihli and took part in the batth with Hemi (p. 865, No. 48). He was imprisoned by Bairim, but escaped and went to Makkah. He returned in 968, when Akbar was at Machhiwarah on his way to the Siwdliks where Bairém ‘was. He was well received and gota mangub. In the 6th year, when -the emperor returned from Malwah, he bestowed upon him the title of Ashraf Khan.

In the 19th year, he went with Mun’im to Bengal, was present in the battle of Takarof, and died in the twentieth year (983)? at Gaur (vide p. 376)

Ashraf was a poet of no mean pretensions.

His son, Mir Abul Muzaffar (No. 240) held a Command of 500. In the 38th year, he was Governor of Awadh.

Ashraf’s grandsons, Husain{f and Burhanf, held inferior commands under Shabjah4n.

75. Sayyid Mahmu’d of Ba’rha, [Kundliwal].

‘Sayyid Mahmtd was the first of the Barha Sayyids that held office under the Timurides,’ He was with Sikandar Str (Baddond II, 17) in Mankot, but seeing that the cause of the Afghins was hopeless, he left Sikandar and went over to Akbar. He was a friend of Bairdun, and served in the first year under “Ali Quli Khan Zaman (No, 13) against Hemi. In the second year, he took part in the expedition against Haji Khan in Ajmir (vide Nos. 40, 45). In the 3rd year, he conquered with Shah Quli Mabram (No, 45) Fort Jaitaran,? and served in the same year under Adham Ko- kah agaiust the Bhadauriyahs of Hatkant’h (vide p. 323, last line).

After Bairam’s fall, Sayyid Mahmdd got a jagir near Dihli. In the 7th year, he brought Mun’im Khan to Court (vide p. 318), In the 17th year, he served under the Khan i Kalin (No. 16) and the emperor in Gujrat, was present in the battle of Sarnal, and followed up Mirzi Ibrahim Husain. On every occasion he fought with much bravery. Towards the end of the 18th year, he was sent with other Sayyids of Bairha, and Sayyid Muhammad of Ammobhah. (Nu. 140) against Rajah Madbukar, who had

trata rt

• The Afir-dé says in the tenth year(973), ? The best MSS. have wae. The as stated on p. 101, note 6. This isclearly } name is doubtful. Akbar passed it on one of a mistake of the author of the Blzz-dé. his marches from Ajmir over Pali to Jalor.

390

invaded the territory between Sironj.and Gwiliér. S. Mahmud drove him away, and died soon after, in the very end of 981.

Sayyid Mahmtid was a man of rustic habits, and prest personal courage and generosity. Akbar’s court admired his valour and chuckled at his boorishness and unadorned language; but he stood in high favor with the emperor. Once on his return from the war with Madbukar, he gave in the State hall a verbal account of his - expedition, in which his “I” occurred oftener than wes deemed proper by the assem- bled Amirs. “You have gained the victory,” interrupted Acaf Khan, in order to give him a gentle hint, “ because His Majesty’s good fortune (igbdl i pddishdhi) accompanied you.” Mistaking the word ‘Iqbal’ for the name of a courtier, “ Why do you tell an untruth?” replied Mahmud, “Iqbal i Padishahf did not accompany me : I was there, and my brothers : we licked them with our sabres.” The emperor smiled, and bestowed upon him praise and more substantial favors.

But more malicious were the remarks of the Amivs regarding his claim to be a Sayyid of pure blood. Jahangir (Tuzuk, p. 366) also says that people doubt the claim of the Barha family to be Sayyids. Once Mahmud was asked how many genera- tions backwards the Sayyids of Barha traced their descent. Accidentally a fire was burning on the ground near the spot where Mahmid stood. Jumpiny into it, he exclaimed, “If I am a Sayyid, the fire will not hurt me; ifI am no Sayyid, I shall get burnt.” He stood for nearly an hour in the fire, and only left it at the earnest request of the bystanders. “ His velvet-slippers shewed, indeed, no trace of being singed.”

For Sayyid Mahmiid’s brother and sons, vide Nos. 91, 105, id 143,

Note on the Sayyids of Barha (Sadat i Barha).

In MSS. we find the spelling 4%) ddrha, and gs, bérak, The lexicographist Ba- har i ’Ajam (Tek Chand) in his grammatical treatise, entitled Jawdhir ul Hurif, says that the names of Indian towns ending in x form adjectives in (99> as ai, Tattah or &eigi T’hat’ha, forms an adjective eye) tatawt ; but of aly no adjective is formed, and you say sdddt ¢ bdrha, instead of sdddt i barhawt.:

The name Bdrha has been differently explained: Whether the derivation from the Hindi numeral bérah, 12, be correct or not, there is no doubt that the etymology was believed to be correct i in the times of Akbar and Jahangir; for both the Tubagdé and the Tuzuk derive the name from 12 villages in the Dudb (Muzaffarnagar District),

which the Sayyids held.

Like the Sayyids of Bilgram, the Barha family trace their origin to one Sayyid Abul Farah of Wasit ;* but them zasabndémakh, or genealogical tree, was sneered at, and even Jahangir, in the above quote] passage from the Tuzuk, says that the personal courage of the Sayyids of Barha—but nothing else—was the best proof that they were Sayyids. But they clung so firmly to this distinction, that some of them even placed

• « From him are descended the most { many other places, branches of the same renowned Musalm4n families in North- | stem are found.” C, A. Elliott, The ern India, the Barha and Belgram Syuds, Chronicles of Onao, Allahabad, 1862, p- aud in Khyrabid, Futtehpore Huswa, and 3…

391

the title of Sayyid before the titles which they received from the Mughul emperors, as Sayyid Khan Jahin (Sayyid Abul Muzaffar), and several others.

But if their claim to be Sayyids was not firmly established, their bravery and valour had become a by-word. Their place in battle was the van (hardwal); they claimed to be the leaders of the onset, and every emperor from the times of Akbar glad- ly availed himself of the prestige of their name. They delighted in looking upon them- selves as Hindistinis (vide f. 336). Their military fame completely threw to the background the renown of the Sayyids of Amrohah, of Manikpur, the Khanzidahs of Mewat, and even families of royal blood as the Cafawis.

The Sayyids of Barha are divided into four branches, whose names are—1. Tihan- puri; 2. Chathanirt, or Chdtrauré ;’ 3. Kindliwdl ; 4, Jagneri, The chief town of the first branch was Jansath ; of the second, Sambalharah ; of the third, Majharah; of the fourth Bidaulf on the Jamnab. Of these four lines Muhammadan Historians, perhaps accidentally, only mention -two, viz., the Kdndliwal (Ula hoigs ) to which Sayyid Mahmud (No. 75) belonged; and the Tikanpzirt (wo se), of which Sayyid Khan Jahan was a member.

The Histories of India do not appear to make mention of the Sayyids of Barha before the times of Akbar; but they must have held posts .of some importance under the Stirs, because the arrival of Sayyid Mahmud in Akbar’s camp (p. 389) is recorded by all Historians as an event of importance. He and other Sayyids were, moreover, ‘at once appointed to high mangabs. The family boasts also traditionally of services rendered to Huméyiin; but this is at variance with Abulfazl’s statement that Sayyid Mahmud was the first that served under a Timuride.

The political importance of the Sayyids declined from the reign of Muhammad, Shah (1131 to 1161), who deposed the brothers Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan and Sayyid Husain ’Ali Khén, in whom the family reached the greatest height of their power, What a difference between the rustic and loyal Sayyid Mahmiid ander Akbar, and the above two brothers, who made four Timurides emperors, dethroned and killed two, and blinded and imprisoned three !*

The Sayyids of Barha are even now-a-days numerous and ‘form the characteristic element in the population of the Muzaffarnagar district’ (Leeds’ Report).

Abulfazl mentions nine Sayyids in this List of grandees, viz.—

Sayyid Mahmid (No. 75). 6. Sayyid Jamaluddin (No. 217), son Sayyid Ahmad, his brother, (No. 91). of 2.

Sayyid Qasim (No. 105). marctt: 7. Sayyid Jhajhi (No. 221).

Sayyid Hashim (No. 148). 8. Sayyid Bayazid (No. 295).

Sayyid Raju (No. 165). 9. Sayyid Lad (No. 409).

Fm 9 Po bP

• Vide Sir H. Elliot’s Glossary (Beames’ Edition) I, p. 11 and p. 297. On p. 12 of the Glossary read Sayyid Dfahmid twice for Sayyid Muhammad ; Sayyid “Ali Agghar for Sayyid ’Ali Asaf ; Diliy Khin for Debi Khén. Instead of Chatbaniré (or Chétraurt}, which Mr. R.J. Leeds, C. 8S. vives in his valuable Report on the Castes and Races of the

Muzaffarnagar District (Glossary, p. 297,

_ ), Sir H. Elliot has Chantraudé.

• They mado Farrukh Siyar, Rafi’. uddarajat, Rafi’uddaulah, ond Muham-

*mad Shah, emperors ; they dethroned and

killed Jahandir Shah and Farrukh Siyar, whom they had moreover blinded; and

they blinded and imprisoned Princes A’azz-

uddin, “Ali Tabar, and Humayun Bakht.

392

The Akbarnimah mentions several other Sayyids without indicating to what family they belong. Thus S. Jamaluddin, a grandson of S. Mahmid (vide under 91) ;-

‘ S. Silim ; S. Fath Khan, (Bad. IT., 180); &c. The following trees are compiled from the Tuzuk, Pddishdkndmah, and Madsir.

—Sayyid Ahmad, his brother.

cA 3 ’ £ : Z 4 LS. Qasim. 2. 8. Hashim. 3.8. ’Alf Acghar, 4. Sayyid Jahangir, (No. 91). .

(a.) Sayyid Mahmud of Barha, Kiindliwil. See eee ey See aes

(No. 105.) (No. 143.) Saif Khan. (Pad. 1, 439) -——— ad, 1025. S. Jamialuddin, 1.8.Ad S. Bayazid. §.N ine ait) .S. Adam, . Bayazid. | Nvrul §. Ja’ Lat Kha Tuz.80. (No. 296, ?) Tae eae 2.8. Sulaiman, Péd. il, 735. Pdd.I, b. 320. . 8. Sultan, Calibat 1. S. Muzaffar,Himmat Khén, Pdd.II,735. Khan, alias Ukhti- 2. S. Qutb. Pad. II, 746. he Khia 3. S. Najabat- Pad. IL, 749. (b.) Sayyid Dilir Khan (‘Abdul Wabbab), d. 1042.

1. S. Hasan, Pdd. I, 6., 3238. 2. S. Khalilullah, Pdd. I, b., 323.

(c.) Sayyid Hizabr Khan, @. 1047.——- eee ‘Alam, his brother.

erished with Prince Shuja’, in Rakbang

S. Zabardast, (Arracan), (d.) Sayyid Khén Jaban i Shahjahéni, Tihanptiri-——. A brother. (alias S. Abul Muzaffar Khan), d. 1050. | a re — A

1. 8. Mangiir. 2.8. Sher Zaman, 3.8, Munawwar, Lashkar Khan, 1. 8. ‘Ali. Pdédd. II, 48,

title, S. Muzaffar 7 s 748. Khan. 8. Wajihuddin Khéin, 2. S. Firtiz, Ikhticag Khan, @. 1077.

The Pddishdhndmah (I1., b, 312, 319; IL., p. 738, 734, 735, 741, 752) mentions also S. Mak’han, d. 9th year of Shahjahan; S. Sikhan; S. ‘Abdullah; 8. Muhammad, son of S. Afzal; S. Khidim; 8. Salar; S. Shihab.

(e.) Sayyid Qasim, Shahimat Khan [Chatrauyi]~——-a. brother

(was alive in the 24th year of Aurangzib),

rN 1, 8S. Nucrat Yar Khan (under Muhammad Shih).

(7) Sayyid Husain Khén, d. 1120. aes a “A ———_— {. 8. Abii Sa’id Khén. 2. Ghairat Khan. 3. Hasan Khan.

(g.) Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan, [Tihanpirf]. alias Sayyid Miyan (under Shah ’Alam I.)

“~ — ee

a Se ar “~

1. §. Hasan “Alf Khan ; title, Qutbul- 2. Amfrul Mamilik S. Husain “Ali Khan. mulk S. “Abdullah Kban. (killed by Muhamsnad Shah),

3, 8. Saifuddin Husain ’Ali Khan. 4. 8S, Najmuddin ’Ali Khan,

393

For the following notes, I am indebted to R. J. Leeds, Esq., C. S., Mirzapore, who kindly sent me two Urd% MSS. containing a short family history of the Sdddt i Béarha, composed in 1864 and 1869 by one of the Sayyids themselves. As Mr. Leeds has submitted together with his Report ‘ a detailed account in English of the history of the Sayyids,’ the following extracts from the Urdu MSS. will suffice.

The date of the arrival in India of the above-mentioned Abul Farah from Wasit is doubtful. The two MSS. mention the time of Iltitmish (Altamsh), and trace the emigra- tion to troubles arising from Huligi’s invasion of Baghdad and the overthrow of the empire of the Khalifahs ; while the sons of Abul Farah are said to have been in the service of Shihibuddin Ghori—two palpable anachronisms.

Abul Farah is said to have arrived in India with his twelve sons, of whom four remained in India on his return to his country. These four brothers are the ancestors of the four branches of the Sayyids. Their names are—

1. Sayyid Dad, who settled in the mauza’ of Tikanpir.

2. Sayyid Abulfazl, who settled in the gagbah of Chhatbanird (hyde),

3. Sayyid Abulfazdil, who settled in the mauza’ of Kundlt. “

4. Sayyid Najmuddin Husain, who settled in the mauza’ of Jhujar.

These four places are said to lie near Patiala in the Panjab, and have given rise to the names of the four branches. Instead of Chhatbaniri, the name of the second branch, the MSS. have also Chhdtraudé, cohyilee, or Cojg lee, and Jagneri (carsike) instead of (gyst> Thujari, although no explanation is given of these alterations. i

From Patialé, the four brothers went to the Dudb between the Ganges and Jam- nah, from where a branch was established at Bilgrim in Audh.

The etymology of bérha is stated to be uncertain. Some derive it firm bdhir, outside, because the Sayyids excamped outside the imperial camp; some from bdrah imam, the twelve Imams of the Shi’ahs, as the Sayyids were Shi’ahs ; some derive it from twelve (bdérak) villages which the family held, just ag the district of Baland- shahr, Tahgil Antpshabr, is said to contain a bdrha of Pat’hans, z. e. 12 villages be- longing to a Pathdn family; and others, ia make it to be a corruption of the Arabic abrdr, pious.

The descendants of S. Daiid settled at Dhdsirt ; and form the Tihanpdrt branch, those of S. Abulfazl at Sambalharah, and form the Chhatbantiri or Chhatrauri branch ; those of S. Abulfazail went to Majharah, and are the Kindliwaéls; and those of S. Najmuddin occupied Bidauli, and form the Jhujari, or Jagneri, branch,

A. The Tihanpivis. The eighth descendant of 8. Datid was S. Khin Qir (?) (_23ylS)’. He had four

son8——

• The word_ya3 occurs also in the lists hays ger se eh officer in charge of Pathan nobles in the Tértkh i Fi- of the. ae erhaps But the name ruashdht. The title of sl ,a5 gérbak, which Khdn Qé yer *PS wrong ; the MS.

] a 0 is mentioned in the same work, | appears calls ai rah os, Y Id, Khwdn to be the same as the later Saty,3 or Fir or Bi in (5 },

50

394

1. Sayyid ’Umar Shahid, who settled in Jansath, a village then inhabited by Jats and Brahmins. To his descendants belong the renowned brothers mentioned on p. 392, (9).

The occurrence of the name ’Umar shews that he, at any rate, was no Shi’ah.

2. Sayyid Chaman, who settled at Chatorah (8942), in the Parganah of

Joli-Jansath. To his descendants belongs 8. Jalél, who during the reign of Shahjahén’? is said to have founded K’harwah Jaldlpir in ‘Il4qah Sirdhanab, district Mirat’h. His son S. Shams left the imperial service ; hence tho family declined. He had two sons, Asad ’Alf and ’Ali Agghar, whose descendants still exist in Chatorah and Jalal- pur respectively. “hey are very poor, and sold in 1843-44 the bricks of the ruined family dwellings gn Chatorah for Rs. 10,000,to the Government for the construction of works of irr @tion. The buildings in Chatorah are ascribed to S. Muhammad Calab Khan, vo served in Audh, and died childless.

eS

8. Yusuf, whose posterity is to be found i in Bihari and Dhainah (one MS. balnah). t Ve and V. 8S. Jén and &. Man, had no 0 offspring.

VI. S&S. Nagiruddin. To his descendants belongs 8. Khin Jahan i Shabjahinf, p. 392 (d.). Onhim the Sayyids appear to look as the second founder of their family. His first son, S. Mangiér built Mangirpir, and his descendant hold now- a-days Mangurptir and K’hataulf ; his second son Muzaffar Khdn [Sher Zaman] built Muzaffarnagar, where his descendants still exist, though poor or involved.

4. Sayyid Ahmad. He settled at (Jl,5 in Joli-Jénsath, where his descend- ants still are. The MSS. mention Tatér Khén, and Diwin Yér Muhammad Khan as having distinguished themselves in the reign of Aurangzib. ;

B. The Chhatbanirt, or Chhdtraurt, Clan.

One of the descendants of S. Abulfazl te called S. Hasan Fakhruddfa who is said to have lived in the reign of Akbar at Sambalharuh, the réjahs of which place were on friendly terms with the family. His son, S. Nadbah, is said to have had four sons—

LT. Sayyid ’ Ali.

II. Sayyid Ahmad, a descendant of whom, S. Raushan ’Alf Khan, served under Muhammad Shah.

Ill. 8S. Téjuddin, whose son, 8. ‘Umar, settled at Kakrauli.

IV. &. Sdlér (perhaps the same on p. 392, 1.11 from below), who had two sons 8. Haidar Khan, and S. Muhammad Khan. The descendants of the former settled at Mirénpir, which was founded by Nawab S. Shah4mat Khaa, evidently the same as on p. 392, (2. 10). 8. Muhammad Khan settled at K’hatorah (“a village so called, be-

“= 1 The Pddishéhndmuh, 4, “sugh very mi- | died of his wounds received in the fight nute, does not mentionS.Jp “4 4S. Shams. | at Bhaironwal (vide No. 99). AS. Jaldd is mentioned “.,’,’,.30. He

395

cause it was at first inhabited by Kaiths”). Among his descendants are S. Nucrat Yar Khan, (p. 392), and Ruknuddaulah.

C. The Rindliwdls.

§. Abul Fazfil settled at Majharah, which is said to have been go called, because the site was formerly a jungle of mzinj grass. The MSS. say that many Sayyids of the branch are mafgid-ulkhabar, ¢. ¢., it is not known what became of them. The Kindliwals which now exist, are said to be most uneducated gnd live as common labourers, the condition of Majharah being altogether deplorable. .

The Kiindliwals are now scattered over Majharah, Hashir pur, Tang,’ Tan- derah, &. e ;

’

D. The Jagnérts.

The son of S. Najmuddin, S. Qamaruddin, settled at Bidauli. A descen,’ nt of his, S. Fakhruddin left Bidaulf and settled at c> sy in Joli-Jansath, and had also: zamnindaris

in Chandauri Chandaurah, Tulsipiir, and K’hari. Now-a-days many of this. ch are in Bidauli, Tlagah Panipat, and Diblt. ee es , an

The chief places where the Sayyids of Barha still exist are—Mirinpir, K’hav. li, Muzaffarnagar, Joli, Tas-ha, Bak’herah, Majharah, Chataureh, Sambalharah, Ta.g, Bilésptir, Mornah, Sirdh4olt, Kiléodah, Jansath.

After the overthrow of the Tihanpuri brothers [p. 392, (g. ) ], many emigrated. Sayyids of Barha exist also in Lak’hnan, Bareli, ’Anwlah, in Audh; also in Naginah, Maiman, and Chindptr in the Bijnor district. A branch of the Joli Sayyids is said to exist in Piirniah (Bengal), and the descendants of the saint “Abdullah Kirmani of Birbhim claim likewise to be related to the Birha Sayyids.

During the reign of Aurangzib, the Sayyids are said to have professed Sunni

tendencies. The political overthrow of the Sadat i Barha under Muhammad Shah (vide Elphin-

stone, Vth edition, p. 693) was followed by the disastrous fight at Bhasi (sm!) which lies on the K’hataulf road, where the Sayyids were defeated by the Imperialists, aud robbed of the jewels and gold vessels which their ancestors during their palmy days had collected. ,

• As this place is said to have been i Barba, based upon the Muhammadan founded by Hizabr Khan [p. 392, (c.)] Historians of India,—now so accessible

it would scem as if this Sayyid also was —and completed from inscriptions and a Kindliwal. His brother, S. ’Alam sanads and other documents still in the perished with Prince Shujé’ in Arracan ; possession of the olan, would be a most and it is noticeable that of the 22 com- welcome contribution to Indian History, panions of the unfortunate prince, ten and none are hyter suited for such a were Barba Sayyids, the remaining task than the g@yids themselves.

twelve being Mughuls. . There is >gF.oubt that the Sayyids

The value of the above-mentioned tw owe their rei, and success under the. Urdi MSS. lies in their geographical Timuride ae Kiindliwals, who are details and traditional information. A the vory USpus.te of mafgid-ulkhabar. more exhaustive History of the Sadat

396

76. *Abdullah Kha’n Mughul.

I cannot find the name of this grandee in the Afadsir or the Tabagdt. He has been mentioned above, p. 309, 1.21. Akbar’s marriage with his daughter displeased Bairém,’ because ’Abduliah’s sister was married to Kamran, of whose party Bairém believed him to be. When Bairdm, during his rebellion (p. 317), marched from Dipalptir to Jalindhar; he passed over Tiharah, where ’Abdullah defeated a party of his friends under Wali Beg (p. 329, No. 24).

Abdullah Khan Mughul must not be confounded with “Abdullah Khin Uzbek (No. 14). :

77. Shaikh Muhammad i Bukh4ri.

He was a distinguished Hindustinf S@®yyid, and maternal uncle (teghdi) to Shaikh Farid i Bukhari (No. 99). Akbar liked him for his wisdom and faithfulness. Fatti Kh4cah Khail Afghin handed dver the Fort of Chandy to Akbar, through the’ mediation of Shaikh Muhammad. ;

In the 14th year, Akbar gave him a ¢wydl in Ajmir, and ordered him to take charge of Shaikh Mu’fn i Chishtti’s tomb, as the Lhddims were generally at feud about the emoluments and distribution of vows presented by pilgrims. Nor had the efficacy of their prayers been proved, though they claimed to possess sufficient influence with God to promise offspring to the barren and childless.

In the. 17th year, Shaikh M. was attached to the corps under Mirza ’Azfz (No. 21), whom Akbar had put in charge of Abmaddibid. After the Emperor’s victory at‘ Sarn4l, Ibrahim Mirzé joined Husain Mirzé, Shih Mirzé, and ’A’qil Mivzd, at Patan (Gujrat) ; but having quarrelled with them, he left them, and invaded the District of Agrah. The other three Mirzis remained in Patan, and entered into a league with the Fulddi party (vide No. 67). Mirz& ’Aziz had been re-inforced by the MAlwah contingent under Qutbuddin (No. 28), Shah Buddgh (No. 62), and Matlab Khan (No. 83). His army was further increased by the contingent of Shaikh M., whom Akbar had ordered to move from Dholqah to Strat. Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah left Sayyid Hamid (No. 78) in Ahmadaébad, and moved against the Mirzis in Patan. The Mirzis and Sher Khan Fuladi, however, wished to delay the fight, as their re-inforcements had not arrived, and Sher Khan sent proposals of peace through Shaikh M. to M. ’Aziz. Shih Budagh advised M. ’Aziz not to listen to them, as the enemies only wished to gain time, and “Aziz drew up his army. ‘He himself, Shah Budigh, Mu’inuddin i Farankhudi (No. 128), Ma’pim Khan and his son, and Matlab Khan (No. 83) stood in ° the centre (gol) ; Qutbuddin (No. 28), and JamAluddin Inji (No. 164), on the right wing; Shaikh Muhammad, Murad Khan (No. 54), Shah Muhammad (No. 95), Shah Fakhraddin (No. 88), Muzaffar Mughul, Payandah (No. 68), Haji Khin Afghan, and the son of Khawa¢ Khan, ‘on the Jeft wing ; Dastam Khan (No. 79), Naurang Khan (vide p. 334), Muhammad Quli Toqbii (No. 129), and Mihr ’Alf Sildoz (No. 130), led the van (hardwal); Baz Bahddur (No. 188) occupied the Altimash (between the van and the commagder) ; and Mirzi Muqim and Chirgis Khin formed the reserve behind the centre. TheMRentre of the enemies was held by Sher Khén Fiiléd{ and Junaid i Kararani ; the ri wing by the three Mirzis; the left wing by Muhammad Khan (Sher Khan’s eldest § nd Sadat Khan ; and their van was led by Badr Khan, younger son of Shor Khan. The battle then commenced in the neighbourhood of

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Patan, 18th Ramazan, 980 (22nd January, 1573). The left wing of the Imperialists was defeated by the Mirzis. Murid Khdn (No. 54) preferred to look on. Shah Mubammad (No. 95) was wounded, and carried off by his men to Abmadébid. Shaikh Muhammad himself was killed with several of his relations, as the son of Sayyid Baha- uddin, and Sayyid Ja’far, brother of Shaikh Farid (No. 99). The Mirzas also fell upon Shah Fakhruddin and repulsed him. Qutbuddin eyen was hard pressed, when M. “Aziz by a timely attack with his centre put the enemies to flight. As usual, the soldiers of the enemies had too early commenced to plunder.

Sher Khan fled to Juindgadh, and the Mirzis to the Dak’hin.

78. Sayyid Ha/‘mid i Bukhari.

Sayyid Hamid was the son of 8. Mirin, son of S. Mubdrik. Sayyid Mubirik was a Gujriti Courtier (vide p. 385, note) who, it is said, arrived from Bukhara with but a horse. One day he was attacked by a mast elephant, when he discharged an arrow that entered the forehead of the animal so deep, that only the notch of the arrow was visible. From this event, the people of Gujrat swore by S. Mubarik’s arrow. He gradually rose to higher dignities. When I’timid Khan (No. 67) raised‘Nat’hi to the throne, under the title of Muzaffar Shab, 8. Mubarik got several Mahalls of the Patan, Dholqah, and Dandogah (W. of the Peninsula) Districts. After his death, Dholqah and Dandogah were given to his son, Sayyid Mirin,*:nd after him to his grandson Sayyid Hamid. ”

When Akbar, on his invasion of Gujrat, arrived on 1st Rajab, 989, at Patan, Sayyid Hamid went over to him, and was favorably received. During the war of Mirzé ’Aziz Kokah with the Mirzis (vide No. 77), 8S. H. was put in charge of Ahmad- abad. In the 18th year, Dholqah and Dandogah were again given him as tuydil. Subsequently, he served under Qutbuddin in Kambhait. -

Tn the 22nd year, he was appointed to Multan, and served in the end of the same year with M. Ytisuf Khan i Razawi (No. 35), against the Balichis. In the 25th year, when M. Muhammad Hakim invaded Lihor, S. H. with the other tuyzélddrs of the Panjab assembled and joined the army of Prince Murad, S. H. commanding the left wing. He also served under Akbar in Kabul. On the Emperor’s return, he -was permitted to go from Sirhind to his ydgér.

In the 30th year, he served under Main Singh in Kabul. On his arrival at Pashawar, his jagir, 8. Hl. sent most of his men to Hindustén, and lived securely in Bigram (on our Maps, Beghram), leaving his affairs in the hands of a man of the name of Musi. This man oppressed the Mahmand and Ghirgah (?) Khail tribes, ‘who have * ten thousand homes near Pashéwar’. The ‘oppressed Afghans, instead of complaining to Akbar, chose Jaldlah i Tariki as leader, and attacked S. H. He first resolved to shut himself up in Bigram; but having received an erroneous report regarding the strength of the enomies, he left the town, and was defeated and killed (31st year), The Madsir says, ho was killed in 993. In this fight, forty of his relations and clients also perished. The Afghins then besiegéd the Fort, which was held by Kamil, son of S. H. He held it till he was relieved.

S. Kamdi, during Akbar’s reign, was promoted to a command of Seven Hundred, and, on the accession of Jahangir, to a Hazariship. He was made Governor of Dilhf, vice Shaikh “Abdul Wahhab, also a Bukhari Sayyid (Zuz. p, 35, 1. 8 from below).

398

Kamal served under Farid i Bukhari (No. 99) in the expedition against Prince Khus- rau, and commanded the left wing in the fight near Bhaironwil, rendering timely assistance to the Sayyids of Barha who, as was customary, led the van.

Sayyid Ya’gib, sou of S, Kamal, was a Commander of Fifteen Hundred, 1000 horse, and died.in the third year of Shibjahan’s reign, The Madsir says, in the 2nd year.

The two lists of Shabjahin’s grandees given in the Pédishdhndmah (I, b., $22; II, 740) mention another son of Sayyid Hamid, of the name of Sayyid Bagir, who held a Command of Five Hundred, 400 horse.

79. Dastam Khe’n, son of Rustam i Turkistani.

The correct name of this grandee is Dastam prvess a very unusual name, though most MSS. of the Afn and many of the Akbarnaémah give aed Rustam. The

Madsir correctly places his name under the letter D.

His father’s name was Rustam. His mother—her name is not clearly written in the MSS. of the Mudsir and Akbarndmah, which I have seen, eithér Najtbah or Bakhyah—was a friend of Mihum Anagah (vide No. 19), and had free access to the Harem. Dastam appears to have been a play-fellow of Prince Akbar. -

Dastam Khan, in the gh year, served under Mu’izzul Mulk (No. 61) against “Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No. 14), In the 17th year, he served under Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah in the battle of Patan (vide No. 77), distinguished himself ip the war with Muhammad Husain Mirzé, and got a flag. In the 22nd year, he was appointed to the Cuibah of Ajmir, and got Rantanbhir as twyiél. His administration was praise- worthy : he kept down the rebellious, and protected the oppressed. :

In the 25th year, Uchla, son of Balbhadr, and Mohan, Sir Das, Tihiksf, sons of - ‘Rajah Bihari Mall’s brother, came without permission from the Panjab to Inini (?), their

native town, and caused disturbances. Dastam, from a wish not to be too hard on

Kachhwahahs, advised them to-return to obedience; but his leniency only rendered .

the rebels more audacious. Akbar then ordered D. to hold out threats, and if this was not sufficient, to proceed against them, it hastily, without collecting a sufficient number of troops. In the fight,’ the thrge

Z

• The geographical details given in the

Akbarnimah are unsatisfactory. to Bounlee is bisected by the Banas

Abulfazl mentions the Qugbah (small town) of Litni (,,45/) as the birth-place

of the Kachhwahbah rebels ; the fight, he says, took place in a village (mauza’) of the name of (g)9¢ Thort, and Dastam

died at Sherpir, which is also called a Qachah. But the Akbarnémah leaves the reader to find out where these three places are. The Tabagdt, in its list of grandees, fortunately says that Dastam Khan was killed in the neighbourhood of Rantanbhir, The only places near Ran- tanbluir which resemble the above three, are Bounlee, Tohra, and Shergarh, as given on the Trig. Map of the Jodhpér Territory for 1850, The road from Sher-

River. Rantanbhiry lies in the angle formed by the contluence of the Chambal

and the Banee, and Bounlee lies abont 30° There are two villa- .

miles N. W. of it. ges of the names of Zohra, one about 3 miles 8. W. of Bounlee, and: the other S. of it, on the right bank of the Batas. Bounlee, or Baunlt, would be (.h92, or

cs!x, which will be found below as ‘the |

head of a Parganah in Sirkér Rantan- bhur, and the change of (Jy) to (s)5J

is very simple. The greatest difference lies in Sherpir and Shergarh.

The Akbarn4mah says, the fight took place on the 10th Aban of the 25th yeat.

D. had at Jast to do so; but he did

garth (about 4 miles S. E. of Rautanbhir ~

399

nephews of the Rajah were killgl. Dastam received a wound from Uchlé, who had attacked him from an ambush. Wounded as he was, he attacked Uchl4, and killed him. Immediately afterwards he fainted and fell from his horse. His men put him again on horseback—a usual expedient, in order not to dishearten the soldiers. The rebels were totally defeated and their estates plundered (988).

Dastam died of his wounds, two days later, at Sherptix. Akbar said that even D.’s mother could not feel the loss of her son as much as he did, because D., with the exception of three years, had never been away from him.

The Mafsir says, he was a Commander of Three Thousand. Rantanbhir was then given to Mirzi ’Abdurrahim (No. 29) as jagir.

Ason of Dastam is mentioned below (No. 362).

80. Shahba’z Kha’n i Kamba.

Regarding the tribe called Kamba, vide Beames’ Edition of Sir H. Elliot’s eee) I, 304. The Persian hemistich quoted (Metre Hazaj)—

gsrteit wldoy aya gS pe wil & .

‘The Afghans are the first, the Kambus the second, and the Kashmiris the third,

set of scoundrels’ must be very modern ; for during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir, -

it was certainly a distinction to belong to this tribe, as will be seen just now.

Tho sixth‘ ancestor of Shahb4z was Haji Isma’il, a disciple of the renowned saint Bahiuddin Zakariyé of Multin. Once a beggar asked the saint to. give him an ash- rafi, or goldmuhr, for the name of every prophet he would mention ; but as Buhauddin could not pay the money, Haji Isma’il took the beggar to his house, and gave him an Ashrafi for each of the ten or twenty names he mentioned. Another time, Haji Ismé’il acknowledged to the saint that his power of understanding was defective, where- upon the saint prayed for him, and from that time the Kambis are proverbial in Hindistan for sagacity and quickness of apprebension.

Shahbiz at first devoted himself to a life of abstinence and austerity, as his an- cestors had done; but the excellent way in which he performed the duties of kotwdd, drew Akbar’s attention to him, and he was made an Amir and appointed Mir Tozak Aquarter master),

In the 16th year, when Lashkar Khan (No. 90) fell into disgrace, Sh. was ap- pointed Mir-Bokhshi,. In the 21st year, he was sent against the rebels in Jodhpur, especially ‘against Kallab, son of Rai Ram, and grandson of Rai Maldeo, and was ordered to take Fort Siwanah. Shahbaz first took Fort Daigur (?)’, where a large num- of Rathor rebels were killed; after this he took Dindrah, from where he passed on to Siwanah, which on his-arrival capitulated (984).

In the same year, Shahbaz was sent against Rjah Gajpati.? This Rajah was the

• The MSS, have yf, which I can-

not find on the maps. There are many Jaces ,of a similar name, 8. W. of Peahpér, near which it must lie. Dz- Vadrab (most MSS, have 465. ) lies on ‘the right bank of the Lint, S. W. of ‘Jodhpir. Here Shahbaz crossed (’abzz) and went to Stwdnak, which lies N. W.

S. of Diinérah, about 10 miles from the left bank of the Liinf.

2 So according to the best MSS. Stewart calls him yey the Lak’hnau Akbarnamab (IIT, 140) Kaji, and the Edit. Bibl. Indica of Badaoni, Kachitt, (p. 179, 284, 285,) and Kajité (p- 237); which — forms are also found in the Lak’hnau edition of the Akbarnémah.

—

4.00

greatest Zamindarin Bihar, and had rendered good sergices during Mun’im’s expedition to Bengal. But when Daud, king of Orisd, invaded Bengal after Mun’im’s death at Gaur in 983, Gajpati rebelled and plundered several towns in Bibér. Farhat Khan (No. 145) tuyrtilddy of Arah, his son Farhang Khan, and Qarataq Khan, opposed the Rajah, but perished inthe fight. When Shahbaz approached, Gajpati fled ; but Sh. followed bim up, and gave him no rest, and conquered at last Jagdesptir, where the whole family ‘of the Rajah was captured. Sh. then conquered Shergadh, which was-held by Sri

Ram, Gajpati’s son. About the same time, Sh. took possession of Rahtés. Its

Afghin commander, Sayyid Muhammad, who commanded the Fort on the part of Junaid i Kararani, had been hard pressed by Muzaffar (No. 37); he therefore fled to Shahbaz, asked for protection, and handed over the Fort. Sh. then repaired to court, where he received every distinction due to his eminent services.

In the 23rd year (986), Sh. marched against the proud Rané Partdb, and be- sieged%he renowned Fort of Konbhalmir (called on our maps Komalnair, on the frontier between Udaipir and Jodhpiir, Lat. 25° 10), The Rand, unable to defend it, escaped in the disguise of a Sanndsé, when the Fort was taken. Gogandah and Udaipir submitted likewise. Sh. erected no less than 50 thanahs in the hills and (35 in the plains, from Udaipir to Pir Mandal. He also prevailed upon the rebellious Daud, son of Rai Surjan Hada (No. 96), to submit, and took him to Court. After this, Sh. was sent to Ajmir, where disturbances frequently occurred.

When the military revolt of Bengal broke out, Sh. was ordered %o go to Bihar ; but he did not agree with M. ‘Aziz Kokah—for Sh. could not bear to be second or third —and carried on the war independently of him, defeated Arab Bahidur, and marched to Jagdespir. At that time the report reached him that Ma’gim Khan Farankhidi (No. 157) had rebelled, aud ’Arab Bahddur and Niyaébat Khao had joined him. Sh. . therefore marched to Audh, and met the enemies near Sultanpiir Bilkari, 25 kos from Awadh (Faizbid). Ma’gtim, by a timely centre-attack, put Sh. to flight, and followed him up, Sh. fighting all the way to Jaunpiir, a distance of 30 kos. Accidentally a rumour spread in the army of the enemies, that Ma’gtim had been killed, which caused some disorder. At this moment, Sh.’s right wing attacked the enemies, Ma’gim got wounded, and withdrew"o Awadh (Faizibid). Sh. now pursued him, and seven nfles from that town, after a hard fight, totally routed him. Ma’gdm could not hold himself in Awadh, and his army dispersed.

After this, Sh. went again to Court, where he was received by the emperor on -

his return from Kabul. At court, Sh. generally gave, gifence by his pride; and when once, at a parade, the Bakhshfs had placed the young Mirz& Khan (No. 29) above him, he gave openly vent to his anger, was arrested, and put under the charge of Rai Sal Darbari (No. 106).

But an officer of Sh.’s usefulness could ill be spared, and when M. ’Aziz in the 28th year applied for transfer from Bihar, Sh. with other Amirs was sent there. He followed up Ma‘gim Khao Kabuli to G’horig’hat, and defeated him. He then followed him to Bhati (p. 342), plundered BaktarAptir, the residence of ’Isi, took Sunndrginw, and encamped on the Brabmaputra. “sé afforded Ma’giim means and shelter; but beiug hard pressed by the imperialists, he made proposals of peace: an Imperial officer was to reside as Sunnirginw; Ma’gtim was to go to Makkah; and

AOL '

Sh. was to withdraw. This was accepted, and Sh. crossed the river expecting the

terms would be carried out. But the enemics did nothing ; and when Sh. prepared

to return, his officers shewed the greatest insubordination, so that he had to retreat to

Tandah, all advantages being thus lost. He reported matters to Court, and the

tuyrtlddrs of Bihar were ordered to join him. Sh. then took the field and followed

up Ma’gim. In the 30th year, he and Cadiq Khan (vide No. 43) quarvelled. Sub-

ssequently, Sh. marched again to Bhati, and even sent a detachment ‘ to Kokrah (75, rs )s

which lies between Orisi and the Dak’hin.” Modhii Singh, the Zamindar of the district, was plundered, and bad to pay tribute. In the 32nd year, when Sa’id (No. 25) was made Governor of Bengal, and the disturbances had mostly been suppressed, Sh. yeturned to Court. In the 34th year, he was made Wotwdi of the army. He was then sent against the Afgh4ns of Sawid ; but he left his duties without order, and was again imprisoned.

After two years he was released, was made atdlig to M. Shthrukh, who ha@ been

appointed to Malwah and was on his way to Prince Murid in the Dak’hin. During the siege of Ahmadnagar, the inhabitants of Shahri Nau, ‘which is called Burkdudddd,’ asked the Imperialists for protection; but us they were mostly Shi’ahs, Sh., in his bigotry, fell upon them, plundered their houses, especially the quarter called Langar é Duwdzdah Imdir, the very name of which must have stunk in Sh.’s nostrils. The inhabitants ‘ sccing that they could not rely on the word of the Mughuls,’ emigrated. The Prince was irritated; and when Cadiq Khan (No. 43) was appointed his atdlig, Sh. left without permission for Mélwah. Akbar gave his jagir to Shahrukh, and trans- ferred Shahbiz. ‘In the 43rd year, Sh. was sent to Ajnir as Commander of the mangald of Prince Salim (Jahangir), whom Akbar has asked to go from Téhdbad against the Rand. But Sh. was now above seventy years old, and as he had been in the habit of eating quicksilver, he commenced to suffer from pain in his hands and wrists. He got well again, but had in Ajmir another attack ; he rallied again, but died suddenly in the 44th year (1008). Salim took quickly possession of Sh.’s treasures, went back to Hahabad without having done anything, and continued in his rebellious attitude towards his father.

Shahbaz had expressed a dying wish to be buried in Ajmfr within the hallowed enclosure of Mu’in i Chishti. But the custodians of the sacred shrine refused to comply, and Sh. was buried outside. At night, however, the saint appeared inthe dreams of the custodians, and told them that Shahbéz was his favourite, whereupon the hero was buried inside, north of the dome.

Shahbaz was proverbial for his rigid piety and his enormous wealth. His op- position to Akbav’s ‘ Divine Faith’ has been mentioned above (p. 188). He would neither remove his beard to please the emperor, nor put the word murid (disciple) on his signet. His Sunni zeal, no doubt, .vetarded his promotion as much as his arrogance; for other less deserving officers held higher commands. He observed with great strictness the five daily prayers, and was never seen without the rosary in his hand. One day the emperor took u walk along the tank at Futhpdr and seized Shahbdz’s hand to accompany him. It was near the time of the ‘a¢r, or afternoon prayer, and Sh. was restless and often looked up to the sun, not to miss the proper

51

402

time. Hakim Abul Fath (No. 112) saw it from a distance, and said to Hakim ’Ali who stood near him, “I shall indeed call Shahbaz a pious man, if he insists on saying the prayer, alone as he is with the emperor;” (for the prayer had been abolished by Akbar at Court). When the time of prayer had come, Sh. mentioned it to the em- peror. “Oh,” replied Akbar, “.you can pray another time, and make amends for this omission.” But Sh. drew away his hand from the grasp of the emperor, spread his dupattah shawl on the ground, and said not only his prayer, butalso his vird (volun- tary daily religious exercise), Akbar slapping all the while his head, saying, ‘Get up!’ Abul Fath stepped up, and interceded for Shahbaz, whose persistency ho admired.

Abulfazl says that Shahbéz was an excellent and faithful servant; but he blames him for bis bigotry. In liberality, he says, he had no equal, and people whis- pered that he found the Pdras stone (vide Book III, Cubah of Malwah). His mili- tary contingent was always complete aud in good order; during his fights near the Bralmapuir he had 9000 horse. Every Thursday evening, he distributed 100 Ashrafés tothe memory of the renowned Ghausussiqlain (’Abdul Qidir i Jilinf). To Kam- bus he gave so much, that no Kambt in India was in bad circumstances.

During the time he was Mir Bakhshi, he introduced the Ddgh law, the most important military reform of Akbar’s reign (vide pp. 242, 255, 256).

Shahbaz’s brother, Karamullah, was likewise pious. He died in 1002 at Saronj (Madsir). The, Madsir mentions a son of Shahbaz, Ihimullah. He was Wdqi’ahnawis (p. 258) of the Sirkdr of Baglinah, where he died.

The Tuzuk (p. 248) mentions another son of his, Ranbiz Khan, who during the reign of Shahjahan was a Commander of Eight Hundred, 400 horse. He was, in the 13th year, Bakhshé and Wéqi’ahnawis of the corps which was sent to Bangash. He held the same rank in the 20th year of Shéhjahan’s reign.

81. Darwish Muhammad Uzbak.

The Madsir says nothing about this grandee; the MSS. of the Tabaqat merely

say that he was dead in 1001.

From the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, II, p.’ 1387) we see that he was a friend of Bairém. He was sent by Bairém together with Muzaffar ‘Alf (No. 37, and p- 317, @. 3) to Sher M@ammad Diwanah, who despatched both fettered to Court.

His name occurs again in the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, II, p. 250,—where for Darwish Uzbak Khwdjah, read Darwish Uzbak 0 Muzaffar Khwdjah). From the fact that Abulfazl has given his name in this list, it is evident that Akbar pardoned him on Bairam’s submission.

82. Shaikh Ibra’hi’m, son of Shaikh Mis4, elder brother of Shaikh Salim of Fathpir Sikri.

• Ranbaz Khan is wrongly called Nidz Kivibullah ; but this is a most extra- Khénin the Ed. Bibl. Indica of the PAdi- ordinary name, ond therefore likely to be shahn. I, b., p. 314; bat in II, p. 740, of wrong. It should perhaps be Habibullah. . the same work, Ranbdz Khén, as in the In the list of Akbar’s grandees in the Tuzuk. Tabagdt, Nizim says, ‘At present (in

Sayyid Ahmad’s edition of the Tuzuk, 1001) Shahbéz is Mir Balkchshi of Mal- p. 159, says that Ranb4z’s name was wah.

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His father, Shaikh Muisé, lived a retired life in Sikri. As Akbar had at first no children, he asked the Sikri Shaikhs to pray for him, which they did; and as at that time one of Akbar’s wives became pregnant (with Salim), Akbar looked upon the Shaikhs with particular favor. To this lucky circumstance, the Siky{ family owes its elevation. ‘

Shaikh Ibrahim lived at first at Court, chiefly in the service of the princes. In the 22nd year, he was made T’h4nahdir of Lidlai, and suppressed the disturbances. In the 23rd year, he was made Governor of Fathpir Sikri. In the 28th year, he served with distinction under M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in Bibér and Bengal, and was with Vazir Khan (No. 41) in his expedition against Qutli of Oris&é. When Akhbar, in the 30th year went to Kabul, he was made Governor of Agrah, which post he seems to have held till his death in 999 (36th year).

According to the Tabagdt, he was not only the brother, but also the son-in-law of Shaikh Salim i Sikriwal.

83. ’Abdul Matlab Kha’n, son of Shah Budégh Khan (No. 52).

The Madsiv makes him a Commander of Two Thousand Five Hundred.

“Abdul Matlab accompanied Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17) on his expedition to Mixt’ha. In the 10th year, he served together with his father under Mu’izzulmulk (No. 61) against Iskandar and Bahidur Khan, and fled from the hattle-field of Khairabad (pp. 372, 382). In the 12th year, he served under Muhammad Quli Khan Barlis (No. 31) against Iskandar Khan in Audh, He then retired to his cuydd in Malwah.

In the 17th year, he belonged to the auxiliaries of M. ’Aziz Kokah and was pre- sent in the battle of Patan (p. 396). In the 23rd year, when Qutbuddin’s men (No. 28) brought Muzaffar Husain Mirzi from the Dak’hin to Court, “Abdul Matlab at- tached himself as convoy, and saw the Mirz4 safely to Court. In the 23th year, he accompanied Ismé’il Quli Khan (No. 46) on his expedition against Niyabat Kbin *Arab. In the following year, he received a reprimand for having murdered Fath Daulat, son of ‘Alf Dost. THe was, however, subsequently pardoned, and was put in command of the left wing of the army which was sent to to In the 27th year, Akbar honored him by being his guest in Kalpi, his jagir.

In the 30th year, he accompanied M. ’Aziz Kokah to the Dak’hin, and was sent, two years later, against Jalalah Tariki, the Afghan rebel. One day, Jalilah fell upon the van of the Imperialists, which was commanded by Beg Nurin Khin (No. 212), Salim Khan (No. 132), and Sheroyah Khan (No. 168). They were in time assisted by Muhammad Qui Beg, and routed Jalalah, who escaped to the mountains. ’Abdul- matlab “had not the good fortune of even mounting his horse to take part in the fight.” He seems to have taken this to heart; for when the victorious army returned to Bangash, he had an attack of madness and was sent to Court. He died soon after, His son, Sherzid, was under Jahéngir, a Commander of Three Hundred, 200 horse. i

84. I’tiba’r Kha’n, the Eunuch.

Fis name, like that of many other Eunuchs, was “Ambar. He was one of Babar’s Eunuchs. When Humayin left Qandahar for “Iraq, he despatched I’tibar and others

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to conduct Maryam Makéni (Akbar’s mother) to his camp. In 952, he left Kabal aud joined the emperor, who attached him to Prince Akbar’s suite.

In the 2nd year of Akbav’s reign, he accompanied Akbar’s mother and the other Begums from Kabul to India. Akbar appointed him Governor of Dibli, where he died.

He must not be confounded with No. 86.

85. Rajah Bir Bal [Bir Bar], the Brahman.

He was a Brahman of the name of Mahesh Dis (Madsir ; the Ed. Bibl. Indica of Baddont, LI. p. 161, callshim Brahman Dds), and was a Bhat, or minstrel, a class of men whom the Persians call bddfarosh, ‘dealers in encomiums.’ Hoe was very poor, but clear-headed, and remarkable for his power of apprebension. According to Badé- oni, he came soon after Akbar’s accession from Kalpt to Court, where his bonmots in ashort time made him a general favourite. His Hindi verses also were much liked, and Akbar conferred on him the title of Kab di, or (Hindu) Poet Laureate? and had him constantly near hinself.

In the 18th year, Rijah Jai Chand of Nagarkot, who was at Cowt, ane to displease the emperor, and was imprisoned. Nagarkot was given to Kab Rai as jigir. He also received the title of Rajah Bir Bay. But Jai Chand’s son, Buéh Chand (or Budhi Ch., or Badi Ch.,—the MSS. differ) shut himself up in Nagarkot, and Husain ~ Quit Khin (No. 24) was ordered to conquer it. The invasion of Ibrahim Husain Mirza, as related above, forced Husain Quli to raiso the siege, and Bir Bay, in all probability, did not get his jagir. He accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Patan and Ahmadabad, 24th Rabf II, 981. (Vide note to No. 101.)

He was often employed in missions. Thus in the 21st year, he was sent with Rai Lon Karan to Diingarptir, the Rai of which town was anxious to send his daughter to Akbar’s Harem. In the 28th year, again, B. B. and Zain Kokah (No. 34) conduoted Rajah Rim Chand (No. 89) to Court.

Bir Bar spent his time chiefly atCourt. In the 34th year, Zain Khan Kokah marched against the Yvisufzais in Bijor? and Sawfd; and as he had toask for reinforcements, Bir Bary was sent there together with Hakim Abul Fath (No, 112). It is said that Akbagdetermined by lot whether Abulfazl or Bir Bay should go, and the lot fell on the latte® much against Akbar’s wish.

The result of this campaign bas been related above (pp. 204, 344). Bir Bay and nearly 8000 Imperialists were killed during the retreat—the severest defeat which Akbar’s army ever suffered.

How Akbar felt Bir Bay’s loss, has been nféntioned on p.205. There is also a letter on this subject in Abulfazl’s Maktihdt.

The following passages from Badfoni (Ed. Bibl. Ind., pp. 857, 358) are of interest—

“Among the silly lies—they border on absurdities—which during this year i a a Se Se

Just as Jotik Rdi, the (Hindi) zib, when several thousand soldiers of Court Astrologer. The (Persian) Poet the ar my commanded by Amin Khin Laureate (Faizi] had the title of Afalik. were killed, in the Khaibar Pass, on the ushshward, or ‘ King of Poets.’ 3rd M uharram, 1083, or 21st April, 1672.

• On p. 344, read Bijor for Waijur. Madsir i’ Alumgiri, p. 117. Vide Jour- 7 A similar catastrophe befell Aurang- nal A. 8. Bengal, for 1862, p. 261.

(995) were spread over the country, was the ruour that Bir Bar, the accursed, was still alive, though in reality he had then for some time been burning in the seventh hell. The Hindis by whom His Majesty is surrounded, saw how sad and sorry he was for Bir Bar’s loss, and invented the story that Bir Bay had been seen in the hills of Nagarkot, walking about with Jogis and Sannisis. His Majesty believed the ru- mour, thinking that Bir Bay was ashamed to come to Court on account of the defeat which he had suffered at the hands of the Yisufzais ; and it was, besides, quite pro- bable that he should have been seen with Jogis, inasmuch as he had never cared for the world. An Abadi was therefore sent to Nagarkot, to enquire into the truth of the rumour, when it was proved that the whole story was an absurdity.”

“Soon after, His Majesty received a report that Bir Bar had been seen at Kalin- jav (which was the jagir of this dog), and the collector of the district stated that a barber had recognized him by certain marks on his body, which the man had distinctly seen, when one day Bir Bay had engaged him to rub his body with oil; from that time, however, Bir Bay had concealed himself. His Majesty then ordered the barber to come to court; and the Hindi Krori (collector) got hold of some poor innocent traveller, charged him with murder, and kept him in concealment, giving out that he was Bir Bay. The Krori could, of course, send no barber to Court; he therefore killed the poor traveller, to avoid detection, and reported that it was Bir Bay in reality, but he had since died. His Majesty went actually through a second mourning ; but he ordered the Krori and several others to come to Court. They were for some time tortured as a punishment for not having informed His Majesty before, and the Krori had, moreover, to pay a heavy fine.”

Bir Bar was as much renowned for his liberality, as for his musical skill and poetical talent. His short verses, bon-mots, and jokes, are still in the mouths of the people of Hindustan.

The hatred which Badioni, Shahbiz Khan (No. 80), and other pious Muslims shewed towards Bir Bar (vide pp. 183, 188, 192, 199, 204) arose from the belief that Bir Bar had influenced Akbar to abjure Islim.

Bir Bar’s eldest son, Zdlah, is mentioned below amongthe commanders of Two Hundred (No. 387). He was a spendthrift ; and as he got” no promotion, and his property was squandered away, he resigned court life, and turned fagé*, in order to live free and independent (end of 46th year).

86. Ikhla’s Kha’n J’tibér, the Eunuch.

The Madsir docs not give his name. The list of Akbar’s grandees in the Tabagdt has the short remark that Ikhlag Khan was a Eunuch, and held the rank of a Commander of One Thousand,

87. Baha’r Kha’n, (Muhammad) Agghar, a servant of Humiytin.

The name of this grandee is somewhat doubtful, as some MSS. read Bahkddur Khan, Tho Madsir does not give his name. The list of the Tabaqét mentions a ‘ Bahdéy Khan, a Khagah Khail Afghan, who held a command of Two Thousand.’ Bahar Khén Khécah Khail is also mentioned in several places in the Akbarn4mah. He is therefore most probably the same as given by Abulfazl in this list. Perhaps we have to read Pahdr Khén, instead of Bahér Kian; vide No. 407. The notice in the Tabagdt implies that he was dead in 1001.

~

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ee

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88. Sha’h Fakhruddi’n, son gf Mir Qésim, 9 Misawi Sayyid of Mashhad.

’ Shd4b Fakhruddin came, in 961, with Humaytn to India. In the 9th year of Akbar’s reign, he served in the army which was sent against “Abdullah Khin Uzbak (No. 14). Inthe 16th year, he was in the mangald, or advance corps, commanded by Khaini Kalan (No. 16). When Akbar arrived at Patan, he sent Sh. F. and Hakim ‘Ainulmulk to Mir Abi Turab and T’timéd Khan (No. 67). On the road he fell in with the former, and went to I’timid whom he likewise induced to pay his respects to Akbar. He was among the auxiliaries of M.’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) and was present in the battle of Patan (p. 396). He was also among the grandecs who accompanied Akbar on his forced march to Sujrat (p. 325, note, where according to the Akbarndmah we have to read 24th Rab?’ II., for 44h Rabi’ I). After this, he was made Governor of Ujjain, and received the title of Nagdbat Khén2 In the end of the 24th year, he was made Governor of Patan (Gujrat), vice Tarson Muhammad Khan (No. 32), where he soon after, probably in the beginning of 987, died (986, Tabagdt). F

89. Ra’jah Ra’m Chand Baghelah.

A few MSS. read Bhagelah, which form Tod says is the correct one– Baghelah, however, is the usual spelling.

Rim Chand was Rajah of Bhat’h (or Bhattah, as the Madsir spells it). Among the three great Rajahs of Hindtstén, whom Babar mentions in his Memoirs, the Rajahs of Bhat’h are the third.

Rim Chand was the patron of the renowned musician and singer Tansin, regard- ing whom vide the List of Musicians at the end of this book. His fame had reached Akbar; and in the 7th year, the emperor sent Jaliluddin Qirchi (No. 213) to Bhat’h, to induce Tansin to come to Agrah. Rm Chand feeling himself powerless to refuse Akbar’s request, sent his favorite with his musical instruments and many presents to Agrah, and the first time that Tansin performed at court, the Emperor made him a present of two lak’hs of Rupees. Tansin remained with Akbar. Most of his composi- tions are written in Akbar’s name, and his melodies are even now-a-days every where repeated by the-people of Hindustin.

When Acaf Khan @) led his expedition to Gadha (p. 367),* he came in con- tact with Rim Chand; but by timely submission the Rajah became ‘a servant’ of Akbar. In the 14th year, Rim Chand lost Fort Kélinjar, as related on p. 369. He sent his son, Bir Bhadr, to Court, but fromdistrust would not pay his respects person- ally. In the 28th year, therefore, when Akbar was at Shahabad, he ordered a corps to march to Bhat’h ; but Bir Bhadr, through the influence of several courtiers, pre- vailed upon the Emperor to send a grandee to his father and convey him to court. Rajah Bir Bay and Zain Kokah were selected for this office, and Ram Chand came at last to court, where he was well received.

R. Ch. died in the 37th year, and Bir Bhadr succeeded to the title of Rajah. But on his way from court to Bhat’h, he fell from his paianquia, and died soon after, in the

2 The Lucknow Edition of the Axbar- ? On p. 367, Rdm Chand is by mis- ed (ILL, p. 222) calls him Nagéb- take called Rdm Chandr. rhein (?).

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38th -year (1001; vide p. 358). His sudden death led to disturbances in Bindhti of which Bikramajit, a young relation of Ram Chand, had taken possession. Akbar therefore sent Rajah Patrdis (No. 196) with troops to Bandhi, and the Mughuls, according to custom, erected throughout the district military stations (¢Adnahs). At the request of the inhabitants, Akbar sent Ismail Quii Khan (No. 46) to Bandhi, to convey Bikramajit to court (41st year), their intention being to prevent Bandhu from being conquered. But Akbar would not yield ; he dismissed Bikramajit, and after a siego of eight months and several days, Bandhii was conquered (42nd year).

In the 47th year, Durjodhan, a grandson of Ram Chand, was made RAjah of Ban- dh. In the 21st year of Jabingir’s reigngAmr Singh, another grandson of Rim Chand, acknowledged himself a vassal of Dihli. In the 8th year of Shabjahan, when ’Abdul- Jah Khén Bahadur marched against the refractory zamindér of Ratanpir, Amr Singh brought about a peaceful submission. Amr Singh was succeeded by his son Antip Singh. In the 24th year, when Rajah Pahdr Singh Bandelah, Jagirdair of Chauragadh, attacked Aniip, because he had afforded shelter to Dairém, a zamindar of Chauragadh, Anip Singh, with his whole family, withdrew from Rew (which after the destruc- tion of Bindhii had been the family seat) to the hills. In the 30th year, how- ever, Sayyid Calibat Khan, Governor of Dlahabad (vide p. 392) conducted bim to Court, where Amip turncd Muhammadan. He was made a Commander of Three Thousand, 2,000 horse, and was appointed to Bandhi and the surrounding districts.

90. Lashkar Kha’n, Muhammad Husain of Khurdsin.

Ho was Mir Baksht and Mir ’Arz. In the 11th year, Muzaffar Khan (No. 37) had him deposed. In the 16th year, he came one day drunk to the Darbar, and challenged the courtiers to fight him. Akbar punished him by tying him to the tail of a horse, and then put him into prison.

He was subsequently released, and attached to Mun’im’s Bengal corps. In the battle of Takaroi (p. 375), he was severcly wounded. Though his wounds commenced to heal, he did not take sufficient care of his health, and died, a few days after the battle, in Orisa.

He is mentioned as haying had a contingent of 2,000 troopers (2fadsir, 1,000).

The 2adsir has a long note in justification of the exfaordinary punishment, which Akbar inflicted on him.

The title of Laskkar Khdn was conferred by Jahangir on Abul Hasan Mash- hadi, and by Sh&hjahan on Jan Nisér Khan Yadgir Beg.

91. Sayyid Ahmad of Barha. .

He is the younger brother of Sayyid Mahmud (p. 392). In the 17th year, he served in the manzgald, which, under the command of Khan i Kalan (No. 16) was sent to Gujrit. After the conquest of Ahmadabad, he was ordered with other Amirs to pursue the sons of Sher Khan Fuladi (p. 396), who had removed their families and property from Patan to Ydar. .A portion of their property fell into the hands of the Imperialists. When Akbar afterwards encamped at Patan, he gave the town to Mirzi ’Abdurrahim (No. 29), but appointed S. A. as Governor. In the samo year, Muhammad Husain Mirzé, Shih Mirzda, and Sher Khan Filadi, besieged Patan; but they dispersed on the approach of M. ’Aziz.

In the 20th year, S. A. and his nephews 8. Qisim and S. Hashim quelled tho

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disturbances in which Jaldluddin Quirchi (No. 213) had lost bis life. In 984, he’ served under Shahbiz Khan (No. 80) in the expedition to Siwinah. According to the Tubagdt, which calls him a Commander of Three Thousand, he died in 985.

‘ Abulfazl mentioned Sayyid Ahmad above on p. 289, 1. 4 from below.

Sayyid Abmad’s son, S. Jamdluddin, was killed by the untimely explosion of a mine during the siege of Chitor (p. 368).

This S. Jamaluddin must not be confounded with the notorious S, Jaméluddin who was executed in 993 (Baddoné II, 345). He was a grandson of S. Mahmud (No. 75), S. Qasim being called his uncle.

92. Ka’kar Ali’ Khan i Chishti.g

He came with Humdytn to Hindustan. In the 11th year (973), he was sent together with Shih Quli Naranji (No. 231) to Gadha-Katangah, because Mahdi Qasim Khan (No. 36) had gone without leave te Makkah. Kakar served also under Mu ’izzul-Mulk (No..61), and was present in the battle of Khairébéd. He took part in the bloody fight at Sarnél (middle of Sha’ban, 980; wide p. 333). He was then attached to Mun’im’s corps, and served in the siege of Patna, during which he and his son were killed (end of 981; 2udsir, 980). ~

93. Ra’i Kalya’n Mall, Zamindar of Bikanir.

He is the father of R4i Singh (No. 44), and has been mentioned above, p. 357.

94, Tw#hir Kha’n, Mir Faraghat, son of Mir Khurd, who was atdliq to Prince Hindal.

His name is not given in the Madsir, Tha Tabaqdt merely says that he was a grandee of Humayin, and reached, during the reign of Akbar, the rank of a Com- mander of Two Thousand. According to the same more he had a son Bagi Khan, who likewise served under Akbar.

From the Akberndmah (Lucknow Edition, II, p. 274) we sce that he was one of Akbar’s companions. ‘Together with Dastam Khan (No. 79), Qutluq Qadam Khan (No, 123), Peshrau Khan (No. 280), Hakim ul Mulk, Mugbil Khan, Shimdl Khan (No. 154), he assisted in the capture of the wild and mad Khwajah Mu’azzan, brother of Akbar’s mother.

95. Sha‘h Muhammad Kha’n of Qalat.

As Qulit belongs to Qandahér, he is often called Shab Muhammad Khan i Qandshari. The Afadsir says, that the name of the town of Qalétis generally spelt with a ($, Q; but that the Haztiahs pronounce Kaldd, with a K.

Shih Muhammad Khan was a friend of Bairam, and was with him in Qandahér, which Huméytin had given Baivai ‘ wd jdgir. Bairim, however, left it entirely in §. M.’s hands. Bahadur Khan (No\ 22) was then Governor of Déwar, and had bribed several grandees to hand over Qandahar to him ; but S. M. discovered the plot and killed the conspirators. Bahidur he n marched against Qandahéir. S. M. knew that he could expect no assistance from Huntiydn, and wrote to Shah Tahmasp of Per- sia that it was Humayin’s intention to cede Qaudahas ; he should therefore send troops, defeat Bahadur, and take possession of the tows. Tahmasp sent 3000 Turkmin troopers furnished by the jdgérddrs of Sistan, Farah, and Garmsir. Their leader, “Ali Yr, surprised Babddur and defeated him so completely, that Balddur could not

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even keep Diwav. . THe therefore fled to India. S. M. had thus got rid of one danger 3 he treated ‘the Persian Commander with all submissiveness, but would not hand over the town. Shih Tahmasp then ordered his nephew, Sultén Husain Mirza, son of Bahram Mirza (vide No. 8, p. 313), Wali Khalifah Shimlii, and others, to besiege Qandahar. The siege had lasted for some time, when Sultan Husain Mirza felt disgusted and withdrew. Tahmasp felt annoyed, and sent again Sultén Husain Mirz4 with ‘Ali Sultan, Governor of Shiviz, to Qandahar with positive orders to take the town. “Ali Sultan was shot during the siege, and Sultin Husain Mirz4 remained encamped be- fore the town without doing anything. At this juncture, Akbar, who in the meantime had succeeded to the throne, orderedwS. M. to hand over Qandahar to the Persians, according to Humayiin’s promise, and come to India.

This account of the cession of Qandahar, observes the author of the Madsiz, differs from Munshi Sikandar’s version in his great work entitled ’Alamdrdi Sikandart. According to that history, Tahmasp, at the very first request of Shah Muhammad, sent Sultan Husain Mirzi with Wali Khalifah and other nobles to Qandahir. They defeated Bahidur; but as §. M. would not hand over Qandahar, Tabmasp sent ’Alf Sultan with a stronger army, and appointed Sultan Husain Mirz4 governor of Dawar and Qandah4y. Shah Mubammad held out for six months ; but as he got no assistance from India, he capitulated, and withdrew to Hindiistin.

Be this as it may, S. M. arrived in the end of the third year of Akbar’s reign in ’ India, was made a Khan, and gradually rose to the rank of a Commander of Two Thousand. In the beginning of the 6th year (968), he led the van in the battle near Savangptir, in which Baz Bahadur lost Mélwah, and served, in the 9th year, in the war against ‘Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No. 14), In the 12th year, he was made governor of Kot’ha. In the 17th year, he was among the auxiliaries of Mirai ’Aziz Kokah, and was wounded in the battle of Patan (p. 396).

Regarding ’Adil Khan, 8. M.’s son, vide below, No. 125.

96. Ra’i Surjan Hada. He is often merely called Rai Hada, The THidés at are a branch of the Chauhans.

The Sirkér of Rantanbhiir is called after them Hddautz.

Rai Surjan was at first in the service of the Rind, and defied the Mughuls, be- cause he thought himself safe in Rantanbhir, Alibar, after the conquest of Chitor (p. 368), besieged in the end of the 13th year, Rantanbhur, and R. S., despairing of holding out tonger—the siege having lasted about a month—sent his sons Daudé and Bho] (No. 175) to Akbar’s camp to sue for peace. The Emperor received them well, and gave each a dress of honor. When they were taken behind the tent enclosure to put on the garments, one of their men, suspecting foul play, rushed sword in hand towards the audience tent, and killed several people, among them Shaikh Bahduddfn Majzib of Badaon, but was cut down by one of Muzaffar Khan’s men. As R. S.’s sons were entirely innocent, the accident did not change Akbar’s goodwill towards them; and he sent them back to their father. At R. S.’s request, Husain Quli Khan (No. 24) was then sent to the Fort and escorted R.-S. to the Emperor. Rantanbhir was annexed (Shawwal, 976, or beginning of the 14th year).

R. S. was made Governor of Gadha-Katangah from where, in the 20th year, he was transferred to Fort Chanagh (Chunar),

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Soon after, Daudi fled and created disturbances in Bandi. Zain Khan Kokah (Nou. 34), R. S. and his second son Bhoj were therefore sent to Bundi, which was con- quered in the beginning of 985, After the conquest, R. S. was made a commander of Two Thousand. Daud& who had escaped, submitted, in the 23rd year, to Shahbiz Khin (p. 400). Not long after, Dauda fled again. He died in the 30th year.

R. S. served in the 25th year, after Muzaffar’s (No. 37) death, in Bihar. The Maésir does not mention the year of his death. From the Tabaqat, it is clear, saat he had been dead for some time in 1001.

For R. S.’s son, Rai Bhoj, vide below, No. 175. 97. Sha’ham Kha’n Jaliir.

‘ Jaldir is the name of a Chaghtai tribe. ‘

Sbiham’s father was Babi Beg, who had been under Huméytin governor of Jaunptir. Baba Beg took also part in the battle of Chaus4, in which Humaytin was defeated by Sher Shih. The Emperor fled to A’grab, and ordered Baba Beg and other gvandees to bring up the camp and the Begums. In attempting to rescue the ladies of the Harem, B&bi Beg was killed by an Afghan near the imperial tent.

Shiham Khan was made an Amir by Akbar.

In the begthning of the 4th year (966), he served together with the two Jaliirs mentioned below, Haji Muhammad Khan i Sistini (No. 65), Chalmah Beg (58), Kamal Khin Ghakkar, and Qiyé Khén Gung (No. 33), under Khan Zaman (No. 13) in the Jaunpir District against the Afghans. The war continued till the sixth year, in which Sher Shah, son of ’Adli, Mubariz Khan, after Bairam’s death, made a final attempt to overthrow the Mughuls. In the 10th year, Sh, Kh. served against Khan Zainan.

In the 19th year, he served under Mun’im in the Bengal and Orfs& wars, was present in the battle of Takaroi and pursued with Todar Mall the Afghans to Bhadrak (p.. 875). After Mun’im’s death at Gaur (p. 376), the grandces put Sh. Kh, in command of the army till the Emperor should send a new commander. In the 21st year, he took part in the battle near Ag Mahall (p. 331). In the 24th year, he was Jjagirddr of Hajiptr (opposite Patna). After Muzaffar’s death (No. 37) in 988, before Todar Mall had arrived, he defeated and killed Sa’id i Badakhshi, one of the Bengal rebels. Subsequently, he pursucd ‘Arab Bahadur, whom Shahbaz Khan (p. 400) had defeated. In the 26th year, Sh. Kh. was stationed at Narhan. In this year, Ma’gim Khan i Farankhidf (No. 157) had been driven by the imperialists from Bahraich over Kalydnpér to Muhammadabad, which he plundered, and prepared to attack Jaunpur. Sh. Kh, from Narhan, Pabiy Khin (No. 407) from Ghaztpir, and Qéisim from Jaldpir, united their contingents, and pursued Ma’giim so effectually, that he applied to M. ’Azfz Kokah, to intercede for him with the Emperor. In the 32nd year, he was made Governor of Gadha, and soon after, of Dibli. In the end of the same year, he accompanied Sultin Mur4d, who conducted M. Sulaimin (No. 5) to court. In the beginning of the 33rd year, he assisted Qadiq Khan (No. 43) in his expedition against Jalilah Tariki in Terth.

In the 43rd year, after a stay of fourtcen years in the Panjib, Akbar made Dihii his yesidence. It was proved that Sh. had been oppressive, and he was therefore repri-

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sia Two years later, he served in the A’sir war, and died during the sicge of that | fort, Zi Hajjah, 1009. .

The Tabagdéé says that Shiham Khan was in 1001, 2 Commander of Two Thousand.

The Akbarndémah mentions two other Jaliir Grandees—

1. Sulidn Husain Khén Jaldir. He was mentioned above, p. 384, 1. 2.

2, Muhammad Khan Jaldir. The Tabdgat says of him, ‘he is an old Amir, and is at present (1001) mad.’ He served under Khén Zaman in the war with Hemi. In the beginning of the 4th year, all three Jalairs served under Khin Zaman against the Afghans in the Jaunpur District.

98. A’saf Kha‘n (III.), [Mirzé Qiwémuddin] Ja’far Beg, son of Ba- di’uzzamin of Qazwin.

His father Mirzi Badi’uzzaman was the son of Aghi Mulla Dawatdar of Qazwin (vide p. 369). M. Badi’, during the reign of Shih Tahmisp, had ben vazir of Kashan, and Ja’far had also been introduced at the Persian Court.

In the 22nd year of Akbar’s reign (985), Ja’far Beg came to India, and was pre- sented to Akbar by his uncle M. Ghidsuddin “Ali Agaf Khan JI. (No. 126), on his return from the Tdar expedition. The new Ddgh law having then been introduced (vide p. 242), Akbar made Ja’far a Commander of Twenty (Bist¢) and attached him to the Ddékhilés (p. 232) of his uncle. According to Baddoné (III., 216) people attributed this aiaimum of royal favour ‘to the malice of Jo’far’s uncle. The post was so low, that Ja’far threw it up in disgust, and went to Bengal, to which province Muzaffar Khan (No. 37) had just been appointed governor. He was with him, when the Bengal military revolt broke out, and fell together with Shamsuddin i Khafi (No. 159) into the hands of the rebels. Ja’far and Shams found means to escape, the former chiefly through his winning manners. On arriving at Fathpur, Jafar met with a better reception than before, was in a short time made a Commander of Two Thousand, and got the title of Agaf Khdn. He was also appointed Mir Bakhshi, vice Qizi ALi. In his first expedition, against thé Rina of Udaiptr, Acaf was successful.

In the 32nd year, he was appointed Thanahdar of Sawad (Swat), vice Ismail Qult Khan, who had been reprimanded (p. 361, where for Waijer read Bijor). Inthe 37th year, Jalalah Raushaéni fled to “Abdullah Khan Uzbak, king of Tirén; but finding no support, he returned to Terdh, and stirred up the Afridi and Urakzat Afghins. Agaf was sent against him, and with the assistance of Zain Kh4n Kokah, defeated Jalalah. The family of the rebel fell into the hands of the imperialists ; bis women were given to Wahdat ’Alf, who was said to be Jaldlah’s brother, while the other members of his family were taken to Court.

In the 39th year, Acaf was sent to Kashmir, M. Yusuf Khan (No. 35) having been recalled. He re-distributed the lands of the Jégir holders, of whom Ahmad Bef Kabul (No. 191), Muhammad Quli Afshar,and Hasan ’Arab, were the most import- ant. The cultivation of ZaZfardn (saffron, vide p. 84) and hunting were declared monopolies, and the revenue was fixed according to the assessment of Qazi *Ali; i. ., at one lac of kharwdrs, at 24 dams each (vide p. 346). Aguf only stayed three days in Kashiniv, and returned to Lahor. In the 42nd year, when Kashmfr had become all but desolated through the oppressions of the Jagir holders, Acaf was made Governor of

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the province. In the 44th year, (beginning of 1008), he was appointed Diwdn i kul, vice Paty Das (No. 196). -”?

In 1013, Prince Salim (Jahangir) rebelled against Akbar; but a reconciliation was effected by Akbar’s mother, and Salim was placed for twelve days under surveil- lance:’ After this, he received Gujrat as tuyzil, and gave up the Cribahs of Tlihibad and Bihar, of which during his rebellion he had taken possession. Bih#r was given to A’caf who, moreover, was appointed to a Command of Three Thousand.

On Jahangir’s accession, Acaf was called to court, and appointed atdléq to Prince Parwiz, who had taken the command against the Rin&. The expedition was, however, interrupted by the rebellion of Prince Khusrau. In the 2nd year, 1015, Jahangir, afler suppressing Khusrau’s revolt, left Lahor for Kabul, and as Sharif Khan Amir ul Umara remained dangerously illin India, Acaf was made Vakil and Commander of Five Thousand. He also received a pen-boxstudded with jewels.t But ho never trusted Jahdogir, as the Emperor himself found out after Agaf’s death (Tuzuk, p. 109).

From the time of Akbar’s death, the kings? of the Dak’hin had been restless, and Malik ’Ambar had seized upon several places in the Balig’hit District. The Khan Khfnan, (No. 29), with his usual duplicity, had done nothing to xecover the loss, and Jabingir sent Prince Parwiz to the Dak’hin, with Agaf Khan as atdliq, and the most renowned grandees of the Court, as Rijah Man Singh (No. 30), Khin Jahan Lodi, Khar i A’zam, (No. 21), “Abdullah Khan, “each iu himself sufficient for the conquest of a country.” But incessant drinking on the part of the Prince, and the jealousy and consequent insubordination of the Amirs, spoileil everything, and the Mughuls suffered a check and lost their prestige (p. 326). Not long after, in 1021, Acaf died at Burhanptir. The Tértkh of his death is-—

wWaiief 5 Sse do, A hundred times Alas! for Agaf Khin !

The Tuzuk (p. 108) says that he died at the age of sixty-three.

Acaf Khan is represented as a man of the greatest genius. He was an able financier, and a good accountant. A glance is said to have been sufficient for him to know the contents of a page. He was’a great horticulturist, planting and lopping off branches with his own hands in his gardens ; and he often transacted business with a garden spade in his hand. In religious matters, he was a free-thinker, and one of , Akbar’s disciples (p. 209). He was one of the best poets of Albar’s age, an age most fruitful in great poets. His Masnawi, entitled Neéirndmah, ranks after Nizam’s Shirin Khusrau. Vide below among the poets of Akbar’s reign.

Agaf kept a great number of women, and had+d large family.

His sons. 1, Mirzd Zain ul’dbidin. He was acommander of Fifteen Hundred, 500 horse, and died in the second year of Shahjah4n’s reign. He had a son Dired Jwfar, who like bis grandfather was a poet, writing under the same takhallug (Ja’far). Tle, ZAhid Khin Kokah, and M. Shafi (Pddishdindmah ; Saqi, Madsir),son of Saif

• It was customary under the Mughul ? Mughul Historians do not like to Government to confer a pen-box or a gol- call the rulers of the Dak’bin kings. den inkstand, or both, as insignia on The word which they generally use, is Diwins, ‘When such officers were de- dunydddér, which is a meaningless title. I

posed, they generally returned the pre- have not found this title used in histories sents. written before the Akbarndmah.

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Khan, were such intimate friends, that Shébjab4n dubbed them sik ydr, ‘ the three friends.’ He later resigned the service, and lived in Agrah on the pension which Shah- Jahin granted and Aurangzib increased. He died in 1094.

2. Suhrdb Khan. He was under Shahjahin a Commander of Fifteen Hundred, 1,200 horse, and died in the 13th year of Shabjaban.

3. Mirzd’Al Agghar. He was a hasty youth, and could not bridle his tongue. In the Parendah expedition, he created dissensions between Shah Shujé’ and Mahabat Khan. He served in the war against Jujhir Bandelah, and perished at the explosion of a tower in Fort Dhamiini, as related in the Pddishdhndmah. He had just been married to the daughter of Mu’tamid Khin Bakhshi (author of the Jgbdlndmah i Jahdngirt) ; but as no cohabitation had taken place, Shdhjahan married her to Khén Daurin. He was a Commander of Five Hundred, 100 horse.

4. Mirad’Askart. He was in the 20th year of Shibjah4n a Commander of 500, 100 horse.

The lists of grandees in the Pddishdhndmah mention two relations of Acaf—

1. Muhammad Calih, son of Mirza Shahi, brother or nephew of Kat. He was a Commander of One Thousand, 800 horse, and died in the second year of Shahjahdn’s reign, 2. Mugim, a Commander of Five Hundred, 100 horse.

XL. | Commanders of One Thousand and Five Hundred.

99. ‘Shaikh Fari’d i Bukha’ri’.

The Iqbdlndmah, according to the Afudsir, says, he belonged to the Ahisawit Sayyids; but this is extraordinary, because the Bukhari Sayyid’s trace their descent to Sayyid Jalal i Bukhari, seventh descendant of Imam Ali Naqi Albadi.

The fourth ancestor of Shaikh Farfd was Shaikh ’Abdulghaffir of Dihli, who when dying desired his family to give up depending on Sayirghal tenures, but rather to enter the military service of the kings. This they seem to have done.

Shaikh Farid was born as Dihli(Tuzuk, p. 68). He entered Akbar’s service carly. In the 28th year, when M. ’Aziz (No. 21) resigned from ill-health the command of the Bibar army, S. F. accompanied Vazir Khan (No. 41) to the neighbourhood of Bard- wan, where Quthi of Orisé had collected his Afghans. Quthi having made proposals of peace, S. F. was ordered to mect him. In doing so he nearly perished through Quthi’s treachery (vide Stewart’s Bengal). In the 30th year, he was made a Com- mander of 700, and gradually rose, till the 40th year, to a command of 1500. He was also appointed Mir Bakhshi, and had also for some time the Daftar i Tan in his charge, 7. ¢., he had to settle all matters relating to the grants of Jagir holders.

His elevation under Jahangir, was due to the decided support he gave Jahan- gir, immediately before his accession, and to the victory he obtained over Prince Khusrau at Bhaironwél. When Prince Salim occupied Ilshabad during his rebellion against his father, appointing his servants to mangabs and giving them jagirs, Akbar

‘favoured Prince Khusrau so opeuly, that every one looked upon him as successor. Soon after, a sort of reconciliation was effected, and Salim’s men were sent to Gujrat. When Akbar lay on the death-bed, he ordered Salim to stay outside the Fort of Agrah; and M. ‘Aziz Kokab (No. 21) and Rajah Min Singh, who from family considerations favoured Khusrau’s succession, placed their own men at the gates of the fort, and

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asked Shaikh Farid to take the command. But Sh. F. did not care for their arrange- ments and went over to Prince Salim outside, and declared him emperor, before Akbar had closed his eyes. On the actual accession, 8. F. was made a commander of 5000, received the title of Cdhibussaif wa-lgalam,* and was appointed Mir Bakishi.

A short time after, on the 8th Zi Hajjah, 1014, Prince Khusrau suddenly left Agrah, and went plundering and recruiting to Lahor. Sb. F., with other Bukbarf and.many Barha Sayyids, was sent after him, whilst ‘Jahangir himself followed soon after, accompanied by Sharif Khin Amfr ul Umar4, and Mahabat Khan, who were hostile to Sh. F., and took every possible opportunity of slandering him. Sultin Khusrau had gone to Léhor, and besieged the town, when he heard of Sh. F.’s arrival with 12000 horse at the Abi Sultdnpir. He raised the siege, and arrived at the Bidh, which Sh. F. had just crossed. Khusrau was immediately attacked. The fight was unusually severe. The Birha and Bukhari Sayyids had to bear the brunt of the fight, the former in the van under the command of Saif Khan, son of Sayyid Mahmiéd Khan Kundliwél, (p. 392) and Sayyid Jalal. There were about 50 or 60 of the Barha Sayyids opposed to 1500 Badakhshi troopers, and had not S. Kamal (p. 397) come in ‘time to their rescue, charging. tle enemy with loud cries of Pddishdh salamdt, the Barha Sayyids would have been cut down to o man. Sayyid Saif Khan got seventeen wounds, and S. Jalal died # few days after the battle… About four hundred of Khusrau’s troopers were killed, and the rest dis- persed. Khusrau’s jewel-box fell into the hands of the Imperialists. The fight took place in the neighbourhood of Bhaironwél.* In the evening Jabingir arrived, embraced S. F., and stayed the night in his tent. The District was made into a Parganah of the name of Fathabid, and was given Sh. F. as a present. He received, besides, the title of Murtazd Khdn, and was appointed governor of the Cubah of Gujrat.

In the 2nd year, 8. F. presented Jahdugir an immense ruby made into a ring, which weighed 1 misgdl, 15 surkhs, and was valued at 25000 Rs. As the relations of the Shaikh oppressed the people in Gujrat, he was recalled from Ahmadabad (Lueuk, p. 73). In the 5th year, he was made governor of the Panjab. In 102], he made preparations to invade Kingrah. He died at Pat’hin in 1025, and was buried at

• This title we also find in old inscrip- boatmen to take him over. But they

tions, e. g. in those of ‘Tribeni and Sat- ganw, Hugli District. It means Lord of the sword and the pen.

• Bhaironwil, on our maps Bhyrowal, lies on the road from JMlindhar to Am- ritsir, on the right bank of the Bish. After the defeat, Khusrau fled north- wards with the view of reaching Rahtas beyond the right bank of the Jhelum. Hie had therefore to cross the Riwi, the Chanéb, and the Jhelam. On comin to the Chandb, at a place called Skdh- pur (a very common name in the Panjab), he could not get boats. He therefore went to Sodharah, which is also men- tioned as a place for crossing in the Tubagdt i Nacivi,—on our maps Sodra, N. &. of Vaziribid—and induced some

Jeft him in the lurch, landed him on an island in the middle of the Chan4b, and swam back. This came to the ears of the Chaudri of Sodharahy and a report was sent to Abul Qasim akin (No. 199), one of Jahanyir’s ofliders stationed at Gujrat (at some distance from the right bank of the Chanab, opposite to Vazira- bid). He came, took Khusrau from the island, and kept him confined in Gujrat. The news of the capture reached Jahin- gir at Labor on the last Muharram 1016, 2. e. 52 days after Khusyau’s flight from Agrah. On the 3rd Catar, Khusrau, Hasan Beg i Badakhbshi” (No. 167), and *Abdurrahim Khar, were brought to Jahangir in the Bagh i Mirai Kamran.

415:

Dihli (Zuz. p. 159), At the time of his death, he was a Commander of Six Thousand, 5000 horse.

Sayyid Ahmad, in his work on the antiquities of Dihii, entitled Asdrugeanddid, No. 77, says that the name of S. F.’s father was Sayyid Ahmad i Bukhari. Of Farid’s tomb, he says, nothing is left but an arcade (ddldn). But he wrongly places tho death of the Shaikh in the Oth your or 1033.4. H., instead of za the eleventh year, or 1025. Sayyid Ahmad also mentions a Surdi built by Shaikh Farid in Dihli, which has since been repaired by the English Government, and is now used as a jail (dae, jel khdnak).

According to the Tuzuk, p. 65, Salimgadh (Dihli) belonged to S. Farid. It had been built by Salim Khan the Afghén during his reign in the midst (dar miydn) of the Jamnah. Akbar had given it to Farid. ;

When Shaikh Farid died, only 1000 Ashrafis were found in his house, which very likely gave rise to the Térikh of his death—

dy) dy> ato dad, khurd burd (1025, A. H.). . ‘He gave, and left (carried off) litéle.’

Shaikh Farid was indeed a man of the greatest liberality. He always gave with, his own hands. Once a beggar came to him seven times on one day, and Foose: money; and when he returned the eighth time, Farid gave him again money, but told bim not to tell others; else they might take the money from him. He gave widows a great deal, and his jagir lands were given as free land tenures to the children of his servants or soldiers who had been killed. When in Gujrit, he had a list made of all Bukhari Sayyids in the province,? and paid for every marriage feast and out- fit; he even gave pregnant women of his clan moncy for the same purpose for the benefit of their yet unborn childron. He never assisted singers, musicians, or flatterers.

He built many sardis. The one in Dihli has been mentioned above. In Ah- madabad, a mahallah was adorned by him and received as a memorial of him the name of Bukhéré. In the same town he built the Masjid and Tomb of Shah Wajihuddin (died 988; Baddoné III, 43). He also built Fariddbdd near Dihli, the greater part of the old parganah of Tilpat being included in the parganah of Faridibad (Elliot’s Glossary, Beames’ Edition, II, p. 123). In Lahor also, a Mahallah was built by him, a large bath, and a chauk, or bazar. The Government officers under him received annually three kAil’ats ; to his footmen he gave annually a blauket, and his sweepers got shoes. He never made alterations in his gifts.

His contingent consisted of 3000 picked troopers. Neither in the reign of Akbar, nor that of Jahangfr, did he build a palace for himself. He always lived as if on the march. He paid his contingent personally, little caring for the noise and tumult incident to such offices. One of his best soldiers, an Afghan of the name of Sher Khan, had taken leave in Gujrat, and rejoined after an absence of six years, whet Sh.

ae

en rT RR AR I

• The family must have had large pos- extensive possessions along the Jamnah. sessions in Dihi; for when Akbar, in the ®In Dihli, Ahmadabad, and m: any 22nd_ year, visited Dihbli, he stayed i in other places in oe ‘t, do we find Bu- Sh. Farid’s mansion, and Abulfazt (Ak- khavi Sayyids. Vide Nos. 77, 73. barndmah UT, p. 196) speaks . of his

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Farid was in Kalintir on his march to Kangrah. The Shaikh ordered Dwirké Das his Bakhshi, to pay the man his wages, and the Bakhsh{ wrote out the Descriptive Roll, and gave the man one day’s pay. But Farid got angry, and said, “He is an old servant, and though he comes rather late, my affairs have not fared ill on account of his absence; give him his whole pay.” The man got 7000 Rs., his whole pay for six years,

“ Night and day,” exclaims the author of the 2adsir, “change as before, and the stars wall and the heavens turn as of old, but India has no longer such men. Per- haps they have left for some other country !” ;

Shaikh Farid had no son. His daughter also died childless. He had adopted two young men, Muhammad Sa’fd and Mfr Khan. They lived in great pomp, and did not caro for the emperor. Though often warned, they would noisily pass the palace in pleasure boats to the annoyance of the Emperor, their boats being lighted up with torches and coloured lafnps. One night they did so again, and Mahdbat Khan, whom Jahangir had given a hint, sent one of his men and killed Mir Khin. Sh. F. demanded of the emperor Mahbat’s blood; but Mahabat got together several ‘respectable’ witnesses who maintained before the emperor that Mir Khan had been

“killed by Muhammad Sa’fd, and Shaikh F. had to remain quiet.

Muhammad Sa’id was alive in the 20th year of Shahjahan, and was » Commander of Sevea Hundred, 300 horse (Pédishdin. II, 743).

Sayyid Jafar, Sh. F.’s brother, was also in Akbar’s service. the battle of Patan (p. 397, 1. 5).

The Pddishéhndmah (I, b., 316, 313 ; II, 739) also mentions Sayyid Badr, son of Shaikh Farid’s sister, a Commander of 700, 500 horse ; and Sayyid Bhakar, son of Sh. F.’s brother, a Commander of Five Hundred, 300 horse.

100. Sama‘nji’ Kha’n, son of Chalmah Bég.

For Samdnjé we often find in MSS, Samdjt. The Turkish samdn means hay, ~ so that Samdnjt, or Samdéncht would mean one who looks after the hay.

The name of this grandee is neither given in the Madsir, nor the Tabagdt. Nor have I come across his name in the Akbarndémah. It remains, therefore, doubtful whether he is the son of No. 58.

Another Samanji Khan will be found beiow, No. 147.

101. Tardi’ Kha’n, son of Qiyé Khin Gung (No. 33).

He has been mentioned above, on p. 344. The Tabaqdt says that, in 1001, he was governor of Patan (Gujrat).” .

He was killed in

1Tardi Khan is also mentioned in Sayyid Ahmad’s edition of the Zuzwk, p. 19, 1.15. But this amistake. It should be Zar Khdn, not Zardi Khdn. The word togzdi, 1. c., also is a mistake, and should be Zogbdi. Pages 18, 19 of the Tuzuk treat of Akbar’s forced march to Patan in Gujrat (vide p. 325, note, and p. 406, 1.10). The Madsir (MS. 77 of the Library As. Soc. Bengal, p. 163, 5.) mentions the 4th Rabi’ I. as the day when

Akbar left Agrah ; but from the Akbarna- mah (Lucknow Edition, IIT, 18 ff.) it is clear that Akbar left Agrah on the 24th Rabi’ IT, 981, and engaged the enemies on the 9th day after his departure, 7. e., on the 5th Jumada I., 981. Hence the date 5th Jumada I, 980, which Sayyid Ah- mad gives, Zuzuk, p. 18, 1. 16, should be corrected to 5th Jumada I, 981.

The comparison of the several sources for a history of Akbar’s reign, and the

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102. Mihtar Khe’n, Anfsuddin, a servant of Humdyin.

The word mihtar, pr. a prince, occurs very often in the names of Humaiyiin’s [{ servants. Thus in the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, Vol. I. p. 269,—a very interesting page, which gives the names of the grandeces, &c., who accompanied the emperor to Persia).

Mihtar Khan was the title of Anis (-uddin). He was Humayiin’s treasurer on his fight to Persia, and returned with the emperor.

In the 14th year, when Rantanbhir had been conquered (vide No. 96), the fort was put in his charge. In the: beginning of the 21st year (beginning of 984), he accompanied Man Singh on his expedition against Rand Partib of Maiwar, and dis- tinguished himself as leader of the Chanddwul (rear). In the 25th year, he held a jdgér in Audh, and distinguished himself in the final pursuit of Ma’gim Khan Faran- khidi (No. 157).

Anis was gradually promoted. He was at the time of Akbar’s death a Commander of Three Thousand. According to the Tubagdt, he was in 1001 a Commander of 2500.

He died in the 3rd year of Jahaingiv’s reign, 1017, eighty-four years old. If I read the MSS. of the AZadsir correctly, he was a Kati, and looked upon his tribe with P much favour. He was a man of great simplicity. It is said that he paid his con-_ tingent monthly.

Minis Khdn, his son, was during the reign of Jahangir a Commander of Five | Hundred, 180 horse. Abé Talib, son of Muinis Khin, was employed as treasurer (Khizdneht) of the Cubah of Bengal.

103. Rai Durga’ Sisodiah.

Rai Durgé is generally called in the Akbarndmah, Rii Durgé Chandriwat ( Bylo ). The home of the family was the Parganah of Rampur, also called

Islimpwu, near Chitor.

In the 26th year of Akbar’s reign, R&i Durgéi accompanied Prince Murad on his expedition against Mirzi Muhammad Hakim of Kabul. In the 28th year, he was attached to Mirzié Khan’s (No. 29) corps, and distinguished himself in the Gujrat war. In the 30th year, he was with M. ’Azfz Kokah (No. 21) in the Dal’hin. In the 36th year, he followed Prince Murad to Maélwah, and later to the Dak’hin.

In the -45th year, Akbar sent him after Muzaffar Husain Mirzi. He then ac- companied Abulfazl to Nasik, and went afterwards home on leave. He returned, but after six weeks went again home, apparently without permission,

Ho died towards the end of the 2nd year of Jahangir’s reign.

According to the Tuzuk (p. 63), he had served Alébar for upwards of forty yeurs. Jahangir says, he had at first been in the service of Ran& U’dai Singh, and reached, during the reign of Akbar, the dignity of a Commander of Four Thousand. He is said to have been a good tactician. .

The Tabagdt says that he was in 1001 « Commander of Fifteen Hundred.

The Madsir continues the history of his descendants, from which the following tree has been taken. . rE rh correction of the MSS., is a truly her- printed historical editions has very much

culean labour, which the want of critical increased, Vide No, 104, acumen on the part of the editors of our

53

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Genealogy of the Rdos of Rdmpir (Islémpir), Chitor.

1. Rai Durga Sisodiah (Chandrawat)

2. Rao Chanda (Jahangir)

(a.) Ason 3. Rao Daud (Shabjahan)

4, Rio Hatti Singh (Do. ’ {died childless]

(.) Rip Mukuna

5. {a.) Rao Rup Singh———6. (3.) Rio Amr Singh

[died childless},

(Aurangzib) 7. Rao Muhkam Singh 8. Rio Gopal Singh 9. Rio Ratan Singh

Rio Ratan Singh turned Muhammadan, and got the title of Muslim Khds

(Aurangzib-Jahindér Shah).

104, Ma dhu’ Singh, son of Rajah Bhagwan Das (No. 27).

He was present in the fight at Sarndl (p. 333). In the beginning of the 2ist year (Muharram, 984) he served under Man Singh against Rina Kiké, and distir- guished himself in the battle of Gogandah (21st Rabi? I., 984).2 In the 30th year, he accompanied Mirz4 Shéhrukh (No. 7) on his expedition to Kashmix. In the 31st year, after the death of Sayyid Hamid (No. 78}, he took the contingent of Rijab Bhagwan from T’hanah Langar, where he was stationed, to’Ali Masjid, where Min Singh was,

In the 48th year, he was made a Commander of Three Thousand, 2000 horse. According to the Tabagdt, he had been, in 1001, a Commander of 2000.

His son, Chatr Sdl, or Satr Sél, was at the end of Jabangir’s reign a Commander of Fifteen Hundred, 1000 horse. He was killed together with his two sons, Bhim Singh and Anand Singh, in the Dak’hin, in the Srd year of Shdhjahan’s reign. His third son, Ugar Sen, was a Commander of Eight Hundred, 400 horse (vide Padishiln

I, p, 294; I., b., pp. 805, 314.)

2 There is some confusion in the MSS. and printed editions regarding Ifis name. Thus in the Pdadishdhndmah, Ed. Bibl. Indica, I, b,, 305, he is called Jfat’hé Singh ; but Hatté Singh in the same work, Vol. Il, p. 730, and Hatht, on

. 374. Ps It was said above, p. 339, 1. 1, that the battle of Gogandah was fought in 985. This is the statement of the Taba- gut, which the Madsiy follows in its

iographical note of R&jah Man Singh. But from the Akbarndmah and the His- tory of Baddoni, who was present in the

battle, and brought Akbar Man Singh’s

report, it is clear that Man Singh set out on the 2nd Muharram, 984, and that the battle took place on the 21st Rabi’ L., of the same year.

_ It has been remarked above (p. 356, note 1), that the chronology of the Tabagdt is erroneous. Badfoni ascribes the errors to the omission of the intercalary days, and a confusion of solar and lunar years. Historians should bear this in mind. The Akbarnamah is the only source for o histury of Akbar’s reign, and the Sawd- nik should be the guide of Historians. »

419

105. Sayyid Qa’sim, and 148. Sayyid Ha’shim, sons of Sayyid Mah- mid Khén of Barha, Kindliwél (No..75), .

In the 17th year, 8. Qasim served under Khan ’Alam (No. 58); in the pursuit of Muhammad Husain Mirzi, who after his defeat by M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) had withdrawn to the Dak/hin.

S. Hashim served, in the 21st year, with Rai Rai Singh (No. 44) against Sultin Deorah, ruler of Sarohi, and distinguished himself in the conquest of that place.

In the 22nd year, both brothers served under Shahbiz Khan (No. 80) against the Rana. In the 25th year, when Chand? Sen, son of Maldeo, raised disturbances, both brothers, who had jdgirs in Ajmir,. were ordered to march against him. Both again distinguished themselves in the 28th year, and served in tho hardwal of Mirza Khin (No. 29) in the Gujrat war.

‘ §, Hashim was killed in the battle of Sarkich, near Ahmadibid. §. Qasim was wounded. He was subsequently appointed Thanahdar of Patan, When Mirza Khin went to Court, leaving Quiij Khan as Governor of Ahmadabad, Qisim was again appointed to a command and operated successfully against Muzaifar, Jim (zamindar of Little Kachh), and K’hangar (zaminday of Great Kachh),

On the transfer of Mirzi Khin, Khan i A’zam (No. 21) was appointed Governor of Gujrat. Qasim continued to ‘serve in Gujritgand distinguished himself especially in the 37th year. Later, he commanded the left wing of Sult4n Murdd’s Dak’hin cerps,

Qasim dicd in the 44th. year (1007). He was at his death a Commander of 1500. Regarding their sons, vide p. 392.

ALI. Commanders of Twelve Hundred and Fifty. 106. Rai Sa’l Darba’ri’, Shaikhawat.

He is also called Rajah Rai Sil Darbari, and is the son of Rai Rai Mall Shaikha- wat, in whose service Hasan Khan Sir (father of Sher Shah) was for some time.

As remarked above (p. 328, No. 23), the Kachhwahahs are divided into Rijawats and Shaikhawats. Too the latter branch belong Raijahs Lon Karan, Rii Sal, &c.; the former contains Mén Singh’s posterity (the present rulers of Jaipur).

Theterm Shaikhdwat, or Shekhdwat, as it is generally pronounced, is explained as follows. One of the ancestors. of this. branch had no sons. A Muhammadan* Shaikh, ‘however, had pity on him, and prayed for him till he got. ason. From motives of gratitude, the boy was called Shaikh.» Hence his descendants are called the Shaikb- Awat Branch. . a:

Rai Sit was employed at Court, as his title of Darbdré indicates. He was in charge of the Harem. During the reign of Jahangir, he was promoted, and served in the Dak’hin. He died there at an-advanced age. He had twenty-one sons, each of whom had a numerous posterity.

Whilst Rai Sal was in the Dek’hin, Médhd Singh and other grandchildren of his, collected a lot of ruffians, and oceupied Rai Sil’s paternal possessions. But Mat’huré

» He is the same as the Shaikhji of | twelfth descondant of Dhol Rai (p, 329). Jaiptir genealogies. Shaikhji is said to* ® Called in the Mudsir ous, Khan- have been a grandson of Udaikaran, | dar or.Ghandar, ‘near Amber.’

420

Das, a Bengali, who was Rai Sal’s Munshi and Vakil, recovered a portion of his master’s lands.

“After Rai Sal’s death, his sons and grandsons lived, according to the custom of the Zamindars of the age, in feud with their neighbours and with each other. Rajah Girdhar, Rai Sal’s son, is almost the only one that distinguished himself at Court.

From the Akbarnimah we sce that Rai Sal entered early Akbar’s service; for ho was present in the battle of Khairdbad (p. 382), in the fight at Sarndl (p. 333), and © accompanied the Emperor on his foreed march to Patan and AhmadabAd (p. 416, note).

The Pddishdhnémah (1.,b., p. 314) mentions another son of Rai Sal’s, Bhoj Raj, who was a Commander of Eight Hundred, 400 horse.

The Yabagdt says that Rai Sal was, in 1001, a Commander of Two Thousand. ; Abuifazl calis him in. this list a Commander of 1250. This mangab ’s unusual, and Rai S4l stands alone in this class. It does not occur in the li8ts of Grandees

‘in the Pddishdhndémah. From other histories also it is clear that the next higher Mangab after the Hazdré was the Hazdr o pdngadi, or Commander of Filteen Hundred.

XIITT. Commanders of One Thousand. °

107. Muhibb ’Ali’ Kha/n, son of Mir Khalifah. This grandee must not be confotnded with Muhibb Ali Khdn Rahtdst (p. 422). Muhibb ‘Ali Khin is the son of Mir Nizimuddin ’Ali Khalifah, the “ pillar of Babar’s government.” He had no faith in Humdytn, and was opposed to his accession. Ho therefore favowed Mahdi Khwajah, Babar’s son-in-law. Mahdi, a short time before Babar’s death, assumed a royal deportment. One day, Mir Khalifah happened to be in Mahdi’s tent; and when he left, Mahd{, thinking himself alone, put his hand to his beard, and exclaimed, “‘ Thou shalt by and by follow me.” He had scarcely uttered these words, when he observed Muqim i Harawi* in the corner of the tent. Mugqim reported these words to Mir Khalifah, and upbraided him for giving Mahdi his support. Mir Khalffah thereupon changed his mind, forbade people to visit Mahdi, and raised, on Babar’s death, Humaytin to the throne. Wis son Muhibb ’Ali Khan distinguished himself under Babar and Humaytin. His wife was Nahid Begum, daughter of Qasim Kokabh. Qasim had sacrificed himself for Babar. Babar had fallen into the hands of ‘Abdullah Khén Vzbak, when Qasim “stepped forward and said that he was Babar. He was cut to pieces, and Babar escaped. In 975, Nahid Begum went to T’hat’hahy, to see her mother, Haji Begum (daughter of Mirza Mugqim, son of Mirz& Zul-nin). After Qasim Kokah’s death, Haji Begum married Mirzi Hasan, aud after him, Mirzé ‘Isé Tarkhan, king of Sindh (p. 362). Before Nihid Begum reached That’hah, Mirzé ’Is& died. His successor, Mirzi Biqi ill-treated Haji Begum and her daughter. Haji Begum therefore collected a few desperate men and watched for an opportunity to get hold of M. Bigi’s person. The plot was, however, discovered, and Haji Begum was put into prison. Nahid Begum escaped and went to Bhakkar, where she was well received by Sultin Mahmiid, ruler of the District. He persuaded her to ask Akbar to send her-husband Muhibb ’Ali

• Pather of the Historian NizAmuddin ‘Mugin was then Diwdn ¢ Buyitdt. Ahinad, author of the Tubagdt i Akbari.

421

to Bhakkar ; and he would givo him an army, if he liked to attack That’hah. Nahid Begum did so on coming to court, aud Akbar, in the 16th year (978), called for Muhibb, who had then retired from court-life, and ordered him to proceed to Bhakkar,

Muhibb set out, accompanied by Bujdhid Khdn, a son of his daughter. Sa’id Khan (No. 25), Governor of Multén, had also received orders to assist Muhibb; but at Sultin Mahintid’s request, Muhibb came alone, accompanied by only a few hundred troopers. When he arrived at Bhakkar, Sultin Mahmmiid said that he had changed his mind: he might go and attack T’hat’hah without his assistance ; but he should do so from Jaisalmir, and not from Bhakkar, Muhibb, though he had only 200 troopers, resolved to punish Sultin Mahmiid for his treachery, and prepared himself to attack Bhakkar. Mahmiid had 10000 horse assembled near Fort Math’ilah (alagilo), Muhibb

attacked them, dispersed them, and took soon after the fort itself. He then fitted out & larger corps, and moved to Bhakkar, where he again defeated Mahmvid. The con- sequence of this victory was, that Mubérak Khd4n, Sultin Mahmiid’s vazir, left his master and went with 1500 horse over to Mubibb. But as Mubarak’s son, Beg Oghhi, was accused of having hed criminal intercourse with a concubine of Sultin Mahmid, Muhibb wished to kill Beg Oghli. Mubdrak, who had not expected this, now tried to get out of Muhibb’s power. Muhibb therefore killed Mubarak, and used the money which fell into his hands, to complete his preparations for the siege of Bhakkar.

The siege had lasted three years, when famine and disease drove the inhabi- tants to despair. The swelling which is peculiar to the district, decimated the people ; and the bark of the Sirs tree (p. 228), the best remedy for it, could only be had for gold. Sultan Mahmiéd, at last, sent a message to Akbar, and offered the fort. as a present to Prince Salim, if Muhibb were recalled, and another grandee sent in his stead, who was to take him (Mahmud) to court ; for he said, he could not trust Muhibb., Akbar accepted the proposal, and sent Mir Gest, Bakdwal-begi, to Bhakkar2 Before Mir Gest arrived, Sult4n Mahmud had died. New complications arose on his arrival, Mujdhid Khan just besieged Fort Ganjabah,* and his mother Simi’ah Begum (Muhibb’s daughter) who felt offended at Akbar’s proceedings, despatched a few ships against Mir Gesti, and nearly captured him. In the meantime Mugim i Harawf ° also arrived and dissuaded Muhibb from hostilities against Mir Gest. The latter now entered Bhakkar (981), and the inhabitants handed the keys over to him.

But neither Muhibb hor Mujihid felt inclined to leave for the Court, though their stay was fraught with danger. “Muhibb therefore entered into an agrecment with Mir Gest, according to which Mujahid should be allowed to go to T’hat’hah, and ‘that he himself with his whole family should be accommodated in Lohari. The arrangement had been partially carried out, whon Mir Gesti despatched a flotilla after Moujthid. Muhibb upon this withdrew to Mat’hilah. S&mi’ah Begum fortified the environs, and when attacked by Gesti’s men, she successfully repulsed them for one day and one

• The conquest of Bhakkar is minute- Abulfazl’s account contains a few inter- ly related in the Turthkh ¢ Ma’gimi (vide esting particulars and differences. For No. 339), from which Prof. Dowson in Dowson’s Mir Kisti, we have to read

his edition of Elliot’s History of Intia Mir Gest, His biography is given in the (I, p. 240 if) has given extracts, But | Maas, * Geverally called Gayjduah-

422

night. Next day, Mujthid arrived in forced marches, defeated the enemy,” and occu- pied the land east of the river.

In the meantime, Akbar had sent Muhammad Tarson Khan (No. 32) as governor to Bhakkar, and Muhibb thought it now wise to go to Court.

In the 21st year, Muhibb received an appointment at Court, asa sort of Aft ’Arz. As he gave the emperor satisfaction, Akbar, in the 23rd year, allowed him to choose one of four appointments, the office of Mtr “Arz, the guard of the Harem, the governorship: of a distant province, or the governorship of Dihli. Muhibb chose the last, and entered at once upon his office.

He died as Governor of Dihli in 989.

Muhibb is placed in the Tabagdt among the Commanders of Four Thousand.

Regarding the town of Bhakkar, Abulfazl says that it is called in old books MZan- géirah, Six rivers united pass by it in several branches; two branches lie to the south, one to the north. The town at the latter branch, is called Bhakkar. On the second branch another town lies, called Loharf, and near it is the Indus.

Mirzi Shih Husain Arghin, king of T’hat’hah, had Bhakkar fortified, and. appointed as Commander his foster-brother Sultin Mahmiid. After Shah*Husain’s- death, SultAn Mahmud declared himself independent at Bhakkar, and Mirz4 “Ys Tar- khan (p. 362) at T’hat’hah. Both were often at war with each other. Sultan Mab- miid is said to have been a cruel man.

As Bhakkar was conquered and annexed beford T’hat’hah, it was attached to the Cuibab of Multan.

’ [Muhibb ’Ali’ Kha’‘n Rahta’si’J.

Like Mubibb ‘Ali Khan, son of Mir Khalifah, Muhibb ’Ali Khan Rahtisf is put in the Tabagdt among the Commanders of Four Thousand. It is impossible to say why Abulfazl bas not mentioned him in this list. His name, however, occurs fre- quently in tlie Akbarndmah and other histories. As he was along time Governor of, Rabtdés in S: Bihar, he is generally called Raktdst. This renowned Fort had passed, in 945, into the hands of Sher Shih. During his reign, as also that of Salim Shih, Fath Khin Batni commanded the Fort. Subsequently it came into the hands of

Sulaiman and Junaid i Kararfni. The latter appointed Sayyid Muhammad com- mander. As related above (p. 400), he banded it over to Shahbaz Khin (No. 80), at the time of the war with Gajpatf and his son Sri Ram (984).

In the same year, Akbar appointed Muhibb ‘Ali Khan governor of Rahtis, and Shahbaz Khan made over the Fort to him. ii

Mubibb rendered excellent services during the Bengal Military Revolt. His son also, Habib ’Ali Khan (wide No. 133), distinguished himself by his bravery, but was killed in a fight with one Yusuf Mitti, who had collected a band of Afghans and ra- vaged 8. Bihar. His death affected his father so much, that he became temporarily insane.

A a a

• If Prof. DeAvson’s MSS. agree with ndmak. Mujahid Khén jc acai his version (I, p. 241), the Zdritht tioned, 2. ¢., . es a Sea neh: Ma’gimé would contradict the Akbar-

423

In the Slst year, two officers having been appointed to each Cuibah, Muhibb was ordered to join Vazir Khan (No. 41), Governor of Bengal. In the 33rd year, Bihar was given to the Kachhwahahs os jdgir, and Akbar called Muhibb to Court, intending to make him governor of Multin. But as the emperor was just about to leave for Kashmir (997), Mubibb accompanied him. '

Soon after entering Kashmir, Muhibb took ill, and died, on the emperor’s return, near the Koh i Sulaimdn. Akbar went to his sick-bed and saw him the moment he died. ‘

In the Akbarndmah (III, p. 245) a place Mfuhibb “Alipir* is mentioned, which Muhibb founded near Rahtias.

108. Sulta’n Khwa’jab, “Abdul ’Azim, son of Khwajah Khiwand Dost.

He is also called Sultan Khwijah Magshbandé*® His father Khiwand Dost was @ pupil of Khwajah ’Abdushshahid, fifth son of Khwaéjah ‘Abdullah (generally called Khwéjagin Khwajah ; vide No. 17, p. 322), son of the renowned saint Khwajah Niciruddin Abrdr (born 806, died 29th Rabi’ I, 895).

• When ’Abdushshahid came from Samargand to India, he was well received by Akbar, and got ay present the ParganahChamiri. He remained thero some time, but returned in 982 to Samarqand, where he died two years later.

Sultan Khwijah, though neither learned in the scionces nor in ¢agatowus’ (mysti- cism), had yet much of the saintly philosopher in him. He possessed in a high degree ‘ the confidence and the friendship of the emperor. In 984, he was made Afir Hajj, and as such commanded a numerous party of courtiers during the pilgrimage to Makkah. Never before had so influential a party left for Arabia: Sultan Khwajah was to distribute six lacs of rupees and 12000 dAil’ats to the people of Makkah.

On his return in 986 (23rd year), he was made a Commander of One Thousand, and appointed Cadr of the realm (p. 273). He held that office till his. death, which took place in the 29th year (992). He was buried outside the Fort of Fathpur, to the north.

His daughter, in the beginning of the 30th year, was married to Prince Danyal.

His son, Mir Khwajah, was in the 46th year a Commander of 500.

According to Badéoni and Abulfazl, Sultan Khwajah belonged to the elect of the

• Divine Faith’ (vide p. 204).

109. Khwa‘jah ‘Abdullah, son of Khwéjah ’Abdullatif.

His name is not given in the Madsir and the Tabagdt. The Akbarndmah mentions a Khwajah Abdullah who served in the war against “Abdullah Khin Uzbak (No. 14), in Malwah (971-72), during the last rebellion of Khai Zaman (No. 13), and in the fight at Sarna] (middle Sha’bin, 980; vide p. 333). He also accompanied the emperor on his forced march to Patan and Ahmadabid. Vide the Lucknow Edition of the dkbarndmah, II, 283, 287, 367; ITI, 24,

2 Not given on the maps. 791, He was called nagshband, because

9 Nagskband was tha epithet of the | according to his own words, he and his | yenowned saint Khwijah Bahiuddin of | parents used to weave kambhdbs adoru- | Bukharé, born 728, died 3rd Rabi’ 1, | ed with figures (wagsh).

a

42-4

110. Khweajah Jaha’n, Amin4 of Harat.

His full name is Khwajah Aminuddin Mahmiid of Marat. The form Amina is modern Trani, which likes to add a long ¢ to names.

Anniii was an excellent accountant and a distinguished calligrapher. He accom- panied Humayun on his flight to Persia. On the return of the emperor, he was mado Bakhshi of Prince Akbar.

. On, Akbar’s accession, Amin was made a Commander of One Thousand, and re- ccived the title of Khwdjah Jahdn. We was generally employed in financial work, and kept the great seal. In the 11th year, he was accused by Muzaffar Khan (No. 37) of want of loyalty shewn in the rebellion of Khan Zaman. Amin was reprimanded, the great seal was taken from him, and he was dismissed to Makkah.

On his return, he was pardoned. In the 19th year (981-82), Akbar besieged ILaji- par; but Amin had been compelled by sickness to remain behind at Jaunptir. When the emperor returned. from Hajipir over Jaunpir to Agrah, Amin followed him, On the march, he was once charged by a mast elephant : his foot got entangled in a tent rope, and he fell to the ground. The accident had an injurious effect on Amin, convalescent as he was. He died near Lak’hnau, in the beginning of Sha’bin, 982.

According to the chronology of the Tabagdt, his death took place in 983.

A son of Amin’s brother is mentioned. His name was Mirza Beg. He was a poet ‘and wrote under the takhallug of Shahrt, He withdrew from Court, and dicd in 989.

Jahangir also conferred the title of Khwajah Jahan on the officer (Dost Muham- mad of Kabul) who had served him as Bakhshi while Prince.

ll. Ta’ta’r Khan, of Khurdsan.

His name is Khwajah Tahir Muhammad. In the 8th year, he accompanied Shah Budigh Khan (No. 52) and Rimi Khan (No. 146), and pursued Mir Shh ‘Abul Ma’Ali, who withdrew from Hicar Firdzah to Kabul.

He was then made governor of Dihlf, where he died in 986.

The Tubagdt says, he was for some time Vazir, and died in 985.

Regarding his enmity with Mull Niruddin Tarkhin,-vide Badaonf IIT, 199,

112. Haki’m Abulfath, son of Mullé ’Abdurrazz4q of Gilén.

His name is Masibuddin Abulfath, Maulind Abdurrazziq, his, father, was a Jearned and talented man, and held fora long time the post of Cddr of Gilén. When Gilan, in 974, came iuto the possession of Tahmésp, Ahmad Khan, ruler of the country was imprisoned, and ’Abdurrazz4q was tortured to death. Hakim Abulfath, with his distinguished brothers Hakim Humam (No. 205) and Hakim Nuruddin, left the country, and arrived, in the 20th year, in India (p. 175). They went to Court and were well received. Abulfath, in the 24th year, was made Cadr and Amin of Bengal.

At the outbreak of the military revolt, he was captured with several other officers (vide Nos. 98 and 159); but he escaped from prison, and went again to Court. He rose higher and higher in Akbar’s favour, and possessed an immense influence in state matters

• He is mentioned below among the India, and received through Abul Fath’s Poets of Akbar’s reign. His takhallug | influence a Command of Two Hundred is ‘ Qaréri’ Their fourth brother, Ha- (No. 354). Ie did not live long. kim Lutfullah, came later from Tran to

425 eo aud on the emperor himself. Though only a commander of Ono Thousand, he is said to have had the power of a Vakdl.

As related above (p. 344), he accompanied Bir Bar on the expedition against the Yiisufzais in Sawad and Bijor. On his return, he was reprimanded ; for the emperor, correctly enough, ascribed the disastrous issue of the campaign to Abulfath’s in- subordinate conduct towards Zain Kokah (No. 34).

In the 34th year, (997), he went with the emperor to Kashmir, and from there to Zibulistin. On the march he fell sick, and died. According to Akbar’s order, Khwijah Shamsuddin (No. 159) took his body to Hasan Abdal, and buricd him in a vault which the Khwdjah had made for himself (Zuzuk, p. 48). On his return, the emperor said a prayer at Abulfath’s tomb. .

The great poct ’Urfi of Shiriz (vide below, among the pocts) is Abul Fath’s encomiast. Fuizf also has composed a fine marsiah, or elegy, on his death.

Abulfazl and Baddont speak of the vast attainments of Abulfath. <A rave copy of his AZunshidt’ is preserved in the Library of the As. Soc. Bengal (No. 780). He had a profound contempt for old Persian poets: thus he called Anwari diminutively Anwariak ; and of Khagdnf he said, he would give him a box on the ears if he were to come to him, to’rouse him from his sleepiness, and would send him to Abulfaz), who would give him another box, and both would then show him how to correct bis verses (Badioni IIT, 167).

Badéont mentions Abulfath’s influence as one of tho chief reasons why Akbar

.abjured Islam (p. 175).

Abulfath had a son, Fathullah. He was killed by Jahangir, as he was an ac- complice of Khusrau (Tuzuk, p. 58).

A grandosn of Abulfath is mentioned in the Pddishdkndmah (II, p. 739). His name is Fath Zid; he was a Commander of Nine Hundred, 150 horse.

113. Shaikh Jamal, son of Muhammad Bakhtyar.

His full name is Shaikh Jamil Bakhtyar, son of Shaikh Muhammad Bakhtyar, The Bakhtyar clan had possessions in Jalesar, Cubah of Agrah.

Shaikh Jamil’s sister held the post of superintendent in Akbar’s harem, and pro- cured for her brother a command of One Thousand. Jaméal’s elevation excited much envy. One day, after taking some water, he felt suddenly ill. Rip also, one of Akbar’s servants, who had drunk of the same water, took immediately ill, Akbar had antidotes applied, and both’ recovered.

In the 25th year, he accompanied Ism4’il Quli Khan (No. 46) on his expedition against the rebel Niyabat Khan. Niydbat Khan was the son of Mir Hashim of Nishipir; his name was ’Arab. Before his rebellion, he hold Jhosi and Arail (Jalal- Abas) as jigir. In the fight, which took place near ‘ Kantit, a dependency of Pannah,’® Shaikh Jamal was nearly killed, Niy&bat Khin having pulled him from his horse.

*His Munshidt contain interesting * The Bibl. Indica edition of Baddont

• Jetters addressed by Abulfsth to his (II, 289) says, the fight took place aé brother’ ite OD) Humam, the Khan Gasht (and ), @ dcnpndency of Pat- Khanan (No. 29), Khwajah Shams (No. ae ae ae

159), and others, : ( nak (843); but this is a mistake of the

54

426

In the 26th year, he marched with Prince Murad against Mirzi Muhaminad

Hakim of K4bul.

Shaikh Jamal drank a great deal of wine. One day, he brought such asmell of wiue to the audience hall, that Akbar felt offended, and excluded him from Court, Jamal therefore squandered and destroyed the things he had with him, and assumed

the garb of a jog?.

This annoyed the emperor more, and Jam4l was put into prison.

Soon after, he was pardoned; but he continued his old vice,. and brought delirium” tremens on himself. In the 3Uth year, when Akbar set out for Zabulistin, Shaikh Jamal had to remain sick in Lidhianah. He died there in the same year (993). JamAl has been mentioned above on p. 191. 114. Ja’far Kha‘n, son of Qaziq Khan. ’ He is generally called in the histories Jafar Khdn Takli, Takli being tho

name of a Qizilbash tribe.

His grandfather, Muhammad Khfn Sharafuddin Oghhi Takli, was at the tim? of Humiytin’s flight governor of Hardt and lallah* to Sultan Muhammad Mirza, eldest son of Sh4b Tahmasp i Cafawi. At the Shah’s order, he entertained Humiytin in the most hospitable manner. When he died, he was succeeded in office by his son Qaziq Khén. But Qaziq shewed so little loyalty, that Tahmasp, in 972, sent Ma’- gim Beg i Cafawi against him. Qaziq fell ill, and when the Persians came to Hardt,

he died. Ma’gum seized all his property.

Jafar thinking himself no longer safe in Persia, emigrated to India, and was well received by Akbar. He distinguished himself in the war with Khan Zaman, and was made a Khdn and a commander of One Thousand. From Baddéonié (II, p. 161,) we see that he had a jdgz7 in the Panjab, and served under Husain Quif Khan (No.

24. in the expedition to Nagarkot. According to the Tubagdt, Ja’ killed by the Persians.

“s father did not die a natural death, but was

Jafar had been dead for some time in 1001.

115. Sha‘h Pana‘i’, son of Mir Najafi. :

His name is not given in the Madsir and the Tabagét. From the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, II, 170, 172) we see that he served in the conquest of Malwah and took part in the battle near Saérangptir (beginning of the 6th year; vide No.

120).

The poet Landi who is mentioned in Baddong (III, 296), the Tabagdt, and the Mir-dt ul ’A’lam, appears to be the same. Ho travelled a good deal, was in Makkah, and distinguished himself by personal courage in war. Akbar con-

editors. Sir H. Elliot (Beames’ Glossary II, 166) has drawn attention to the fre. quent mistakes which MSS. make in the name of Pannah (43 ), to which Kan- tit belonged. There is no doubt, that above, on . 122, 2, 4 and 2. 9 from below, we have likewise to read Pannak, which

1 was famous for its wild elephants.

~_

• The word dallah is notin our dic-

tionaries, though it occurs frequently in Persian Historians, as the Memoirs of Tahmdsp, the ’Alamdrd, &. I have never seen it used by Indian Historians, From the passages where it occurs, it is plain that it has the same meaning as atdlég, which so often occurs in Indian Histories. Vide p. 357, note,

427

ferred on him the title of Khdn. He was a Chaghtdi Turk of noble descent. Once he said, in Akbar’s presence, that no one surpassed him in the three C’s,—chess, combat, composition, when the emperor replied that he had forgotten a fourth, viz. conceit. For some reasoy, he was imprisoned, and when set at liberty, it was found that he had become mad. He ran into the wilderness, and was no more heard of,

116. Asadullah Kha’n, of Tabriz.

His name is not given in the Madsiy and the Tabagdé. An Asadullah Khan is mentioned in the Akbarnémah (end of the 12th year). He served under Khan Za min (No. 13), and commanded the town of Zamdnid (p. 320, 1. 4 from below). After Khav Zamin’s death, he wished to make over the town to Sulaiman, king of Bengal. But Mun’im (No. 11) sent a man to him to convince him of his foolishness, and took quickly possession of the town, so that the Afghans undergtheir leader, Khan Khanaan Lodi, had to withdraw. This incident, however, brought the Afgh4ns into contact with Mun’im ; and as they found him a tractable man, a meeting was arranged, which took place in the neighbourhood of Patna. This meeting was of importance, inas- much as Khan Khinan Lodi, on the part of Sulaiman, promised to read the Khutbak, and.to strike coins in Akbar’s name. Bengal therefore enjoyed peace till the death of Sulaime> in 980’; ‘

The Akbarndmah mentions another officer of a similar name, Asadullak Zurkmdn, He was mentioned above on p. 382.

117. Sa’a’dat °Ali’ Kha/n, of Badakshan.

’ From the Akbarnémah (III, 295) we see that he was killed in 988 in a fight with the rebel Arab Bahadur. Shahbiz Khin had sent Sa’idat to a Fort? near Rahtas,

‘where he was surprised by ‘Arab, defeated and slain. It is said that ’Arab drank

some of his blood.

118. Ru’psi’ Baira’gi’, brother of Réjah Bihari Mall (No. 23).

The Madsir says that Ruipsi was the son of Rajah Bihari Mall’s brother. He was introduced at Court in the 6th year.

According to the Tabagdt, he was a commander of Fifteen Hundred.

Jaimall, Ripsi’s son, was the first that paid his respects to Akbar (p. 329). He served some time under Sharafuddin: (No. 17), jagirdairy of Ajmir, and was T’hinah- dax of Mirt‘ha. When Sharaf rebelled, Jaimall went to Court. In the 17th year, he served in Mangalé of Khan Kalan (Vide No. 129), and accompanied the emperor on the forced march to Patan and Ahmadabad (p. 416, note). In the 21st year, he served in the expedition against Dauda, son of Rai Surjan (No. 96), and the conquest of Bindi (Muharram, 985). Subsequently, he was sent by Akbar on a mission to the grandees of Bengal ; but on reaching Chausa, he suddenly died.

2 According to the Akbarndmah, ‘Ra- | ™odern and compiled from the Akbarnd- déoné, and the Tabagdt, Sulaiman died | 44 and the Zabagdt, 981 may be looked in 980. In Prinsep’s Tables, Stewart’s UEOn. oes This corrects also Bengal, &c., 981 is mentioned as the year note I, p. 110. m of his death. The ne ussalatin, athe ee Fy all bre For i eo upon which Stewart’s work is based, has | ea-5, ew, &e- is said to.be a

also 981; but as this History is quite | dependency (az muzdfat) of Rahtas.

428

Jaimall’s wife, a daughter of Mot’h Rajah (No. 121), refused to mount the funeral pile; but U’dai Singh, Jaimall’s son, wished to force her to become a Sutice. Akbar heard of it, and resolved to save her. He arrived just in time. Jagnat’h (No. 69) and Rai, Sél (No. 106) got hold of Udai Singh, and took him to Akbar, who imprisoned him,

_ The story of the heavy armour which Jaimall wore in the fight with Mubammad Husain Mirza, after Akbar’s forced march to Patan and Ahmadabad, is known from Elphinstone’s History (Fifth Edition, p. 509, note). Ruipsi was offended, because the emperor ordered Karan (a grandson of Maldeo) to put on Jaimall’s armour, and angrily demanded it back. Akbar then put off his own armour. Bhagwin Das, however, thought it necessary to ask the emperor to pardon Riupsi’s rudeness.

119. ’tima’d Khain, Khwajahsaré.

He has been mentioned above p. 13, note. His appointment to Bhakkar was made in 984, when Sayyid Muhammad Mir ’Adl (vide No. 140) had died. :

Maggiid ’Ali, who killed I’timad, is said to have been blind on one eye. When he explained to I’timad his miserable condition, his master insulted him by saying that some one should put urine into his blind eye. Maqgid stabbed him on the spot. According to another account, I’timdd was murdered by Magqgid, whilst getting up from bed.

I’timad built L’timddpir, ‘6 kos from Agrah. He had there a villa and a large tank. He also lies buried there.” “

120. Ba’z Baha‘dur, son of Shajawal Khan [Stir].

Abulfazl says below (Third Book, Cuibah of Malwah) that his real name was Béyaxid.

Baz Bahadiir’s father was Shujé’at Khan Str, who is generally called in histories Shajdwal, or Sajdwat, Khdn. The large town Shajéwalpiir, or Sajiwalptir, in Malwah bears his name ;? its original name, Shujd’atpir, which Abulfazl gives below under Sirkar Sirangptir, Malwah, appears to be no longer in use.

When Sher Shih took Malwah from Malli (Qadir Khan), Shuja’at Khin was in Sher Shah’s service, and was made by him govérnor of the conquered province. In Salim’s ‘reign, he returned to Court; but feeling dissatisfied with the king, he returned to Malwah. Salim despatched a corps after him, and Shuja’at fled to the Rajah of Diingarptir. Some time after, he surrendored to Salim and remained with him, Mélwah being divided among the courtiers. Under ’Adli, he was again ap- pointed to Malwah, After a short time, he prepared himself to assume the royal purple, but died (962).

Baz Bahadur succeeded him. He defeated several opponents, ond declared him- self, in 963, king of Maélwah. His expedition to Gadha was not successful, Rant

• The Trigonometrical maps have a | Shujd’pir for Shujd’atpuir. “lphinstone village of the name of L’timddpir Man- | also has Shujd’ (p. 501, note 1). The ae about 9 miles E. of Agrah, in the | word ‘Shuja’at’ should be spelled ‘ Sha-

arganah of Fathdbid, near Samiigar, | s4%¢° whi S: + 4 vliere Aaranga defeated Dirk Shikebs 2°” See Coe renounce Sys

9 A few MSS. have Shujd’ Khdn for | but the former also is pronounced with Shuj@at Khdn, just as one MS, read | ow all over India,

}

429

Dirgawatf (p. 367) having repulsed him. To now gave himself up to a life of ease and luxury; his singers and dancing women were soon famous throughout Hindtistin, especially the beautiful 2épmadtz, who is even now-a-days remembered.

In the very beginning of the Gth year of Akbar’s reign, Adham Kokah (No. 19) was ordered to conquer Milwah. Pir Muhammad Khan (No. 20), “Abdullah Khan Uabak (No. 14), Qiy& Khan Gung (No. 33), Shih Muhammad Khan of Qandahir (No. 95) and his son ’Xdil Khin (No. 125), Cadiq Khan (No. 43), Habib ’Ali Khbin (No. 133), Haiday Muhammad Khan (No. 66), Muhammad Quli Togbii (No. 129), Qiya Khan (No. 184), Mirak Bahadur (No. 208), Samanji Khan (No. 147), Payandah Muhammad Mughul (No. 68), Mihr ’Ali Sildoz (No. 180), Shah Fanaf (No. 115), and other grandees accompanied Adham. They met Baz Bahédur three kos from Sirangpir and defeated him (middle of 968). Baz Bahadur fled to the jungles on the Khandesh frontier. He collected a new army, but was defeated by Pir Muhammad, who had succeeded Adham. He then fled to Mirin Shah of Khandesh, who assisted him with troops, Pir Muhammad in the mean time conquered Bijégadh, threw himself sud- denly upon Burhinptir, sacked the town, and allowed an indiscriminate slaughter of the inhabitants. B. B. marched against him, and defeated him. As related above, Pir Mubammad fed, and was drowned in the Narbaddé. The imperialists thereupon got discouraged, and the jigirdars left for Agrah, so that Baz Bahddur without op- position re-occupied Malwah.

In the 7th year, Akbar sent Abdullah Khan Uzbak to Milwah. Before he ar- rived, B. B. fled without attempting resistance, and withdrew to the hills. He lived for some time with Bhayji, Zamindér of Baglinah, and tried to obtain assistance from Chingiz Khin and Sher Khin of Gujrit, and lastly even from the Nizam ul Mulk. Meeting nowhere with support, B, B. went to Rand U’dai Singh. He then appears to have thrown himself on Akbar’s generosity ; for in the 16th year, Akbar ordered Hasan Khin Khizinchi® to conduct Biz Bahidur to Court. Ho now entered the emperor’s service, and was made on his arrival a commander of One Thousand. Some time later, he was promoted to a mangab of Two Thousand. He had been dead for some time in 1001.

Biz Bahadur and his Ruipmatt lie buried together. Their tomb stands in the middle of a tank in Ujjain. Vide No. 188.

121. .U’dai Singh, Mot’h Rajah, son of R4i Maldeo.

The Tabagdt says that he was in 1001 a commander.of Fifteen Hundred and ruler of Jodhpur. ae

Akbar, in 994, married Udai Singh’s daughter to Jahangir. On p. 8 of the Tuzuk, Jahangir says that her name was Jagat Gosdint. She was the mother of Prince Khurram (Shahjahan) ; vide p. 310, 1. 19.

• The 6th year of Akbar’s reign com- | reign,.he was sent to Mukund Deo, the mences on the 24th Jumada IT, 968, and | last Gajpati of Orisa. the battle of Sérangpir took place in the In 981, he was at Kambhiit, which j Very, beginning of the 6th year. he left on the approach of Muhammad 2 This officer was often employed on | Husain Mirzi, and withdrew to Ahmada- ‘missions, In the beginning of Akbar’s | bid to M.’Aziz Kokah (No. 21).

wees

430

Mirzé Hadi in his preface to Jahangir’s Memoirs (the Tazuk i Jahingiri) has the following remark (p. 6): ‘Rajah U‘dai Sing is the son of Rajah Maldco, who was so . powerful that he kept up an army of 80,000 horse. Although Rina Sinka, who fought with Firdaus-makdni (Babar) possessed much power, Maldeo was superior to him in the number of soldiers and the extent of territory ; hence he was always victorious.’

From the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, III. p. 183) we see that Moth Rajah accompanied in the 22nd year Cadiq Khan (No. 43), Rajah Askaran, and Ulugh Khin Habshi (No, 135) on the expedition against Madhukar (26th Rabi’ I, 985). In tho 28th year, he served in the Gujrat war with Muzaffar (Akbarndmah, IH, 422).

Another daughter of Moth Rajah was married to Jaimall, son of Ruipsi (No. 118).

122. Khwa’jah Sha’h Mancu *, of Shiraz.

Mangiir. was at first Mushrif (accountant) of the Khishbi Ihdnah (Perfume De- partment). Dilferences which he had with Muzaffar Khan (No. 37) induced Sh. Man- cur to go to Jannptir, where Khan Zamén made him his Diwdn. Subsequently -he served Mun’im Khin Khandn in the same capacity. After Mun’im’s death, he worked for a short time with Today Mall in financial matters. In the 21st year (983), he was appointed by the emperor Vazér. He worked up all arrears, and applicd himself to reform the means of collecting the land revenue. The custom then was to depend on experienced assessors for the annual rate of the tax; but this method was now found inconvenient, because the empire had become greater; for at different places the assessment differed, and people and soldiers suffered losses. For this reason, the Khwajah, in the 24th year, prepared a new rent roll, based upon the preceding Dahsdiah roll, and upon the prices current in the 24th year. The empire itself which did not then include Orisé, T’hat’hah, Kashmir, and the Dak’hin, was divided into 12 parts, called Cabahs; and to each gibah a sipaksdlar (Military Governor), a Diwdn, a Bakhshi( Military Paymaster and Secretary), a Mér’Adl,a Cadr, a Kotwal, a Mir Bahr, and a Wdgi’ah Nawis (p. 258) were to be appointed. The strictness which the Khwajah displayed towards jigir-holders led to serious results. In the 25th year, he lowered the value of the jagfrs of the grandees in Bengal by one-fourth of their former value, and those in Bihar by one-fifth. As Bengal and South Bihar were then not completely subjugated, and the Afghans still mustered large forces in Eastern and Southern Bengal, in Orisi, and along the Western frontier of Bengal, Mangir’s rigour was impolitic; for Akbav’s officers looked upon the old jagir emoluments as very moderate rewards for their readiness to fight the Afghins, Akbar some time before, in consideration of the troubled state of both provinces, and the notorious climate of Bengal, had doubled the allowances of Bengal officers and increased by 50 per cent. the emoluments of those in Bih4r. This Mangutr cut down: he allowed Bengal officers an increase of 50, and Bihar officers an increase of only 20 per cent. He then wrote to Muzaffar to enforce the new arrangements. But the dissatisfaction was also increased by the innovations of the emperor in religious matters, and his interferencby, with Sayurghal tenures brought matters to a crisis. The jigir-holders in Jaunptr, Bihar, and Bengal rebelled. That religious excitement was one of the causes of this Military revolt, which soon after was confined to Bengal, is best seen from the fact that

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not a single Hindi was on the side of the rebels. Todar Mall tried fo prevent tho outbreak by reporting Mangtir and charging him with unnecessary -harshness shewn especially towards Ma’¢im Khan i Farankhidi (No. 157) and Muhammad Tarson (No. 32). Akbar deposed Mangir and appointed temporarily Shah .Quii Mabram (No. 45); but having satisfied himself of the justice of Mangciir’s demands, he reinstated him in his office, to the great anxiety of the courtiers.

In the same year, Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, at Ma’gim Khan i Kabuli’s instiga- tion, threatened to invade the Panjib, and Akbar prepared to leave for the north. Mangir’s enemies charged him with want of loyalty, and shewed Akbar letters in the hand-wiiting of Mirzi M. Hakim’s Munshi, addressed to Manevir. Accidentally Malik Sinf, Hakim’s Diwan, who had the title of Vaztr hdn, left his master, and paid his respects to Akbar at Sonpat. Ax he put up with Mangir, new suspicions got afloat. Several words which Mangir wag said to have uttered, were construed into treason, and letters which he was said to have written to M. M. Hakfm were sent to Akbar. ‘Another letter from Sharaf Beg, his collector, was likewise handed to the emperor, in which it was said that Farfdiin Khan (maternal uncle to M. M. Hakim) had presented the Beg to the Mirzéi. Akbar, though still: doubtful, at the urgent solicitations of: the. grandees, gave orders to arrest Mangir: he should remain in " arrest till any of the grandeces should stand bail for him ; but as none dared to come forward, they ordered the Khidmat Rai (p. 252) to hang Man’gir on a tree near Sardi Kot K’hachwah (beginning of 989).?

• The chief rebel was Ma’ cim Khan iKabuli, who has been frequently mentioned above (pp. 189, 342, 351, 400, &e.). He was a Lurbatt Sayyid (vide p. 348, No. 37). His uncle, Mirza Aziz,

Shthjahin, who bestowed upon him the title of Asad Khén. He died in the 12th year of Shahjahin’s reign. His son, Qubdd, was a commander of Five Hundred.

had been Vazir under Humayin, and Ma’c¢im himself was the foster-brother (Kokah) of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother. Having been involved in quarrels with Khwajah Hasan Nagsh- bandi (p. 322, 1. 11) who had married the widow of Mir Shih Abul Ma’ali, Ma’qim, in the 20th year, went to Akbar and was made a commander of Five Hundred. He distinguished himself in the war with the Afghans, and was wounded in a fight with Kali Pahdyr. For his bravery, he was made a com- mander of One Thousand. In the 24th year, he received Oris& as tuydl,- when Man’¢tir and Muzaffar’s strictness drove him into rebellion. Historians often call him Ma’gim Ithdn i ’Agt, ‘Ma’gim Khan, the rebel.’ His fights with Mu- zatfar and Shahbaz have been mentioned above. Ho was at last driven to Bhdtt (p. 342, note), where he died in the 4dth year (1007).

His son Shujd’ i Kdbult was under Jahangir Thanahdér of Ghaznin, and & commander of Fifteen Hundred under

The editors of the Pddishdhndmah,

Ed. Bibl. Indica, have entered Shuja’s

name twice, I, d., p. 304 and p. 308. As

he was a Commander of Fifteen Hun- dred, the second entry is wrong.

• So the Akbarnémah, Sees B55

Vv

ust. Kot K’hachwah is a Village on the road from Karnal to Ludhiyanah, Lat. 30° 17’; Long. 76°53’. In the Ed. Bibl. Indica of Badaoni (II, p. 294, 293) the place is called wS aS kajh kot, probably by mistake. Sharaf Beg, moreover, is called Musharraf Beg, and a tew lines lower, again Sharaf Beg. Badioni says nothing of Todar Mall’s intrigues. _Man- gtr was hanged in the very beginning of 989, 4. @ the end of the 2dth year. The 26th year of Akbar’s reign commences on the 5th afar 989 (the Lucknow Edition, IL, 325, has wrong 990); and the 27th year commences 15th Cafar 990, which in the Bibl. Indica Edit,” of Badaont (1, p. 300, 1. 2. from below) is wrongly called the 28th year.

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This foul murder gave the nobles the greatest satisfaction. But when Akbar came to Kabul (10th Rajab 989), he examined into Mancwu’s treasonable correspondence. It was then found, to the sorrow of Akbar, that every letter which had been shewn to him had been a forgery, and.tbat Mangur was not guilty of even one of the malicious charges preferred against him.

It is said, though at the time it was perhaps not proved, that Karamullab, brother of Shahbiz Khan i Kambi (p. 402, 1. 19) had written the letters, chiefly at tho in- stigation of R4jah Todar Mall.

Mangir had been Vazir for four years.

,123. Qutlugh Qadam Kha‘n, Akhtah-begi.*

The Turkish word gutlugh means mubdrak, and gadam i mubdrak, is the namo given to stones bearing the impression of the foot of the Prophet. The Tubagdéé calls him Quétu, instead of Qutlugh, which confirms the conjecture in note 2, p. 356.

Qutlugh Qadam Khan was at first in the service of Mirzi Kamran, and then went over to Humfyin.

In the 9th year of Akbar’s reign, he assisted in the capture of Khwajab Mw az- zam, and served in the same year in MAlwah against “Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No. 14). In the battle of Khairabad, he held 2 command in the van.

In the, 19th year, he was attached to Mun’im’s Bengal corps, and was present in the battle of Takaroi (p. 375). He was no longer alive in 1001.

His son, Asad (?) Khan, served under Prince Murad in the “Dak’hin, and was killed by a cannon ball before Daulatabad.

124, °Ali’ Quili’ Kha’n, Indardbi.

| Indaréb is a town of Southern Qunduz. The straight line drawn from Kabul north-wards to Talikh4n passes nearly through it.

Ali Quli had risen under Humadytin. When the Emperor left Kabul for Qanda- har to enquire into the rumours regarding Bairim’s rebellion, he sd “Alf Quli governor of Kabul. Later, he went with Humayin to India.

In the first year of Akbar’s reign, he served under ’Ali Quii Khan Zaman (No. 18) in, the war with Hemi, and accompanied afterwards Khizr Khwajah (p. 365, note 2) on his unsuccessful expedition against Sikandar Str.

In the fifth year, he served under Atgah Khan (No. 15), and commanded the van in the fight in which Bairdm was defeated.

The Tubagdé says that he was commander of Two Thousand, and was dead ‘in 1001.

125, ’A’dil Khan, son of Shah Muhammad i Qalati (No. 95). |

He served under Adham Khan (No. 19) in Malwah, and took a part in the pursuit of “Abdullah Khén Uzbak. Later, he assisted Muhammad Quli Khéo Barlis (No. 31) on his expedition against Iskandar Uzbak, and was present at the siege of Chitor (p. 368). In the beginning of the 13th year (Ramazan, 975), Akbar was on a tiger-hunt between Ajmir and Alwar. ’Adil, who was at that, time mu’dtab,

a

• A’khtah means ‘a gelding,’ and | to be confounded with the much higher . dkhtah-begi,. the officer in charge ofthe | title A’tbegé, from the Turkish dé, geldings (vide No. 66). This title is not | horse; vide p. 137, Ain 53,

433

fe, under reprimand and not allowed to attend the Darbars, had followed the paty. A tiger suddenly made its appearance, aud was on the point of attacking the Emperor, when ’Adil rushed forward and engaged the tiger, putting his left hand into itS mouth, and stabbing with the dagger in his right at the animal’s face. Tho tiger got hold of both hands of his opponent, when others came up and killed the brute with swords. In the struggle, ’A‘dil received accidentally a sword cut.

He died of his wounds after suffering for four months. In relating his end, Abulfazl says that the wrath of heaven overtook him. He had been in love (¢a’allug i khdtir) with the wife of his father’s Diwin; but he was not successful in his advances, His father remonstrated with him, and ‘Adil in his anger struck at him with a sword.

Qiydm Khan, brother of Adil Khén. Jahangir made him a Khan, He served the Emperor as Qardwalbegi (officer in charge of the drivers).

126. Khwa’‘jah Ghia’suddi’n (’Ali Khan, Acaf Khan II.] of Qazwin.

He is not to be confounded with Mir Ghidsuddin ‘Ali Khan (No. 161). For his genealogy, vide p. 368. The family traced its descent to the renowned saint Shaikh Shihdbuddin Subrawardi,’ a descendant of Abii Bakr, the Khalifah.

Khwijah Ghids was a man of learning. On his arrival from Persia in India, he was made a Bukhsht by Akbar. In 981, he distinguished himself in the Gujrati war, and received the title of Acaf Khan. He was also made Bakhshi of Gujrat, and served as such under M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21). In the 21st year, he was ordered to go with several other Amirs to Idar, ‘ to clear this dependency of Gujrat of the rubbish of rebellion.’ The expedition was directed against the Zamindar Nariin Das Rat’hor, Tn the fight which ensued, the van of the Imperialists gave way, and Mugqim i Nagshbandf, the leader, was killed. The day was almost lost, when Agaf, with the troops of the wings, pressed forward and routed the enemies.

In the 23rd year, Akbar sent him to Milwah and Gujrat, to arrange with Shihab Khan (No. 26) regarding the introduction of the Ddgh (pp. 242, 256).

He died in Gujrat in 989.

Mirzdé Niraddin, his son. After the capture of Khusrau, (p. 414) Jahangir made Agaf Khan IIT. (No. 98), Nuruddin’s uncle, responsible for his safety. Nur-

• uddin who was an adherent of the Prince, found thus means to visit Khusrau, and told him that at the first opportunity he would let him escape. But soon after, Khusrau was placed under the charge of I’tib’r Khan, one of J ahingfr’s eunuchs, and Niuruddin had to alter his plans.. He bribed a Hindu, who had access to Khusrau, and sent the Prince a list of the names of such grandees as favoured his cause. In four or six months, the number had increased to about 400, and arrangements were made to murder Jahangir on the road. But it happened that one of the conspirators got offended, and revealed the plot to Khwijah Waisi, Diwan of Prince Khurram, who at once reported matters to his august father. Nuiruddin and Muhammad Sharif, son of I’timéduddaulah, and several others were impaled. The paper containing the list

2 Author of the “Awdrif ul Ma’ drif. saint. Wiistenfeld’s Jacut, IIL, p.-2038 He died at Baghdad in 632, His uncle | Mafhdtul Uns, pp. 478, 544. Safinat- Abul-najib (died 563) was also a famous | ulugfd (Lahore Edition), pp. 681, 653.

59

’ BMu’jam mentions a place

434

of names was also brought up ; but Jahangir, at the request of Khan Jabin Lodi, threw it into the fire without having read it; “else many others would have been killed.” 127. Farrukh Husain Kha’n, son of Qisim Husain Khin. Mis

father. was an Uzbak of Khwaérazm; his mother was a sister of Sultan

Husain Mirza.

The Mudsir and the Tabaqdt say nothing about him. A brother of his is men- tioned in the Akbarnémah (IL, p. 335). :

128. Mu’i’nuddi’n [Ahmad] Kha’n i Farankhidi?

Mu’in joined Humayiin’s army when the Emperor left Kabul for Hindustin. In the 6th year of Akbar’s reign, he was made Governor of Agrah during the absence of the Emperor in the Eastern provinces. In tho 7th year, when “Abdullah Khan Uzbak was ordered to re-conquer Mailwah, Mu’in was made a Khin. After the conquest, he divided the province into khdligah and jagir lands, and performed this delicate office to Akbar’s satisfaction. In the 18th year, Mu’in was attached to Mun’im’s Bihar corps. He then accompanied the Khan Khanin to Bengal, was present in the battle of Takarof, and died of fever at Gaur (vide p. 376). be

The Tabaqit merely says of him that he had been for some time Air Sdmdn.

For his son vide No. 157.

Baddoni III, p. 157) mentions a Jami’ Masjid built by Mu’in at Xgrab.

129. Muhammad Quli’ Toqba‘i.

Togbdi is the name of a Chaghtai clan. \

Muhammad Quli served under Adham Khan (No. 19) in the conquest of Malwah (end of the 5th and beginning of the 6th year), and in the pursuit of Mirzé Sharafud- din (No. 17) in the 8th year. In the 17th year (980), he served in the Mangala of Khan i Kalin (No. 16)?. In the 20th year, he was attached to Mun’im’s corps, and was present in the battle of Takaroi, and the pursuit of the Afghans to Bhadvak (p. 375).

Many MSS. have Furanjéidi. The o%,9, Ha- paNiaa which is said to be near Samar-

and.

? Akbar left Fathptir Sikri for Gujrat, on the 20th Catar 980 (17th year), passed over Sanganir (8 miles south of Jaiptir), and arrived on the 15th Rabi’ 1. at Ajmir. On the 2nd Rabi’ IT., 980, he ordered Khan i Kalan (No. 16) to march in advance (Mangala), and left Ajmir on the 22nd Rahi’ II. Shortly before

his arrival at Nagor, on the 9th Jumida

I, Akbar heard that Prince Danyal had been born at Ajmir on the 2nd Jumada I., 980. He reached Patan on the Ist Rajab, 980, and Ahmadabad on the 14th of the same month. In the middle of Sha’ban, 980, the fight at Sarnal took place with Ibrahim Husain Mirz4. On the 25th Sha’ban, Akbar reached Barodah, and arrived at Stirat, on the 7th Rama-

‘zin, 980. On the 18th Ramazin, 980,

Mirza ’Aziz defeated Muhammad Hu- sain Mirzéi and the Fuladis at Patan. Strat surrendered on the 23rd Shawwal.

There are serious discrepancies in the MSs. regarding the day and year of Prince Danyal’s birth, The Zuzuk (Sayyid Ahmad’s edition, p. 15) has the 10th Jumada I, 979, which has been given above on p. 309. Baddoné (II., p. 139) has the 2nd Jumada I., 980. The Akburndmah has the 2nd Jumada J., and relates the event as having taken place in 980, The MSS. of the Suwdnih also place the event in 980, but say that Danyaél was born on the 2nd Jumada L, 979.

On the 6th Zi Qa’dah, 980, the 18th year of Akbar’s reign commences. After the “Idi Qurbin (10th Zi Hajjah, 980) Akbar returned over Patan and Jalor to Agrah, which he reached on the 2nd Cafar, 981. After this, Muhammad, Hu- sain Mirzd invaded Gujrat, and took Bah-

435

130. Mihr ’Ali’ Kha ‘n Sildoz.

Sildoz is the name of a Chaghtii clan. According to the Tabaqit, he was at first in Bairim’s service. In the end of the 966, Akbar sent him to Fort Chanddh (Chunér), which Jamal Khan, the Afghan Commander, wished to hand over to the Imperialists for a consideration (vide Baddoni II.,32). Akbar ‘offered-him five parganahs near Jaun- pir, but Jamél did not deem the offer sufficiently advantageous, and delayed Mihr ’Alf with vain promises. Mihr ’Alf at last left suddenly for Agrah.

On his journey to Chanddh, he had been accompanied by the Historian Badaoni, then a young man, whom he had given lodging in his house at Agrah. On his return from the Fort, Badaoni nearly lost his life during a sudden storm whilst on the river. Badjoni calls him Mihr ’Ali Beg, and says that he was later made a Khan and Governor of Chitor.

He served under Adham Khan (No. 10) in Méalwah, and in the Gujrit wars of 980 and 981. In the 22nd year, Akbar was on a hunting tour neqr Hicdr, and honored him by being his guest. In the following year, he attended Sakinah Bind Begum, whom Akbar sent to Kabul to advise his brother, Mirz&4 Muhammad Hakim. In the 25th year, be served under Todar Mall against the rebel “Arab.

The Tabaqit-makes him a Commander,of Fifteen Hundred, and says that he was dead in 1001.

131. Khwa‘jah Ibra‘/hi‘m i Badakhshi’. He is not mentioned in the Madsir and the Tabagit. From the Akbarnimah _ (IL, p. 207) we see that ho was Jégirdéy of Sakit (in the Mainpixi District). Near this town there were eight villages inhabited by robbers. In consequence of numerous complaints, Akbar resolved to surprise the dacoits. A great number were killed,“and about one thousand of them were burnt in dwellings in which they had fortified them- selves. Akbar exposed himself to great dangers: no less than seven arrows stuck in his shield, and his elephant fell with one foot intoa grain pit, which threw the officer who was seated behind him with much force upon him. The fight chiefly took place in a village called in the MSS. 8%y,) or &%9,, ‘

The Tabagdt mentions a Sultén Ibréhim of Aubah (near Harit) among Akbar’s

grandecs. His name is not given in the Ain. He was the maternal uncle of

ronch and Kambhait, but was defeated by Qulij Khan and 8. Hamid (No. 78). Ikhtiyfrul Mulk also appeared and marched upon Ahmaddbad. Muhammad Husain Mirzé joined him. Both besieged Ahmadabad. Akbar now resolved again to go to Gujrit. This is the famous nine days’ march (24th Rabi’ IL, 951 to 4th Jumidal., 981); vide p. 416, note. Mu- hammad Husain Mirzi was captured and killed, apparently without the order of the Emperor. Ikhtiyér was also killed. Akbar then returns, and arrives, after an absence of forty-three days, at Fath- pir Sikri, 8th Jundde IL, 931. - It has been above remarked (p. 375)

that the Lucknow Edition of the Akbar- ndmah, is not a trustworthy edition. An extraordinary error occurs in the events of the 17th year. The editors have divided the work into three, instead of two parts—the Ain i Akbari is the third part,—and have ended their second volume with the birth of Danyal (2nd Jumida I., 980). Their third volume

“opens with the beginning of ‘the 18th

year (6th Zi Qa’‘dah, 980). Hence they have omitted the important events which took place between those two days, viz., the conquest of Gujrat and the first defeat of the Mirzis,

486

Nizamuddin Ahmad, author of the Tabaqit. He conquered Kamaon and the Daman i Koh.

132. Sali’im Kha’n Ka‘kar.

Several MSS. of the Ain. call him Selim Khan Kikar’Alt. The Akbarnimah calls him Salim Khdn Kédkar, or merely Salim Khan, or Salim Khén Sirmir. The Tabaqit has Salim Khdn Sirmir Afghan.

He served in the beginning of the 6th year in the conquest of Malwah, and later under Mu’izzulmulk (No. 61) in Audh, and was present in the battle of Khairaébad. In 980, he took a part in the fight of Sarnal, He then served in Bengal, and was jagirdar of Tajpir. In the 28th year, he accompanied Shahbaz Khin (No. 80) to Bhiti. As there were no garrisons left in Upper Bengal, Vazir Khin having gone

. tothe frontier of Orisé, Jabari (vide p. 370, note 2) made an inroad from Kitch Bihar into G’hora’ghat, and took Tajpir from Salfm’s men, and Pirniah from the relations of Tarson Khin (No. 32). Jabari moved as far as Tandah. The Kotwal, Jlasan TAli, was sick, and Shaikh Allah Baksh (adr fled in precipitate haste. For- tunatoly, Shaikh Farid arrived, and Jabdri withdrew toTajpir. In the 32nd year, Sulfm Served under Matléb Khan (No. 83) against the Tarikis, and shortly after, in the 3énd Year, under C’ddiq Khan against the.same Afghan rebels.

e was no longer alive in 1001. 483. Habi’b Ali’ Khe’n. Ie i is not to be confounded with the Habib “AN Khan mentioned on p. 422. Habib was at first in the service of Bairim Khan. In the third year, when

Akbar had marched to Agrah, he ordered Habib to assist Qiyé Khan (No. 33) in the conquest. Towards the end of the fourth year, Akbar sent him against Rantanbhiur. This fort had formerly been in the possession of the Afghans, and Salim Shah had appointed Jhujhér Khan governor. On Akbar’s accession, Jh. saw that he would not be able to hold it against the Imperialists, and handed it over to Rai Surjan (No. 96), who was then in-the service of Ran Udai Singh. But Habib had to raise the siege. Abulfag attributes this want of success partly to fate, partly to the confusion which Bairém’s fall produced.

In the 6th year (968), he served under Adham (No, 19) in Malwah. According the Tabagdt, he died in 970.

134. Jagma’l, younger brother of Rajah Bihéri Mall (No. 23).

He must not be confounded with No. 218. Jagmal was mentioned on p. 329. In the 8th year, he was made governor of Mir’ha. In the 18th year, when Akbar marched to Patan and Ahmadabad, he was put in command of the great camp. *

His son Kangdr. He generally lived with his uncle Rajah Bihari Mall at Court. When Ibrihim Husain Mirzé threatened to invade the A’grah District, he was ordered by the Rajah to go to Dibli. In the 18th year, he joined Akbar at Patan. In the 21st year, he accompanied Man Singh’s expedition against Rin& Partib. Later, he served in Bengal, chiefly under Shahbiz Khdn (No. 80). When Shahbaz returned unsuccessfully from Bhati (p. 401), Kangar, Sayyid “Abdullah Khan (No, 189), Rajah Gopal, Mirzadah ’Ali (No. 152) met a detachment of rebels and mistook them for their own men. Though surprised, the Imperialists held their ground and killed

437

Naurtiz Beg Qiqshadl, the leader. They then joined Shahbaz, and arrived after a march of eight days at Sherpir Miircha.

According to the the Tabaqit, Kangér was in 1001 a Commander of Two Thousand. The phraseology of some MSS. implies that he was no longer alive in 1001.

135. Ulugh Kha’n Habshi’, formerly a slave of Sultan Mahmud of Gujrat.

Ulugh Khdn is Turkish for the Persian Kidén i Kaldn (the great Khan).

He rose to dignity under Mahmid of Gujrat. The word Habsht, for which MSS. often have Badakhshi, implies that he was of Abyssinian extraction, ora eunuch, In the 17th year, when Akbar entered for the first time Alumadabad, he was one of the first Gujrati nobles that joined the Imperialists.

In the 22nd year, he served with distinction under Cadiq (No, 43) against Rijah Madhukar Bandelah, Zamindar of Undchah. In the 24th year, he followed Gadiq, who had been ordered to assist Rajah Todar Mall on his expedition against the rebel “Arab (Niyabat Khan) in Bihir. He commanded the left wing in the fight in which Khabitah (p. 356, note 1) wes killed.

Ue died in Bengal.

186. Maqeu’d ’Ali’ Kor.

The Tabagit says that Magqoid was at first in Bairim Khan’s service. He had been dead for a long time in 1001.

From the Akbarnimah (II., 96) we see that he served under Qiyé Khan (No. 33) jn the conquest of Gwahar.

137. Qabu1 Kha‘n,

From the Akbarndmah (IL, p. 450, last event of the 15th year of Akbar’s reign) we see that Qabtil Khin had conquered the District of Bhambar on the Kashmir frontier, One of the Zamindirs of the District, named Jamal, made his submission, and obtained by flattery a great power over Qabil, who is said to have been a good-hearted Turk. Jalil not only managed on various pretexts to send away Qabill’s troops, but also his son Yadgar Husain (No. 338), to Naushahrah. The Zamindars of the latter place opposed Yadgar, and wounded him in a fight. Exhausted and wounded as he was, Yadgér managed to escape and took refuge with a friendly Zamindar. About the same.time Jalal collected his men and fell over Qabiul, and after a short struggle killed him (5th Ramazan, 978).

Akbar ordered Khan Jahan to invade the District. The lands of the rebellious Zamindars were devastated and summary revenge was taken on the ringleaders.

Yaddgir Husain regovered from his wounds. He is mentioned below among the commanders of Two miedo

The Akbarnamah mentions another Qabiéil Khan among the officers who served in the Afghén war in Bengal under Mun’im Khén Khandn. He was present in the

battle of Takaroi and pursued the Afghéns under Todar Mall to Bhadvak (p. 375).

Neither of the two Qabiil Khans is mentioned in the Tabaqat aud the Maisiy.

T\RRARN

438

Commanders of Nina IHandred. 138. Ku’chak ’Ali’ Kha’n i Kola’bi’. Koldd is the name ofa town and a district in Badaklshin, Long. 70°, Lat. 38°. The

• District of Kolab lies north of Badakhshin Proper, from which it is separated by the Amt (Oxu’) ; but it was looked upon as part of the kingdom of Badakhshin. Hence Kiichak ’Alf is often called in the Akbarnamah Kiuchak ‘Ali Khén i Badakhshi.

He served under Mun’im Khan against Khan Zaman, and was present at the reconciliation at Baksar (Buxar) in the 10th year.

He also served under Mun’im Khén in Bengal, and held a command in the battle of Takaroi (p. 375).

His sons are mentioned below, No. 148, and No. 380.

139. Sabdal Kha/n, Sumbul, a slave of Humiyiin.

140. Sayyid Muhammad, Mir ’Adl, a Sayyid of Amrohah.

Amrohah, formerly a much more important town than now, belongs to Sirkér Sambal. Its Sayyids belonged to old families of grea repute throughout India. Mir Sayyid Muhammad had studied the Hadfs and law under the best teachers of the age. The father of the Historian Baddoni was his friend. Akbar made Sayyid Muhammad . Dfir ’Adi. When the learned were banished from Court (ikhrdj ¢ ‘ulamd), he was made governor of Bhakkar.? He died there two years later in 985 or 986.

From the Akbarnémah we sce that S. Muhammad with other Amrohah Sayyids served, in the 18th year, under S. Mahmut of Barha in the expedition against Rajah Madhbukar.

He advised the Historian Badioni to enter the military service of the emperor, instead of trusting to learning and to precarious Dfadad i Ma’dsh tenures, an advice resembling that of ’Abdulghaffar (vide No. 99, p. 413). S. Muhammad’s sons were certainly allin the army ; vide No. 251, 297, 363.

141, Razawi’ Kha/n, Mirz4 Mirak, a Razawi Sayyid of Mashhad.

He was a companion of Khin Zaman (No. 13). In the 10th year, he went to the camp of the Imperialists to obtain pardon for his master. When in the 12th year Khan Zaman again rebelled, Mirzi Mirak was placed under the charge’ of Khan Baqi Khan (No. 60), but fled from his custody (at Dihli, Baddont II, 100). After Kh4n Zaman’s death, he was captured, and Akbar ordered him daily to be thrown before a mast elephant ; but the driver was ordcred to spare him as he was a man of illustrious descent. This was done for five days, when at the intercession of the cour- tiers he was set at liberty. Shortly afterwards, he received a mangab and the title of Razawi Khdn. In the 19th year, he was made Diwan of Jaunptr, and in the 24th year, Bakhshi of Bengal in addition to his former duties.

• Not all MSS. of the Ain have these also the mangab of Nine Hundred occurs. words ; they count the officers from No. 7 In 983, the 20th year, (Akbar- 1388 to 175 to the Hazaris. But the ndmak IIT, 138). Baddond (IIL. p. 75); best MSS, have this mangub. In the | has 984. lists of grandees in the Pddjshdhudmah

439

At the autbreak of the Bengal Military Revolt (25th year), he was with Muzaffar Khan (No. 37). His harsh behawiour towards the dissatisfied grandees is mentioned in the histories as one of the causes of the revolt. When the rebels had seceded (9th Zi Majjah, 987) and gone from ‘Tandah to Gaur, Muzaffar sent Razawi Khan, Rai Patr Dis (No. 196), and Mir Ahmad Munsli to them to try to bring them back to obedience. Things took indeed a good turn and everything might have ended peacefully, when some of Rai Patr Dis’s Rajptits said that the opportunity should not be thrown away to kill the Whole lot. R&i Patr Dis mentioned this to Razawi Khan, and through him, it appears, the rebels heard of it. They took up arms and caught Rai Patr Dis. Razawi Khan and Mir Ahmad Munshi surrendered them- selves,

The Badsir says that nothing else is known of Razawi Khan. The Tabagat says that he was a Commander of Two ‘Thousand and was dead in 1001.

Mirz& Mirak is not to be confounded with Jdirak Whdan, ‘an old grandee, who died in 975’ (Tubaqdt) ; or with Drak Bahddur (208).

Shahjahin conferred {he title of Razawi Khan on Sayyid ‘Ali, son of Cadrug- gudir Miran 8, Jalal of Bukhara.

142. Mirza’ Naja’t Kha’n, brother of Sayyid Barkeh, and

143. Mirza’ Husain Kha’n, his brother.

Both brothers, according to the Tabaqdt, were dead in 1001. Their names aro often wrongly given in MSS,, which call them Najdbat, instead of Nujdt, and Hasan instead of Husain.

From the Akbarndmah (I, 411) we see that both brothers accompanied Huma- yin on his march to India.

Mirz&i Najét served, in the 10th year, against Khén Zaman (No. 13). In the end of the 21st year, he was attached to the corps which under Shihab Khan (No 26) moved to Khandesh, the king of which, Rajah Ali Khan, had shewn signs of dis- affection. Later, he served in Bengal. When the Military Revolt broke out, Babi Khin Qaqshal (vide p, 369, note 3), Jabari (p. 370), Vazir Jamfl (No. 200}, Said i Toqbai, and other grandees, marched on the 9th Zf Hajjah, 987, from Téndah to Gaur across the Ganges. Mir Najit was doubtful to which party to attach himself; and when Muzaffar sent his. grandees [Mir Jamaluddin Husain Inja (No. 164), Razawf Khan (No, 141), Timiy Khan (No. 215), Rai Patr Das (No. 196), Mir Adham, Husain Beg, Hakim Abulfath (No. 112), Khw4jah Shamsuddin (No. 159), Ja’far Beg (No. 98), Muhammad Quli Turkmén (No. 203), Qasim Khan i Sistani, ‘Iwaz Bahddur, Zulf ’Ali Yazdi, Sayyid Abi Is-haq i Cafawi (No. 384), Muzaffar Beg, &c.] to the banks of the Ganges, where the rebels had drawn up their army, Mir Najat stayed with Vaziy Jamil, although Muzaffar, who was Najat’s father-in-law, fully expected him to join, Ho must have soon after left the. rebels and gone to Southern Bengal; for in the end of the 25th year he was at SAtginw (Hiigli). Abulfazl mentions him to- gether with Murid Khan at Fathabid (No. 54), and Qiyaé Khan in Oris& (No. 33), as one of the ‘few that represented Imperialism in Bengal (Akbarn, IIT, 291), But these three were too powerless to check the rebels. Blurad died, and Qiy& was soon after killed by the Afghans under Qutli, who looked upon the revolt as his opportu-

440

nity. Mir Najat also was attacked by Qutli and defeated near Salimabid (Sulaiman-

~abid), S. of Bardwin. He fled to the Portuguese governor of Higli2) Babi Khan Qagqshal sent one of his officers to get hold of Najit; but the officer hearing of Qutli’s victory, attacked the Afghans near Mangalkot, N. E. of Bardw4n. Qutli, however, was again victorious.

143. Sayyid Ha’shim, son of Sayyid Mahmid of Barha. Vide No. 105, p. 419.

144. Gha’zi’ Kha’n i Badakhshi’.

In MSS. Ghdzt is often altered to Qdzt, and Badakhshi to Bakhshé, and as Ghizi Khan’s first title was Qdz¢? Khan, his name is often confounded with No. 223, Other Ghdzi Khdns have been mentioned above, on pp. 367, 384.

Ghazi Khan’s name was Qizi Nizim. He had studied law and Hadis under Mulla Ig4muddin Ibrahim, and was looked upon as one of the most learned of the age. He was also the muréd of Shaikh Husain of Khwérazm, a renowned Gufi. His acquirements procured him access to the court of Sulaiman, king of Badakhshan (No. 5), who conferred upon him the title of Qézi Khdn. At the death of Humiyiin, Sulaiman wishing to profit by the distracted state of the country, moved to Kabul and besieged Mun’im (No. 11). After the siege had lasted for some time, Sulaiman sent Qizi Khan to Mun’im to prevail on him to surrender. But Mun’im detained him for several days, and treated him ‘to the must sumptuous fare, such as Badakh- shis cannot enjoy even in peaceful times.’ The good dinners made such an impression on Qazi Khan, that he advised Sulaiman to raise the siege, as there was no lack of provisions in the fort. Sulaiman thereupon returned to Badakhshan.

Subsequently, Qazi Khan left his master, and went to India. At Khanpiir, he was introduced to the emperor on his return from Jaunpir (Axkbarn. UI, 85). He received several presents, and was appointed Parwdnché writer (p. 263). Akbar soon discovered in him a man of great insight, and made him a commander of.One Thou- sand. He also bestowed upon him the title of Ghdzé Khdn, after he had distinguished himself in several expeditions.

In the 2ist year, Ghazi Khan commanded the left wing of Man Singh’s corps in the war with the Rind. Though his wing gave way, he returned with the troops and joined the van, and fought bravely. He then received Awadh as tugil, and distinguished himself in Bihar against the rebellious grandees.

He died at Awadh in the 29th year(992) at the age of seventy, about the same time that Sultan Khwajah died (No. 108). c

Ghazi Khan is the author of several works (vide Baddoni III, 153).

The sijdah, or prostration, which formed so important a part in the ceremonies of the court, was his invention (vide p. 159, note),

His son Zfusdmuddin. Akbar made him a commander of One Thousand, and sent him with the Khan Khanan (No. 29) to the Dak’hin. Suddenly a change came over Husim, and though a young man, he expressed to tae commander his wish to resign the service and live as fagir at the tomb of Nizimuddin Aulié in Dibli. The

• The MSS, of the Akbarndmah call him Bartab Bdr Firingt, or Partdb Firingt.

441

Khin Khanin persuaded him in vain to give up this mad idea; but Husém next day laid aside his clothes, smeared his body over with clay and mud, and wandered about in the strects and bazavs. Akbar permitted his resignation. Husim lived for thirty years as an ascetic in Dihli. Khw4jah Bagi Billah (born at Kabul and buried at Dihls) conferred on him power of ‘guiding travellers on the road of ‘piety.’ He died in 1034. His wife was Abulfazl’s sister. She gave at the request of her Husband her ornaments to Darwishes, and fixed an annual sum of 12000 Rupees as allowance for the cell of her husband. Vide Tuzuk, p. 80. y

145. Farhat Kha‘n, Mihtar Sakai, a slave of Humayin.

The MSS. have Sakdi and Sakdhi. Farhat Khan is first mentioned in the war between Humaytin and Mirz4 Kamran, when many gyrandees joined the latter. In - a fight, Beg Baba of Kolab lifted up his sword to strike Humayin from behind. He missed and was at qnce attacked by Farhat and put to flight. When Humaytin left Lihor on his march to Sarhind, where Sikandar Khan was, Farhat was appointed Shiqddér of Lihor.* Subsequently, Mir Shah Abul Ma’Ali was appointed Governor of Labor. He sent away Farhat, and appointed his own men instead. Farhat therefore joined Prince Akbar on bis arrival in the Panjab.

After Akbar’s accession, Farhat was made Tuytlddr of Korrah. He distinguish- ed himself in the war with Muhammad Husain Mirzi near Ahmadabad. Wher the Mirz4 was brought in a prisoner, Farhat refused him a drink of water which he had asked for; but Akbar gave him some of his own water, and remonstrated with Farhat for his cruelty. In the 19th year, he served in Bihar and was made jdgirddr of Arah. In the 21st year (984), Gajpati (p. 400) devastated the district. Farhang Khan, Farhat’s son, marched against him, but was repulsed and slain. Farhat then moved against the enemy to avenge the death ofhis son, but met with the same fate (vide No. 80).

146. Ru’mi’ Kha’n, Ustid Jalabi (?), of Rim.

He is not mentioned in the Tabagdt and the Jfadsir, and but rarely in the Akbarndmah, In the 20th year, he and Bagf Khan (No. 60) and ‘Abdurrahman Beg (No. 185) accompanied a party of Begums from Court on their road to Makkah. The party consisted of Gulbadan Begum, Salimah Sultan Begum, HAji Begum, Gul- ‘azix Begum, Sultin Begum (wife of Mirzi ’Askari), Umm Kulsim Begum (grand- daughter of Gulbadan Begum), Gujnér Agh& (one of Babar’s wives), Bibi Cafiyab, Bibi Sarw i Sahf and Shiham Aehé (wives of Humayiin), and Salimah Khénum (daughter of Khizr Khwajah). They left in Rajab, 983.

Rimi Khan has also been mentioned above (No. 111).

147, Sama‘nji’ Kha’n Qurghuji’. Vide No. 100.

Ife was a grandce of Humiytin. During the reign of Akbar, he reached the dignity of a Commander of Fifteen Hundred. The Tabaqdé snys, he was, in 1001, a Commander of 2000. Im the same work, he is called a Afughul.

2 Akbarndmah I, 416. At the same Hamiyiin was onthe 29th Muharram, time, Mir Bibtis (No. 73) was appointed 962, at Bigram, crossed the Indus on Fayddr of the Panjab, Mirza Shah | the Sth Cat, when Bairam arrived from Sultan was made Amin, and Mihtar Kabul, was at Lahor on the 2nd Rabi Jauhar, treasurer. IJ, aud at Sarbind, on the 7th Rajab.

56

!

44,2

In the beginning of the 6th year (middle of 968), he served in Malwah under Adham Khan (No. 19) and was present in the battle of Sarangpir. In the 9th year, he accompanied Muhammad Qasim Khan i Nishaptiri (No. 40) and pursued “Abdullah Khan ‘Uzbak (No. 14). Inthe 13th year, he was ordered, together with Ashraf Khin Mir Munshi (No. 74), to go to Rantanbhir and suppress the disturbances created by Mirzé, Muhammad Husain in Malwah. Later, he held a jdgiv in Arah.? He joined at first the rebellidus grandees, but convincing himself of their selfishness, he went back to the Imperial camp. ’

In the 39th year, he was allowed to come to Court, and died a few years later. His sons-received employments in the army.

From the Akbarndmah (ITI, 156) we see that he also served in the 21st year under Khin Jahan (No. 24), and was present in the battle of Ag Maball. In the 30th year, he was in Mélwah and was ordered to join the Dak’hin corps. Two years later, he served under Shihab Khan (No. 26) against Rijah Madhukar.

148. Sha’hbeg Kha’n, son of Kiichak ’Ali Khén of Badakhshan (No. 138).

His name is not given in the Madsir and the Tabagde. under Sh4bjahan, appears to be his son.

149. Mi’rza’ Husain Kha’n, brother of Mirza Najit Khan (vide No. 142), ,

150. Haki’m Zanbi1, brother of Mirz4 Muhammad Tabib of Sabzwar.

Zanbil means ‘ a basket.’ In the list of the physicians of the Court, lower down, he is called Hakim Zanbil Beg. Badéoni says, he was a ss ale or personal attendant on the emperor.?

151. Khuda’wand Kha’n i Dak’hini’.

Khudawand Khan was a Nizimshihi Grandee. As his father was born at Mash- had, Kh. is often called Mashhadi. We was of course a Shi’ah.

He was a man of imposing stature, and well-known for his personal courage. When Khwijah Mirak of Icfabin, who had the title of Chingiz Khan, was the Vakil of Murtaz4 Nizam Shah, Kh, rose to dignity. He held several districts in Bardr as jagir. The Masjid of Rohank’herah® was built by him.

In 993, when Mir Murtaza of Sabzwar (No. 162) commanded the army of Barér, and was no longer able to withstand Calibat Khan Chir, gis in the Dak’hin, Kh. ac- companied M. Murtaz& to Hindistdn. Both were well received by Akbar, and Kh. was made a Commander of One Thousand. He received Patan in Gujrat as tuydl.

He was married to Abulfazl’s sister, and died in the end of the 34th year, before the middle of 998 (Baddont Il, 372, where in the Térikh of his death the word Dak’ hint must be written without a h).

Amir Beg, a Paingadi

bad MSS.,and Sadzwdrt is often altered to Shirdzt. Other bad MSS, have Randal.

• The Madsir has Awadh. At the

outbreak of the Bengal Military Revolt, he was Jagirddr of the Arah District (Akbarn, UI, 244),

2 The Edit. Bibl. Indica of Baddoni (III, 164) calls him wrongly Hakéw Linal Shirdzt, Zinal is the reading of

® Rohank’herah lies in West Bardv, in the district of Buldinah. In Abulfazl’s list of parganahs in Sirkér Talingdnah, there is one called Qirydt + Khuddwand Khan.

ns

443

Once Abulfazl had invited seveial grandecs, Khudéwand among them. The dishes placed before Kh. contained fowls and game and different kinds of vegetables, whilst the other guests had roast meat. He remarked it, took offence, and went away. Although Akbar assured him that Abulfazl had treated him to fowls and game accord- ing to a Hindistini custom, Kh. disliked Abulfazl, and never went again to his house. ‘Hence Dak’hinis are notorious in Hindustan for stupidity.’

The Tabaqit puts Kh. among the Commanders of Fifteen Hundred, and says that ‘he died in 995. The Madsir has 997.

162. Mi’rza’dah ’Ali‘ Kha‘n, son of Muhtarim Bog.:

He served in the 9th year in Malwah during the expedition against “Abdullah Khan Uzbak (No. 14). In the 17th year, he served in the Gujrit war under the Khan i Kalin (No, 16). Two years later, he commanded an expedition against Qasim Khan Kasi, who with a corps of Afghans ravaged the frontiers of Bihar. In the 23rd year, he accompanied Shahbiz Khan in the war with Riné Partab.? He then served in Bihdr under Khan i A’zam (25th year) and in Bengal under Shahbaz Khin (vide No. 134, p. 436). In the 30th year (993), he was present in the fight with Qut- li near Mangalkot (Bardwan). In the 31st year, he was ordered to join Qisim Khan (No. 59), who was on his way to Kashmir. Not long after, in 995 (32nd year), he was killed in a fight with the Kashmiris who defeated an Imperial detachment under Sayyid “Abdullah Khan (No. 189). .

Baddonf (III, p 326) says, he was a poet. He places his death in 996,

153. Sa’a’dat Mi’rza’, son of Khizr Khwd4jah Khan (p. 365, note 2),

154. Shima’ Khe’n Chelah.

Cheluk means ‘a slave. The Tabagdt says he was a Qureb{, or armour-hearer of the emperor, and a genial companion. He was made a Hazdri, and was uo longer alive in 1001.

In the 9th year, he assisted in the capture of Khwajah Mu’azzam. In the 20th year, he served in the war against Chandr Sen, during which Jalal Khan (No. 213) had lost his life, and afterwards under Sayyid Ahmad (No. 91) and Shahbaz (No. 80) in the expedition to Siwanab.

155. Sha‘h Gha’zi’ Kha’n, a Sayyid from Tabriz.

The Tabaqit calls him a Turkman, and says, he was dead in 1001. He served, in the 19th year with Mirzidah ’Ali Kh4n (No. 152) against Qasim Khan Kasti.

’ ‘He may be the Shah Ghazi’ Khan mentioned below under No. 161.

156. Fazil Kha‘n, son of Khan i Kalin (No. 16).

He was mentioned above, on p. 322.

157. Ma’cu/m Kha’n, son of Mu’in uddin Ahmad Farankhddi (No. 128).

Ife is not to be confounded with Ma’gvim Khan i Kabuli (p. 431, note).

Ma’oim was made a Hazéré on the death of his father, and received Ghazipiir as ¢uyull. He joined Todar Mall in Bihar, though anxious to go over to the rebels (p. 351).

• He is also valled Méradd’AM Khan. { . His father, Muhtarim Beg, was a My text edition has wrong Mérzd ’Alg | grandee of Humayiin’s Court. Khan. For Muhtarim many MSS. read * Generally called in the Histories

wrongly Muhram, Réad Kika.

444

Not ‘long afterwards, Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother, threatened to invade the Panjab, and as the emperor had resolved to move personally against him, Ma’g¢im thought it opportune to rebel. He seized Jaunpir and drove away Tarson Khan’s men (No. 32). As Akbar had known him from a child, he was inclined to pardon him, provided he left Jaunpir and accepted Awadh as tuydid. This M. did; but he continued to recruit, and when Shah Quli Mahram and Rajah Bir Bar had failed to bring him to his senses, Shahbaz Khan, on hearing of his conduct, determined to punish him. The events of the expedition have been related on p. 400.

After his defeat near Awadh, M. threw himself into the town; but as several rebel chiefs had left him, he absconded, without even taking his family with him. He applied to two Zamindirs for assistance; but the first robbed him of his valuables, and the latter waylaid him, and had it not been fora bribe, M. would not have escaped. About this time one of his friends of the name of Maq¢tid joined him and supplied him with funds. M. collected men and surprised and plundered the town of Bahraich. Vazir Kh4n (No. 41) and others moved from Hajiptir against him ; but M. escaped them. After plundering the town of Mubammadabad, he resolved to surprise Jaunptir, when the tuydlddrs of the district marched agains¢him. Being _ hard pressed, he applied to M. ‘Aziz Kokah (No. 21) to intercede for him. Akbar again " pardoned him, and gave him the Parganah Mihsf, Sirkér Champaran, as tuyil. But M. continued in a rebellious attitude, and when M. ’Aziz prepared to punish him, he

y applied for leave to go to Court. He arrived, inthe 27th year, in Agrah, and was again pardoned, chiefly at the request of Akbar’s mother.

Soon after, on going home one night from the Darbar, he was killed on the road. , An enquiry was ordered to be held, but without result, and people believed that Akbar

’ had connived at the murder. Compare with this the fate of Nos. 61 and 62, two other Bihar rebels.

158. Tolak Kha’n Qu’chi’n.

Tolak commenced to serve under Babar. He joined Humayin on his return from Persia. When the emperor had seized on Kabul, and M. Kamran came near the town under the mask of friendship, many of Humdyin’s grandees went over to him, and the emperor was obliged to retreat northwards to Zahak ( bs? ) and Bamiyan, where he hoped to find faithful officers. He sent, however, Tolak and several others

to K&bul, to bring him correct information, but Tulak alone returned. For his faith- \ fulness he was made Qurbegi. :

Tolak accompanied Humayiin to India. After the emperor’s death he belonged to those who supported the young Akbar, and was instrumental in the capture at a din-

ner party of Mir Shab Abul Ma’ili. Afterwards, T. went to K4bul, where he remained for along time. In the 7th year of Akbar’s reign, he was suddenly imprisoned by the young and hasty Ghani Khaéo, son of Mun’im Khan (No. 11), who was in charge dt :

~ Kabul. .Tolak managed to escape, and went to Lab&é Khatin, his jagir, collecting men to take.revenge on Ghani. A favourable opportunity, presented itself, when Ghani one day had left Kabul for a place called Khwajah Sayyaran ( whl satyd ), to waylay a caravan from Balkh. He was just feasting with his companions, when. Tolak Khan fell upon them, Ghan{, who was drunk, was caught, and Tolak marched

’ to Khwajah a ( Uy! Salgd ), a place two kos distant from Kabul, But he

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was opposed by Fazil Beg (Mun’im’s brother) and his son Abulfath (called wrongly Abdul Fath, on p. 318), and thought it advisable to let Ghani go. Ghani immediately collected men and pursued Tolak, who now prepared himself to go to Hindéstin. Ghanf overtook him near the Abi Ghorband, and killed Baba Qiichin and several other relations and friends of Tolak. Tolak himself and his son Isfandiyar managed to cut their way through the enemies, and arrived safely in India. Akbar gave Tolak a jigir in Malwah, where he remained for a long time. ’

In the 28th year, T. served under the Khan Khanin (No, 29) in Malwah and Gujrft, and defeated Sayyid Daulat in Kambhiit. He distinguished himself in the fights with Muzaflar, and served under Quiij Khan (No. 42) in the conquest of Bahronch. In the 30th year, he was attached to the corps which under M. ’Aziz Kokah was to be sent to the Dak’hin. Having indulged in slander during’ the disagreement between M. ’Aziz Kokah and Shihabiddin, he was imprisoned. After his release he was sent to Bengal, where in the 37th year he served under Man Singh against the Afghans.

He died in the beginning of the 41st year (1004). -

159. Khwa‘jah Shamsuddi’n Khawa’‘fi’.

Khawaft means ‘ coming from Khawaf,’ which is a district and town in Khu- raisin. Our maps have ‘ haf’ or‘ Khaf,’ due west of Harit, between Lat. 60° and 61°. According to the Mujamulbuldén, “ Khawaf is a large town belonging [at the time the author wrote} to the revenue district of Nishaptir. Near it lies on one side Bishanj which belongs to the district of Hardt, and on the other Zizan. Khawéf con- . tains one hundred villages and three towns (Sanjin, Sirawand, and Kharjard).” Amin Riazi in his excellent Hafé Iglim says that the district of Khawaf is famous for the kings, ministers, and learned men it has produced. The dynasty called, A’l i Muzaffar, of whom seven kings ruled for 59 years over Faris and Shiriz,* were Khawafis. The author of the Zakhiratulkhawdnin says that the people of Khawaf were known to be bigoted Sunnis. When Shah ‘Abbas i Cafawi, in the beginning of his reign, came to Khawéf, he forced the inhabitants to abuse, as is customary with Shi’ahs, the com- p nions of the Prophet (sabbi gihdbakh) ; but as the people refused to do so, he had seventy of the principal men thrown down from a Masjid. Although then no one

They succumbed to Timur. The Histories disagree regarding the length of their reign, some give 57 years, trom A. H. 741 to 798.

Amin Razi mentions also several learn-

. ed men and vazirs besides those men-

tioned in the Jfu’jam, and relates some anecdotes illustrating the proverbial saga-

• city and qnick-wittedness of the inhabi- tants of Khawaf,

The number of KhawaAfis in the service of the Mughul emperors was consider- able. Oné is mentioned below, No. 347. ‘he Maasir has notes on the following,— Mirzé “Izzat (under Jahangir); Mirzéi Abmad, and Mu’tamid Khan Muhammad Calih (under Shabjeban) ; Sayyid Amir Khan, Shaikh Mir, Khwajah Mir Kha-

wifi Calabat Khan, “Inayat Khan, and Mugtafa Khan (under Aurangzfb). The lists of’ grandees in the Pddishdhndmah mention several other Khawiatis. In later ‘times we have the name of ’Abdurrazziq Cimegam uddaulah Aurangdbidi, who was murdered in 1171. His ancestor, Mir Kaméluddin KhawiAfi, had served under Akbar,

__ For Khawdfi, some MSS. have Khdfi.

The Historian Muhammad: Hashim Khaff Khan has also been supposed to be a KhawAfi, though it must be observed that geographical titles ave rare. There are a few, as Lum Khan, Ghaznin Khdn, Habshi Khén, The authors of the Pa- dishahnamah and the -Madsir never use the form Khafi,

44.6

was converted, the Khawéfis are now as stanch Shi’ahs as they were formerly bigoted Sunnis.

Khwijah Shamsuddin was the son of Khwajah ‘Ald uddin, who was a man much respected in Khawaf. Shams accompanied Muzaffar Khan (No. 37), his countryman, to Bihar and Bengal. At the outbreak of the Military Revolt, he was caught by the rebels, and Ma’euim i Kabuli had him tortured with a view of getting’ money out of him. Shams was half dead, when at the request of “Arab Bahadur he was let off.and placed under ’Arab’s charge, who lay under obligations to him. But Shams eluded his vigilance, and fied to Singrém, Rajah of K’harakpur (Bibar).? As the roads were all held by the rebels, Shams could not make his way to the Imperial army. He collected men, attacked the rebels, and carried off some of their cattle; and when some time after dissensions broke out among the mutincers, he found means to escape. Akbar received him with every distinction, and appointed him, in the same year (26th), to superintend the building of Fort Atak on the Indus, near which the Imperial camp then was.?

After this, Shams was for some time Diwan of Kabul. In the 39th year, when Qulij Khan (No. 42) after the death of Qisim Khin (No. 59) was made Cribahdér of Kabul, Shams was made Diwan of tho empire (Diwdn i kul), vice Quiij.2 When Akbar, in the 43rd year, after a residence of fourteen years in the Panjab, moved to Agrah, to proceed to the Dak’hin, the Begums with Prince Khurram (Sbahjahan) were left in Lihor, and Shams was put in charge of the Panjab, in which office he con- tinued, after Akbar’s mother bad returned, in the 44th year, with the Begums to Agrah,

Shams died at Labor in the 45th year (1008). ‘The family vault which he had built near Bib Hasan Abdal having been used for other purposes (p. 425), he was buried in Lahor in that quarter of the towa which he had built, and which to his honour was called Khawaftpirah.

• Singrém later fought with Shahbaz Khan (No. 80), and ceded Fort Mahda. Though he never went to Court, he re- mained in submission to the Imperial governors of Bihar and Bengal. In the first year of Jahingir’s reign, Jahangir Quii Khan Lilah Beg, governor of Bihar, sent a corps against. Singram, who was killed in a fight. His son turned Muham- mmadan, and received the name ‘ Rajah Roz-afzin,’ was confirmed in his zamin- diris, and reached under Jahdngtfr the dignity of a Commander of Fifteen Hundred. Under Shabjah4n, he served with Mahdbat Khan in Balkh, against Jhujiy Singh Bundelah, in the siege of Parendah, and was at his death in 1044 a Commander of Two Thousand. His son, Rajah Bihréz served in Qandabar, in the war between Aurangzib and Shah Shuja’, and distinguished himself in the second conquest of Palamau (4th year of Aurangzib), Rajah Bihriiz died in the 8th year of Aurangzib’s reign. Vide Proceedings, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for

December, 1870.

2 The author of the Aladsir repeats Abulfazl’s etymology of the name ‘ Atak,’ which was given on p. 374, note. He also says that some derive it from the Hindi atak, prevention, a bar, “ because Hindus will not go beyond the Indus.” But there is no instance on record that Hindus ever did object to cross the In- dus. Bhagwan Dis, Man Singh, and others, were governors of Kabul and: Zabulistan, and had their Rajputs there ; and during the reign of Shahjahan, the Rajpiits distinguished themselves in the conquest of Balkh and the siege of Qan- dahar.

Abulfazl’s etymology is also doubtful ; for in the Akbarnamah (II, 302) he men- tions the name ‘Atak’ long before the building of the Fort (IIL, 335). 1

® The twelve Diwadns, who in 1003 had deen appointed to the 12 Cuibals, were under his orders. Diwdn v Kul is the same as Vuzir 1 Kul, or Vuzir i Mutlagq, or mercly Vazir,

44:7

He is said to have been a man of simple manners, honest and faithful, and practical in transacting business.

Like Shaikh Farfd i Bukh&rf (No. 99), whom he in many respects resembles, he died childless.

His brother, Khwijah Mémin Khawafi, was made, on his death, Diwan of the Panjib. Mimin’s son, Abdul Khaliq, was a favourite of Acaf Khan IV. (p. 369). He was killed by Mahaébat Khan, when Agaf had been removed by Mahabat from Fort Atak and imprisoned.

160. Jagat Singh, eldest of Rajah Man Sing (No. 30).

Kunwar Jagat Singh served in the 42nd year under Mirzi Ja’far Agaf Khan (No. 98) against Réjah Basu, zamindar of Mau and Pathan (Nurptir, N. E., Panjab). In the 44th year (1008), when Akbar moved to MAlwah, and Prince Salim (Jahdngir) was ordered to move against Rind Amr Singh, Man Singh was called from Bengal, and Jagat Singh was ordered to go to Bengal as ndib of his father. While.still at Agrah, he died from excessive drinking. Regarding J. S.’s daughter, vide p. 310 and No. 175

Maha Sing, Jagat’s younger son, was appointed in his stead. His youth and in- experience inclined the Afghans under “Usman and Shujiwal Khan to attack him. They defeated him and Partib Singh, son of Rajah Bhagwin Das, (No, 336), near Bhadrak in Oris4 (45th year). Man Singh hastened to Bengal, and after defeating in 1009 the Afgh4us near Sherpir ’Atd{, between Shitri (Soorce) i in Birbhtim and Murshidabad, r recovered Lower Bengal and Orisa a ee

Ma i Sing Singh died soon after, like his father, from excessive drinking.

161. Naqi’b. Kha’n, son of Mir ’Abdullatif of Qazwin.

Nagth Khdn is the title of Mir Ghidsuddin ‘Ali. His family belongs to the Saifi Sayyids of Qazwin, who were known in Iran for their Sunni tendencies. His grandfather Mir Yahy& was ‘a well known theologian and philosopher, who had acquired such extraordinary proficiency in the knowledge of history, that he was ac- quainted with the date of every event which had occurred from the establishment of the Muhammadan religion to his own time.’

‘In the opening of his career, Mir Yahy& was patronized by Shah Tahmésp i Cafawi, who called him Yahy& Ma’gtim,’ and was treated by the king with such distinction, that his enemies, envious of his good fortune, endeavoured to poison his pat- rou’s mind against him, by representing that he and his son, Mir ’Abdullatif, were the leading men among the Sunnis of Qazwin. They at last prevailed so far as to induce the king, when he was on the borders of A’zarbaijin, to order Mir Yahya and his son, together with their families, tobe imprisoned at Icfahén. At that time, his second son, ’Aldé-uddaulah was in Azarbéijin, and sent off a special messenger to convey this intelligence to his father. Mir Yahy4 being too old and infin to fly, accompanied the king’s messenger to Iefahan, aud died there, after one year and nine months, in A. H. 962, at the age of 77 years.” ,

AR RC fe Re ee

1 7. e, exempt, probably from losing torical compendium, called Labbuttawd- life and property for his attachment & stkh, composed in 1541. Vide Elliot’s Sunnism. Bibl. Index to the Historians of India,

• Mir Yahyé is the author of a his- p. 129. His second son ’Alduddaulah

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‘Mir’ ’Abdullatif, however, immediately on receipt of his brother’s communication, fied to Gilin,* and afterwards at the invitation of the emperor Humdéyiin went to Hin- distin, and arrived at Court with his family just after Akbar had ascended the throne. By him he was received with great kindness and consideration, and appointed in the second year of his reign as his preceptor. At that time Akbar knew not how to read and write, but shortly afterwards he was able to repeat some odes of Hafiz. The Mir was a man of great eloquence and of excellent disposition, and so moderate in his re- ’ ligious sentiments,? that each party used to revile him for his indifference.’

‘When Bairf4m Khan had incurred the displeasure of the emperor and had left Agrah and proceeded to Alwar, with the intention, as it was supposed, of exciting a rebellion in the Panjab, the emperor sent the Mir to him, to dissuade him from such an open breach of fidelity to his sovereign.’ Elliot, Index, l. c.

Mir ‘’Abdallatif died at Sikri on the 5th Rajub, 981, and was buried at Ajmir near the Dargah of Mir Sayyid Husain Khing-Suwar.

*Abdullatif had several sons, The following are mentioned—1l. Naqib Khan ; 2. Qamar Khan; 3. Mir Muhammad Sharif. The last was killed in 984 at Fathpir by a fall from his horse while playing hockey with the emperor (Bad. II.,230). For Qamar Khan, wide No. 243.

Naqib Khan arrived with his father in India, when Akbar after his accession was still in the Panjab (Akbarn. II., 23), and soon became a personal friend of the emper- or (II., 281). In the 10th year, he conveyed Akbar’s pardon to Khan Zamin, for whom Mun’im Khan had interceded (II., 281). In the 18th year, N. accompanied the emperor on the forced march to Patan and Ahmadabad (p, 438, note), and in the following year to Patna. In the end of the 2lst year, he took parf in the expedi- tion to Idar (IIT., 165), and was sent in the following year to Malwah or Gujrat, after the appointment of.Shihab to the latter province. After the outbreak of the Military Revolt in Bengal, N. with his brother Qamar Khan served under Todar Mall and Cadiq Khan in Bihar against Ma’gim i Kabuli (III., 273). In tho 26th year, he. received the title of Nagib Khdn.* Though during ‘the reign of Akbar, he did not

wrote under the political name of Kémi, and is the author of the Nufdis ul Ma- dsir, a ‘tazkirah,’ or work on literature. Badaoni (III, 97) says he composed a Qagidah in which, according to the man- ner of Shi’ahs, he abused the companions of the Prophet and the Sunnis, and among the latter his father and elder brother (‘Abdullatif), whom he used to call Huzrat i Agd, as he had been his teacher. But the verse in which he cursed his relations is ambiguously worded.

Some fix the date of Mir Yabya’s death two years earlier.

? The MSS. of the Madsir have wbILS Ja ; so also Baddoni, 2. ¢.

° He was the first that taught Ak- bar the principle of gulk i cul, ‘ peace with all, the Persian term which Abul- fazl so often uses to describe Akbar’s policy of toleration. Abulfazl (Akbarn.

IL, 23) says that “Abdullatif was accused

in Persia of being a Sunni and in Hin-,

distin of being a Shi’ah.

® Elliot has by mistake 971. The

Térikh of his death in the Madsir and Baddéont (IIL, p. 99) is fukhr ¢ dl ¢ Yd-Sin, ‘ the pride of the descendants of Yasin (the Prophct)’=981, if the long alif’in dt be not counted 2, but 1,

• Kewal Ram, according to Elliot, says in the Zuzkiraé ul Umurd- that the title was conferred on Nagib Khan in the 25th year for his gallant conduct in repelling a night attack made by Ma’gim Khan i Kabuli on the Imperialists under Today Mall and Cadiq Khan. This night attack is related” in the Akbarndmah (HI, 293). The fight took place in the 2Hh year, near Gya,; but Abulfazl says nothing of Nagib’s ‘ gallant conduct;’ he does not even mention bis name,

449

tise above the rank of a Hazdré, he possessed great influence at Court. He was Akbar’s reader, and superintended the translations from Sanscrit into Persian, men- tioned on p. 104. Several portions of the Térikh 2 Alfé also (p. 106) are written by him.

Naqib had an unele of the name of Q4zf Tsd, who had come from Tran to Akbar’s Court, where he died in 980. His son was Shih Ghazi Khan (vide No. 155). Akbar married the lattet-to Sakinah Bint Begum, sister of Mirzié Muhammad Hakim (Akbar’s half-brother); and as Nuqfb Khan, in the 38th year, reported that Qazi Isi had ex- pressed a dying wish to present his daughter to Akbar, the emperor married her. Thus two of Naqgib’s cousins married into the imperial family.

..On the accession of Jabingir, N. was made a Commander of 1500 (Tuzuk, p. 12). He died in the 9th year of J.’s reign (beginning of 1023) at Ajmir, and was buried at the side of his wife within the enclosure of Mu’in i Chishti’s tomb (Tuzuk, p. 129), His wife was a daughter of Mir Mahintid, Ifunsht ulmamdlik, who had bean for twenty- five years in Akbar’s service (Baddoni III., 321).

Nagib’s son, ’Abdullatif, was distinguished for his acquirements. He was married to a daughter of M. Yusuf Khan (No. 35), and died insane.

Naqib Khan, like his grandfather, excelled in history. It is said that he knew the seven volumes of the Rauzatugeafé by heart. Jahangir, in his Memoirs, praises him for his remarkable memory, and Baddoni, who was Naqib’s school fellow and friend, says that no man in Arabia or Persia was as proficient in history as Naqib. Once on being asked how many pigeons there were in a particular flock then flying, he responded instantly, without making a mistake of even one.

162. Mir Murtaza’ Kha’n, a Sabzwari Sayyid.

Mir Murtazé Khan was at first in the service of Adil Shah of Bijapur. Murtaza Nizim Shih called him to Ahmadnagar, and made him Military Governor of Barir, and later Amirul Umar&. He successfully invaded, at Nizim Shah’s order, ’Adil Shab’s dominions. But Niz&m Shah suffered from insanity, and the government was left in the hands of his Vakil, Shéh Quii Qalabat Khan; and as he reigned absolutely, several of the nobles, especially the éwyélddrs of Barar, were dissatisfied. Calabat Khan being bent on ruining them, Mir Murtaz4, Khudawand Khan (No. 151), Jamshed Khan i Shirazi, and others, marched in 992 to Ahmadnagar. Qalabat Khan and Shihzidah Miran Husain surprised them and routed them. Mir Murtaza lost all his property, and unable to resist Calabat Khan, he went with Khudawand Khan to Ak- bar, who made him a Commander of One Thousand.

M. M. distinguished himself under Shah Murad in the Dak’hin invasion. When the Prince left Ahmadnagar, Cédiq Khan (No. 43) remained in Mahkar (South Barar), and M. M, in Ilichpir, to guard the conquered districts. During his stay there, he managed to take possession of Fort. Gawil, near Tlichpir (43rd year, 1007), persuading the commanders Wajihuddin and Biswas Rio, to enter Akbar’s service. Later, M. M. distinguished himself in the conquest of Ahmadnagar under Prince Danyal, and received a higher Mangab, as also a flag and a nagqdrah.

Mir Murtazé is not to be confounded with the learned Mir Murtaza Sharif i Shirazi (Baddong IIL, 920),*orethe Mir Murtazé mentioned by Buaddonf,

® NS es TIL, 279. 57

450

163. Shamsi’, son of Khin i A’zam Mirzi Kokah (No. 21).

He was mentioned above on pp. 327 and 328. At the end of Akbar’s reign, Shamsi* was a Commander of Two Thousand.

“In the third year of Jahangir’s reign, he received the title of Jahangir Quli Khan, vacant by the death of Jabangir Quli Khin Lélah Beg, Governor of Bihar, and was sent to Gujrat as ndib of his father. Mirzé ’Aziz had been nominally appointed Gover- nor of that Qibah; but as he had given the emperor offence, he was detained at Court. Subsequently Shamsi was made a Commander of Three Thousand, and Gover- nor of Jaunpir. Whilst there, Prince Shahjahan had taken possession of Bengal, and prepared himself to march on Patna, sending Abdullah Khan Firiz-Jang and Rajah Bhim in advance towards Ilahibad. On hee arrival at Chausé, Shamsi left Jaun- pir, and joined Mirz4 Rustam (No. 9), Governor of the Cuibah of Tlahdbad.

On Shabjahan’s accession, Shamst was deposed, but allowed to retain his Mangab. A short time after, he was appointed to Strat and Jiindgadh, vice Beglar Khan. He died there in the 5th year of Shahjahan’s reign (1041).

ShAmst’s son, Bahram, was made by Shahjah4n a Commander of 1000, 500 horse (Pddishdhn. 1., b., 309), and appointed to succeed his father. Whilst in Gujrat, he built a place called after him Bahrdmpirah. He died in the 18th year of Shibjahan’s reign (Pddishdhn, II., p. 733). :

164. Mi/r Jame/luddi’n Husain, an Injii Sayyid.

From a remark in the Wag¢df it appears that a part of Shiraz was called Lnji * vide Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1868, p: 67 to p. 69.

Mir Jaméluddin Injii belongs to the Sayyids of Shirfz,svho trace their descent to Qasim arvdsi ibn i Hasan ibn i Ibrahim Tabatibé i Husaini. Mir Sh&h Mahmid and Mir Shah Abi Turab, two later members of this renowned family, were appointed during the reign of Shah Tahmaspi Cafawi, at the request of the Chief Justice of Persia, Mir Shamsuddin Asadullah of Shushtar, the first as Shaikhul Islim of Persia, and the second as Qazf-lquzit. Mir Jamaluddin is one of their cousins.

Mir Jamaluddin went to the Dak’hin, the kings of which had frequently inter-

• married with the Injiis. He afterwards entered Akbar’s service, took part in the Gujrét- wars, and was present in the battle of Patan (p. 396). Later he was sent to Bengal. Atthe outbreak of the Military Revolt, he was with Muzaffar (Akbarndmah, III, p. 265). In the 30th year (993), he was made a Commander of Six Hundred, and accompanied, shortly after, A’zam Khan (No. 21) on his expedition to Gadha and Raisin (Akbarn. IIT., 472). In the 36th year, he had a jagir in Malwah, and served under A’zam Khan in the Dak’hin. His promotion to the rank of a Hazari took place in the 40th year. When in the 45th year the fort of Asir had been conquered, ’Adil Shah, king of Bijapur wished to enter into a matrimonial alliance with Akbar, and offered his daughter to Prince Danyal. To settle matters, Akbar despatched the Mir in 1009 (Akbarn. IIL., 846) to the Dak’hin. But the marriage only took place in 1013, near Patan, After this, accompanied by the Historian Firishtab, he went to Agrah, in order to lay before the emperor ‘such presents and tribute, as had never before come from the Dak’hin.’

i Shamed is an abbreviation for Shamsuddi®

451

At the end of Akbar’s reign, Mir J. was a Commander of Three Thousand, Hav- ing been a favorite of Prince Salim, he was promoted after the Prince’s accession to the post of a Chahfr-Hazari, and received a naggdrah and a flag. When Khusrau rebelled, the Mir received the order to effect an understanding by offering Khusrau the kingdom of Kabul with the same conditions under which M. Muhammad Hakim, Ak.-. bar’s brother, had held that province. But the Prince did not consent ; and when he was subsequently made a prisoner (p. 414) and brought before his father, Hasan Beg (No. 167), Khusrau’s principal agent, told Jahangir that all Amfrs of the Court / were implicated in the rebellion; Jamaluddin had only a short time ago asked him (Hasan Beg) to promise him an appointment as Panjhazdéri. The Mir got pale | and confused, when Mirzi ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) asked the emperor not to listen to such absurdities ; Hasan Beg knew very well that he would have to suffer death ‘and therefore tried to involve others; he himself (’Aziz) was the chief conspirator, and ready as such to undergo any punishment. Jahdngir consoled the Mir, and appointed him afterwards Governor of Bibér. In the 11th year, Mir Jamal received the title of *Azaduddaulah. On this occasion, he presented the emperor a dagger, inlaid with precious stones, the making of which he had himself superintended when at Bijapir. At the top of the handle, he had a yellow ydgiit fixed, perfectly pure, of the shape of half an egg, and had it surrounded by other ydgdéts and emeralds. The ‘value was estimated at 50,000 Rupees.

Tn 1621, Jahangir pensioned him off, because he was too old, allowing him four , thousand rupees per mensem. The highest rank that he had reached, was that of a brevet Panjhaziri with an actual command of Three Thousand and Five Hundred. In 1623, at the eighteenth anniversary of Jahingir’s accession, he presented the em- peror a copy, of the great Persian Dictionary, entitled Furhang i Jahkdngi?, of which he was the compiler. The first edition of it had made its appearance in 1017.”

After having lived for some time in Bahraich, Mir JamAl returned to Agrah, where he died. . .

Mir Jamaluddin had two sons. 1. Mir Aminuddin. He served with his father, and married a daughter of Abdurrahim Khén Khandn (No. 29). He died when young.:

2. Mir Husdmuddin. He married the sister of Ahmad Beg Khan, brother’s son of Ibrahim Khan Fath-Jang (Nur Jahdn’s brother). Jahangir made hint Gover- nor of Asir, which fort he handed over to Prince Shabjahan during his rebellion. On Shahjahan’s accession, he was made a Commander of 4000, with 3000 horse, received a present of 50,000 Rupees, and the title of Murtazd Khdn. He was also made Governor of T’hat’hah, where he died in the second year (1039),

Mir Husim’’s sons—1. Crmedmuddaulah, He was made Diwan of Shih Shuja’ in the 2lst year. In the 28th year, he was appointed Governor of Orisé with a command of 1600, and 500 horse. He died in the end of the same year. 2. Nérullah. He is mentioned in the Pddishdhndmah (1., b., p. 312) as a Commander of Nine Hundred, 300 horse, ;

2 e

1 Regarding the aoc Aichi z, { 1868, pp. 12 to 15, and 65 to 69. vide Journal, Asiatt® Socicty, Bengal,

1

€

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165. Sayyid Raju’, of Barha.

Historians do not say to which of the four divisions (vide p. 391) of the Barha clan Raju belongs.

..He served in the 21st year, under Man Singh, and in the 28th year, under Jagannath (No. 69), against the Rana. While serving under the latter, Raji commanded the Imperial garrison of Mandalgarh, and successfully conducted an expedition against a detachment of the Raina’s troups. In the 30th year, Jagannath and Raji attacked the Rana in his residence ; but he escaped.

Later, Raji served under Prince Murad, Governor of Milwah, whom, in the 36th year, he accompanied in the war with Rajah Madhukar; but as the Prince was ordered by Akbar to return to Malwah, Raji had to lead the expedition. In the 40th year, he served in thé siege of Ahmadnagar. Once the enemies surprised the Imperialists, and did much damage to their cattle. Raju attacked them, but was killed in the fight together with several of his relations (1003 A. H. ).

166. Mir Sharif i A’muli’.

His antecedents and arrival in India have been mentioned above on p. 176. In the 30th year, (993) Prince Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim of Kabul died; ‘and the country was annexed to India. Mir Sharif was appointed Amin and (adr of the new pro- vince. In the following year, he served under Man Singh in Kabul. In the 36th year,* he “was appointed in the same capacity, though with more extensive powers, to Bibar and Bengal. Inthe 43rd year, he received Ajmir as agtd’, and the Parganah of Mohdn near Lak’hnau as tug, During the siege of Ast, he joined the Imperial camp with his contingent, and was well received by the emperor.

He is said to have risen to the rank of a Commander of Three Thousand. He was buried at Moh4n. On his death, neither books nor official papers were found ; his list of soldiers contained the names of his friends and clients, who had to refund him six months’ wages per annum. .

J ahangtr in his memoirs (Zuzuh, p. 22) praises him very much.

The Tabagdt says, ‘ Mir Sharif belongs to the heretics of the age. acquainted with gufism, and is at present (1001) in Bihar.’

He is well

Note on the Nugtawiah Sect (41,435), It was mentioned above (p. 177) that Mir Sharif spread in India doctrines which resembled those of Mahmtd of Basakhwan.? The curious sect which Mahmud founded, goes by the name of Mahmidiyah, or Wahidiyah, or Nugtawiyah, or Umand. Mahmid

2 The Lucknow edition of the Akbar. namah (1II., p. 629) says he was made at the same time a Commander of Four Thousand. This must be a mistake, be- cause Mir Sharif was at Jahdngfr’s ac. cession a Commander of 2500 (Zuzuk, p. 22).

? Badéoni (Ed, Bibl. Indica) has Basakhwdn; the MSS. of the Madasir Basékhwdn (with a long penultima) and on other ese Basdkhdn, without a w; the Calcutta edition of the

Dabistan (p. 374) and Shea and Troyer’s Translation have Masajwdn,—a shitting of the diacritical points. ® The name nugtawt was evidently used by Badaoni, though the MSS. from which the Bibl. Indica edition was ae have Nabati, which was given p- 17§. For Umgnd, Shea’s transla- iba rot the Dabistan has Jmand ; but Wot

(umand) is, no doubt, the plural of yt amin.

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called himself Shakhg « Wdhid, or ‘the individual,’ and professed to be the Imém Mahdi, whose appearance on earth ushers in the end of the world. According to the Calcutta edition ofthe Dabistan and Shea’s Translation, he lived about 600 A. H.; but the MSS. of the Madsir have A. H. 800, which also agrees with Baddoni’s’ ‘statement that Mahmiid lived at the time of Tithur. The sect found numerous adhe- rents in Iran, but was extinguished by Shéh “Abbés i Mazi,? who killed them or drove them into exile.

Mabinvid had forced into his service a passage from the Qorfn (Sur. XVITL., 81), ‘asd an yab’asaka rabbuka magdman makmidan, ‘ Peradventure thy Lord will raise thee to an honorable (mahmiid) station. He maintained that the human body (jasad ) had since its creation been advancing in purity, and that on its reaching a higher degree of perfection, ‘Mahmud’ would arise, as indicated in the passage from the Qorén, and with his appearance the dispensation of Muhammad would come to an .end. He taught the transmigration of souls, and said that the beginning of every thing was the nugtah i khak, or earth-atom, from which the vegetables, and from these the animals, arose. The term nugtah i khdk has given rise to their name Nugtawis. For other of Mahmiud’s tenets, vide Shea’s translation of the Dabistén, vol. IIL, pp. 12 to 26. :

Some of Mahmiid’s doctrines must have been of interest to Akbar, whose leanings towards the ‘man of the millennium,’ transmigration of souls, &c., bave .been men- tioned above, and Mir Sharff i Amuli could not have done better than propounding the same doctrine at Court, and pointing to Akbar as the restorer of the millennium.

The author of the Alam Ardi Sikandari, as the Mfadsir says, mentions Mir Sha- rif i Amuli under the following circumstances. In 1002, the 7th year of Shah ‘Abbas i Mazi’s reign, the astrologers of the age predicted, in consequence of certain very inauspicious conjunctions, the death of a great king, and as this prediction was uni- versally referred to Shab Abbas, Jalaluddin Muhammad of Tabriz, who was looked upon as the ‘greatest astronomer of the period, proposed that Shah “Abbas should lay aside royalty for the two or three days the dreaded conjunction was expected to last, and that a criminal who had been sentenced to death, should sit on the throne. This ex- traordinary expedient was everywhere approved of; the criminals threw lots, and Yusuf the quiver-maker, who belonged to the heretical followers of Darwish Khusrau of Qazwin, was raised to the throne. He reigned for three days, and was then killed. Soon after, Darwish Khusrau was hanged. His ancestors had been well- diggers, but he was a dervish, and though he had been wise enough never to speak of his Nugtawiyah belief, he was known as one of the sect, and was accordingly killed. So also Mir Sayyid Ahmad of Kashén, whom ‘Abbas killed: with his own, sword, Among his papers treatises were found on the Nugtak doctrine, and also a letter addressed to him by Abulfazl in Akbar’s name. Mir Sharif i A’mult, a good poet and the head of the sect, heard of these persecutions, and fled from Astrabdd to Hindistdn,

Regarding the last sentence, the author of the Madsir remarks that it involves at anachronism, for Mir Sharif was in India in 984, when Akbar was at Dipaipir in MAlwah ; and besides, Sharif i Amuli was mentioned in no Tazkirah as a poet.

? Mazt ( (vel) @. ¢., who passed a- | give to Shab “Abbas I. of Persia, the way, is the epithet which Historians | Contemporary of Akbar and Jahangir.

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167. Hasan Beg [Kha’n i Badakhshi’] Shaikh ’Umari’.*

Hasan Beg was a good soldier. In the 34th year, Akbar, after his stay in Kash- mfr, marched to Zibulistan, and passed through the district of Pak’hali, ‘ which is 35 . kos long and 25 broad, and lies west of Kashmir. In Pak’hali, Sultin Husain Khan i Pak’haliwal (No. 301) paid his respects. This Zaminditr belonged to the descend- ants of the Qarlyghs ( ex 15), whom Timur on his return from India to Turan had left in Pak’hali as garrison. After following Akbar’s ‘Court for a few days,. Sultan Husain Khan withdrew without leave, and the emperor ordered Hasan Beg to occupy Pak’half (Akbarndmah III, 591, 598). He speedily subdued the district. In the 35th year, during Hasan Beg’s temporary absence at Court, Sultin Husain Khin again rebelled, assumed the title of Sultan Nagiruddin, and drove away Hasan Beg’s men. But soon after, he had again to submit to Hasan Beg. In the 46th year, Hasan was made a Commander of Two Thousand and Five Hundred for his services in Bangash, and was put, towards the end of Akbar’s reign, in charge of Kabul, receiving Fort Rohtas? (in the Panjab) as jagir.

In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, he was called from K4bul to Court. On his way, at Mat’huré (Muttra), Hasan Beg met Prince Khusrau, who had fled from Agrah on Sunday, the 8th Zi Hajjah, 1014.2. From distrust as to the motives of the emperor which led to his recall from KaAbul, or “ from the innate wickedness of Badakh- shis,”’ he joined the Prince with his three hundred Badakhshi troopers, received the

“title of Khan Baba, and got the management ofall affairs. Another officer who ‘attached himself to Khusrau, was ’Abdurrahim, Diwan of Libor.’ After the defeat near Bhaironwal on the Bidh,* the Afghins who were with the Prince, advised him to retreat to the Eastern provinces of the empire; but Hasan Beg proposed to march to Kabul, which, he said, had always been the starting-place of the conquerors of India; he had, moreover, four lacs of rupees in Rohtds, which were at the Prince’s service. Hasan Beg’s counsel was ultimately adopted. But before he could reach Rohtés, Khusrau was captured on the Chanab. On the 8rd Cafar 1015, the Prince, Hasan Beg, and ’Abdurrahim, weve taken before Jahdngir in the Bagh i Mirza Kamran, a villa near LAhor, Khusrau himself, according to Chingiz’s law (batorah 4 Chingizt), with his hands tied and fetters on his feet. Hasan Beg after making a useless attempt to incriminate others (p. 451), was put into a cow-hide, and ’Abdurrahfm into a don- key’s skin, and in this state they were tied to donkeys, and carried through the bazars.

ne Pp

2 Badakhshé is the adjective formed from Badakshdn, as Kdshi from Kdsh- dn. The words Shaikh ’Umaré are to be taken as an adjective formed like Akbarshéht, Jahdéngirt, &c., which we find after the names of several grandees. Thus Shaikh ’Umart would mean ‘ be- longing to the servants of Shaikh “Umar,’ and this explanation is rendered more probable by the statement of historians that Hasan Beg belonged to the Bdba- ridn, or ‘nobles of Babar’s Court,’

Hasan Beg is often wrongly called Husain Beg. Thus in the Zuzwk, p.

25, f.; Pddishdhn. I, p. 306; Akbarn. , 598.

• Generally spelt (»l29). Tho fort in Bihar is spelt without wdw, _»4S), though both are identical.

8 So the Tuzuk. The Madsir has the 20th, instead of the 8th. MSS. continu- ally confound eit and pimy, But Jahangir on his pursuit reached Hodal on the 10th Zi Hajjah, and the Zwzuk is correct.

• Vide p. 414, note. There is another } Bhaironwal betweensWazirabid and Sidl- kot, south of the Chanab.

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‘As cow-hides get sooner dry than donkey-skins, Hasan died after a few hours from suffocation; but “Abdurrahim was after 24 hours still alive, and received, at the yequest of several courtiers, free pardon.* The other accomplices and the troopers of Khusrau were impaled ; their corpses were arranged in a double row aloyg the road — which leads from the Bizh i Mirzi Kimrain’ to the Fort of Lahor,and Khusrau, seated on a sorry clephant, was led along that way. People had been posted at short intervals, and pointing to the corpses, kept calling out to Khusrau, “ Behold, your friends, your servants, do you homage.”

Hasan Beg was mentioned above on p. 3-46. His son Isfandiydr Khan, was under Shihjahan, a commander of 1500. He served in Bengal, and died in the 16th year of Shahjahdn’s reign (Pddishdhn. I, 476; I., b., 304) The Arif Beg i Shaikh ’Umari mentioned in the Pddishdkn. (1, b., 319) appears to bea relation of his.

168. Sheroyah Khan, son of Shor Afkan Ichan, |

Sher Afkan Khan was the son of Qich Beg. Qutich Beg served under Humiyiin, and was killed in the successful attempt. made by several grandees_to save Maryam “Makinf, Akbar’s mother, after the fatal battle of Chausé (vide No. 96, p. 410). When Humaytin? fled to Persia, Sher Afkan remained with Mirzi Kamran in Kabul ; but he joined the empaoror on his return from Trin, and was made governor of Qalit. Later he received Zahik-Bimiyén as jagir, but went again over to Kamran. Tumayiin, soon after, captured and killed him.

Sheroyah Khan served at first under Mun’im (No. 11) in Bengal and Orfsé. Tn the 26th year, he was appointed to accompany Prince Murid to Kabul. In tho 28th year, he served undor ’Abdarrahim (No. 29) in Gujrat, and was present in the battle of Sarkich (Akvarndmuh IIL, 408, 422). In tho 30th year, he served under Matlab Khan (No. 83) against Jalilah Tarfki (p. 403). In the 39th year, he was made a Khan, and was appointed to Ajmir. According to the Tubagdt, he was a Hazari in 1001.

169. Wazar Be Uzbak.

The Akbarndmah (III, p. 500) says, ‘Ou the same day® Nazav Be, and his sons Qanbar Be, Shadi Be (No. 367), and Bagi Be (No. 368), were presented at Court, and were favourably reccived by the emperor.’

Shadi Be distinguished himself in the expedition under Matlab Khan (No. 83) against the Tarikis. He may be the Shadi Khan Shidi Beg, mentioned in the Pddishdhndmah (1., b., 308) as a commander of One Thousand. Be is the abbrevia- tion of Beg, Nazar Be is not to be confounded with Nazar Beg (No. 247).

170. Jala Kha‘n, son of Muhammad Khan, son of Sultin Adam, the Gakk’har. °

171, Muba/rak Kha’n, son of Kamal Khan, the Gakk’har.

The Gakk’hars are a tribe inhabiting, according to the Afadsir, the hilly districts

• In Zi Hajjah, 1018, he got an ap- — that Mian Singh, soon after the defeat of pointment asa YuizbAshi, or commander of the Imperialists and the death of Bir 100, and was sent to Kashmir (Zuzuk, p. Bay in the Khaibar Pass, had defeated 79). Inthe Zuzuk, he is called “Abdur. the Tarikis at “Ali Masjid (end of the rahim Khar, ’Abdurvahim ‘the Ass.’ 30th year, or beginning of Rabi’ L., 914).

When the news was brought to Akbar

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between the Bahat and the Indus.

At the time of Zainul’ébidin, king of Kashmir,

a Ghaznin noble of the name of Malik Kid ( 05, or oS ), whowas a relation of the then ruler of Kabul, took away these districts. from the Kashmiris, and gradually extended his power over the region between the Niltb (Indus) and the Sawaliks and the frontier of modern Kashmfr.? Malik Kid was succeeded by his son Malik Kalin, and Malik Kalan by Malik Bir. After Bir, the head of the tribe was Sultan Tatér,who rendered

Babar valuable service, especially in the war with Rana Sanka.

Sultan Tatar had two

sons, Sultén Sdrang, and Sult4n Adam. Sirang fought a great deal with Sher Shih and Salim Shd4h, capturing and selling alarge number of Afghans. The Fort Rohtis was commenced by Sher Shah with the special object of keeping the Gakk’hars in check. Sher Shih in the end captured Sultén Sérang and killed him, and confined his son Kamal

Khan in Gwiliér, without, however, subjugating the tribe.

Sutin Adam was now

Jooked upon as the head of the clan. He continued to oppose the Afghans. Once Salim Shah gave the -order to blow up a portion of the Gwalidr Fort, where the state prisoners were kept. Kamal Khan, who was still confined, had a miraculous escape and was in consequence pardoned. Kamal went to his kinsfolk; but as Sultin Adam had usurped all power, he lived obscurely with his brother Said Khan,

avoiding to come in conflict with his uncle.

Immediately after Akbar’s acces-

sion, however, Kamal paid his respects to the emperor at Jalindhar, was well received, and distinguished himself in the war with Hemd, and during the siege of Mankot, In the 3rd year, he was scent against the Miyanah Afghdns, who had revolted near Saronj (Malwah), and was made on his return jagirdir of Karah and Fathpir Huswah. In the 6th year, he served under Khan Zamén (No. 13) against the Afghans under the son of Mubariz Khan ’Adli (p. 320). In the 8th year (970), he was called to Court, and as Akbar wished to reward him, Kamil Khan begged the emperor to put him in possession of the Gakk’har district, which was still in the hands

Mr. J. E. Delmerick informs me that the Gakk’hars inhabited the hilly parts of the Raéawul Pindi and Jhelam districts { from Khanpitr on the borders of the Ha-

zixvah district along the lower range of

, hills skirting the Tahcils of Rawal Pindi, f Kultita, and Giijar Khan, as far as Do- meliin the Jhelam district. Their ancient strongholds were Pharwdlah, Sultin- . pti, and Dangali. They declare that ‘ they are descended from the Kaianian kings of Iran. Their anéestor Kid invaded Tibet, where he and his descend- ants reigned for ten generations. His tenth descendant Kab conquered Kash. mir, and took possession of half of it. The Gakk’hars then reigned for 16 gene- rations after Kabin Kashmir. The 16th descendant, Zain Shah fled to Afghani- stan, where he died. His son, Gakk’har Shah, came to the Panjab with Mahmid of Ghazni, and was made lord of the Sind Sdgar Duab. Malik Bir is said to have been the grandfather of Tatér, whose father was Malik Pil. Vide Mr. Del-

merick’s Jlistory of the Gakk’hars, Journal, A. S. B., 1871.

? The Madsir says, he subjected the tribes called ,8¢5 ¢ dayile © wytygy 6 dyke whSpa? {Sage , yb, and cfi,Syo, Mr. Delmerick says, the Khatars inhabit the western parts of the Rawul Pindi district. The second tribe is that of the Junjiahs who inhabit the Salt Range. The third, Awdn ( ytyt ), ave found in the southern parts of the Rawal Pindi and the Jhelam districts ; their tract is called Awdnkdré | to this day. The fourth, he says, may, - be the Jodruhs ( % 93>), & great clan. about Pindi Gheb. The fifth, he believes is intended for the Kokhardn (csh59¢5), a tribe of some importance in Pind Dadan, Khin. Thesixth and the eighth are th Chibh (&s¢>) and Mangaral (J [ Sie), large tribes in Jammt. The seventh he supposes to be a mistake for dy3lg2 pahd- riah or hill tribes,which were the Dhiinds ( M945 ) aud Sattis ( sie ye

457

of his usurping uncle. Akbar ordered the Khan i Kalan (No. 16) and other Panjabi grandces, to divide the district into two parts, and to give one of them to Kamal Khan; if Sultin A’dam was not satisfied with ‘the other, they should occupy the country and punish Sultin Adam. The latter alternative was rendered necessary by the resistance of Sultin Adam. The Panjib army, therefore, and Kaindl Khan entered the Gakk’har district, and defeated and captured Adam after a severe engagement near !

• the ‘Qugbah of Hil4n”* Sultin Adam and his son Lashkari were handed over to Kamal Khan, who was put in possession of the district. Kamal Khan killed Lashkari, and put Sultin Adam into prison, where he soon after died. (Akbarudmah, II, 240f.)

It is stated in the Jabagdt that Kamal Khan was a commander of Five Thousand, distinguished for courage and bravery, and died in 972.?

‘Mubarak Khan and Jalil Khan served in the 30th year under Mirza Shahrukh, Bhagwan Das, and Shah Quii Mahram, in Kashmir (Akbarndmah, III, 485). The Tabaqit calls both, as also Sa’id Khdn, commanders of Fifteen Hundred. A daughter

_ of Said Khan was married to Prince Salim ; vide No. 228, note.

172, Ta’sh Beg Kha’n Mughul, [Taj Khan].

Tash Beg served at first under Mirzii Muhammad Hakim, king of Kabul, and entered, after the, death of his master, Alcbar’s service. He received a jigir in the Panjab, According to the Adbarndmak (III, 489), he went with Bir Bay (No. 85) to Sawad and Bijox, and distinguished himself under ’Abdul Matlab (No. 83) against the Tarikis (IIL, 541).

In the 40th year, he operated against the ’Is& Khail Afghans, though with little success. Two years later, he served under Agaf Khin (No. 98) in the conquest of Mau, and received the title of Z¢j Khdén. When Rajah Bast again rebelled (47th year), Khwajah Sulaiman, Bakhshi of the Panjab, was ordered to march against bim with the contingents of Qulij Khan (No. 42), Husain Beg i Shaikh “Umarf (No. 167), Abmad Beg i Kabuli (No. 191), and T&j Khan. Without waiting for the others, T. Kh. moved to Pathan. Whilst pitching his tents, Jamil Beg, T. Kh.’s son, received news of Basti’s approach. He hastily attacked him, and was killed with fifty men of his father’s contingent.

Jahangir on his accession, promoted him to a command of 3000. In the second year of his reign. he officiated as governor of Kabul till the arrival of Shah Beg Khin (No. 57). He was afterwards appointed governor of T’hat’hah, where he died in the ninth year (1023).

173. Shaikh ’Abdullah, son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus [of Gwilia].

Shaikh Abdullah at first lived a retired and saintly life, but entered subsequently the

-Emperor’s service. He distinguished himself, and is said to have risen to the aay of a commander of Three Thousand, He died when young.

His brother Zidullah lived as Fagir, and studied during the lifetime of his

1 Not Hailin ( wdlye ), south of Chili- | The author of the Madsir found 970 in | dnwadlé between the Jhelam and the | his MS., which would be the same year Chanab; but Hilan, or Hil, which Mr. ja which Kamal Khan was restored to Delmerick says, is a ferr yon the Jhelam. his paternal inheritance ; hence he adds a wnear Dangali, Sultan ,Adam’s strong- AsiaU,, He was certainly alive in the hold. middle of 972 (Akbarndmah, II, p- */So in my MSS. of the Tabagdé, | 302) y

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futher under the renowned saint Wajibuddin in Gujritt, who bimself was a pupil of Muhammad Ghaus.

_ Biographies of Muhammad Ghaus (died 970 at Xgrab, buried in Gwalidr) will be found in the Madsir, Baddont (IIL, p. 4), and the Khazinatullagfid (p. 969). He was disliked by Bairim Khan, Shaikh Gadai, and Shaikh Mubarak, Abulfaal’s father. Vide also Mudsir i’ A’lamgirt, p. 166.

174, Rajah Ra‘jsingh, son of Rajah Askaran, the Kachhw4hah:

Rajah Askaran is a brother of Rajah Bihari Mall (No. 23). He served in the 22nd year with QAdiq Khan (No. 43) against Rajah Madhukar of Undchah,* and in the 25th year under Todar Mall in Bihar. In the 30th year, he was made o commander of One Thousand, and served in the same year under ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in the Dak’hin. Iv

the 31st year, when Akbar appointed two officers to each gtibah, Askaran and Shaikh Ibrahim (No. 82) were appuinted to Agrah. In the 33rd year, he served a second time against Rajah Madhukar under Shihab Khan (No. 26), and died soon after.

Abulfazl has not given his name in this list of grandecs. The Tabaqit says he was a commander of Three Thousand. ;

Raj Sing, his son, received the title of Rajah after the death of his father. He served for along time in the Dak’hin, was called in the 44th year to Court, and was appointed commandant of Gwalidr. In the 45th year, he joined the Imperial army, which undor Akbar besieged Fort Asfr. In the 47th year, he pursued, together with Rai Rayan Patr Das (No. 196), the notorious Bir Singh Deo Bundelah, who at Jahdngit’s insti- gation had murdered Abulfazl. Foy his distinguished services in the operations against the Bundelah clan, he was promoted, and held, in the 50th year, the rank of a com- mander of 4000, 3000 horse. In the 3rd year, of Jahangiv’s reign, he served in the Dak’hin, where he died in 1024 (LOth year).

Rdm Dds, his son, was a Commander of 1000, 400 horse. He received, in the 12th year, the title of Rajah, and was made, in the samo year, a commander of 1500, 700 horse.

One of his grandsons, Prasuttam Singh, turned Muhammadan in the 6th year of ShahjahAn’s reign, and received the name of ’Ibddutmand.?

175. Rai Bhoj, son of Rai Surjan Hada (No. 96).

When Bind{, in the 22nd year, was taken from Dauda, elder brother of Rai Bhoje the latter was put in possession of it. Bho} served under Man Singh agaivst the Afghans of Orisé, and under Shaikh Abulfazl in the Dak’hin (Akbarn. III., 851, 855).

His daughter was married to Jagat Singh (No. 160).

In the first year of his reign, Jahdngir wished to marry Jagat Singh’s daughter. Radi Bhoj, her grandfather, refused to give his consent, and Jahangir resolved to punish him on his return from Kabul. But Réi Bhoj, in the end of 1016, committed suicide. The marriage, However, took place on the 4th Rabi’ I, 1017, (Tuzuk, pp. 68, 69). RR

• Undchah is generally spelt on our one place the Maésir has Satdahérd. maps Oorcha. It lies near Jhansi on the ? Regarding the Kachhwahahs see my Jeft bank of the Betwah. The name of article in the Calcutta Review, for Aprils the river ‘ Dasthdra,’ mentioned on p. 1871, entitled ‘A Chapter from Muham- 356, is differently spelled in the MSS. In madan History.’

4.59

It is said that Ré’thor and Kachhwdhah princesses entered the imperial Harem; but no Hida princess was ever married to a Timuride,

XIV. Commanders of Eight Hundred.

176. Sher Khwajah.

He belonged{to the Sayyids of Itawah ( PP elole.) His mother was a Nagsh- bandé (p. 428, note 2). Sher Kh.’s name was ‘ Padishih Khwajab,’ but Akbar called him on account of his bravery and courage Sher Khwdjah.

In the 30th year, Sh. Kh. served under Sa’id Khan Chaghtai (No. 25) against the Yisufzais, and afterwards under Sultan Murad inthe Dak’hiv. In the 40th year, the Princo sent him with a corps to Patan, where he distinguished himself against Tkhlag Khan. He continued to serve in the Dak’hin under Abulfazl, In the engagement near Bir he was wounded. He entered the town victoriously, but was besieged. From want of provisions, his men had to subsist on horse-flesh. As in consequence of the swelling of the Ganga (Godavari) he did not expect assistance from the north, he resolved to try a last sortie and perish, when Abulfuzl arrived and raised the siege. Abulfazl proposed to leave his own son ’Abdurrahmén at Bir; but Sh, Kh. refused to quit his post. In the 46th year, he received a drum and a flag.

Sh. Kh. remained in favour during the reign of Jahangir. He was with the emperor when Mahabat Khan pear the Bahat had taken posscssion of Jahdngir’s person. After Jabingir’s death, he served with Acaf Khan against Shahryar in Lahor.

In the 1st year of Sh&hjahaii’s reign, he was made a commander of 4000, with ‘1000 horse, and received the title of Khwdjah Bdgi Khdn, Ye was also appointed governor of That’hah, vice Mirza ’Isi Tarkhan (p. 363). He died on his way to his province in 1037. Pddishdhn., 1, 181, 200.

His son Khwdjah Hashim was made a commander of 500 (Pddishihndmah, I, b.,327). Another son, Asadullah, is mentioned as a commander of 900, 300 horso, (Lddishdhn. ,I1., 738).

177. Mi’rza’ Khurram, son of Khaini A’zam Mirza’ Aziz Kukah (No. 21).

He has been mentioned above, p. 328.

XV. Commanders of Secen Hundred.

178. Quraish Sulta’n, son of Abdwrashid Khan, king of Kashghar. 182, Sulta’‘n ’Abdullah, brother (by another mother) of Quraish Sultén. 310, Sha‘h Muhammad, son of Quraish Sultan. Quraish Sultan is a descendant of Chingiz Khan? His genealogical tree is given in the Akbarnamah (IJL., 584) and the Zdrtkh ¢ Rashid? as follows :— 1, Chingiz Khan,

179. Chaghtéi Khan.

180. Mawdatkaén (second son of Chaghtai Khan). |

. . , * . . . " A i ri ; y . ‘ Chingiz Khan, in the histories, is | oflen called Qddn ¢ Buaurg,

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4. PefOyrers) (the MSS. give various readings).

5. Yariq Khan (called after his conversion Sultin Ghidsuddin). 6 Dawa Khan.’

6. Alsinigd, iu Alsiniiqa, Khan.

7. Tughlug Timur Khan.

8. Khizr Khwajah Khan? (father-in-law of Timur).

9. (a.) Muhammad Khan….(b.) Sham’ Jahin Khan..,.(c.) Naqsh Jahdu Khan.

10. (@.) Sher Muhammad Khadn. (4.) Sher “Ali Ughlan.

11. Uwais Khén, son of Sher Ali Ughlan.

12. Yiinas xlén, father of Babar’s mother.

13. Sultén Abmad Khan, known as Aldnchah Khdn.

14. Sultan Abti Sa’id Khan. 16, ‘Aged Khan.

?

17. (1)’Abdul Karim Khan. (2) Quraish Sultén (8) Sult4n “Abdullah (No, 178). (No. 178).

| , (1) Shah Muhammad (No. 310). (2( Khudabandah.

After the death of ’Abdurrashfd Khan (16.), ’Abdulkarfm Khan, elder brother of Quraish Sultén, succeeded to the throne of Kishghar. He treated his relations well, partly in fulfilment of his father’s wish, partly from natural benevolence. But Khuda- bandah, son of Quraish Sultan, quarrelled with Muhammad Khan, his uncle, and Khuda- bandah occupied the town of Tarfin. ’Abdulkarim, doubting the loyalty of his relations, ordered Quraish Sultin to go to Makkah. Q. went first with his family to Badalkhshin and Bualkh, and lastly, with the permission of ‘Abdullah Khia of Térdn, to Hindustan. He met’ Akbar, in the 34th year, at Shih4buddinptir, when the em- peror was just returning from Kashmir, was well received, and appointed to a com- mand of Seven Hundred.

Quraish died in the 37th year, (1000) at Hajipir.

179. Qara’ Baha’dur, son of Mirz4 Mahmiid, who is the paternal uncle of Mirzé Haidar [Gurgani].

Like the preceding, Qari Bahadur belonged to the royal family of Kashghar. Mirza Haidar’s father, Muhammad Husain, was the son of Babar’s maternal aunt.

Mirza Haidar,*® during his stay in Kashghar, had accompanied the son of Sultén

of “Alauddin ; vide Journal, As. Soc. the Persian déméd, a son-in-law. Hence Bengal, for 1869, p. 194, and 1870, p. 44. Timurides are often called Gurgdnis, \ ® His daughter is called Tukul Khan- * Mirza Haidar was a historian and

• um pls US, It is said that Tinur poet. He wrote in 951 the Ldrikh 4 after the marriage received tho title of Abdurrashidt, in honor of Abdurrashid,

• Dawa invaded India during the reign Gurgén wl, the Mughul term =}

1, +)

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Abii Sa’fd on several expeditions to Kashmir, and had thus acquired some knowledge

of the people and the state of that province.

He subsequently went over Badakhshan

to India, and arrived at LAhor, where Mirz&é Kamran made chim his 2dib during his absence on an expedition to Qindahdr, which the Shah of Persia had taken from Khwajah Kalin Beg. M. Haidar afterwards accompanied Kamvin to Agrah, and tried on several occasions to persuade Humayun, to take possession of Kashmir, When the emperor after his second defeat by Sher Shah retreated to Lahor, he gave

M. Haidar a small corps and sent him to Kashmir.

The country being in a distracted

state, M. H. took possession of it without bloodshed, and ruled as absolute king for

ten years.

But afterwards he ordered the khutbah to be read, and coins to be struck,

in Humaytn’s name. THe was killed in 958 by some treacherous Kashmiris.

The father of Qard Bahadur was Mirzi Mahmiid ; hence Q. B. was M. Haidar’s cousin, Ashe had been with M. H. in Kashmfr, Akbar, in the 6th year, ordered! , him to re-conquer the province, and gave him a large corps. But Q, B. delayed his march, and when he arrived in the hot season at Rajor, he found the passes fortified. Soon afterwards, he was attacked and defeated by Ghazi Khan, who had usurped the

throne of Kashmir.

Q. B. discomfited returned to Alcbar. \

In the 9th, year, he accompanied the emperor to Malwah, and was appointed, on Akbar’s return, governor of Mandi. He died soon after.

For a relation of Qaré Bahadur, vide No. 183.

180. Muzaffar Husain Mi’rza’, son of Ibrahim Husain Mirzd, (son

of Muhammad Sultén Mirz4).

Muzaffir Husain Mirza is a Timuride. -His tree is as follows :— Umar Shaikh Mirzé (second son of Timur).

Miv2i Baigqra.

Mirza Mangur.

M. Baiqra.

Wais Mirzé,

Mubarnmad Sultan Mirza.

arent

Cr , (1) Ulugh Mirza. (2) Sh&h Mirza.

(1) Sikandar Mirza, sive Ulugh Mirza. (2) Mahmiid Sultan M.,

sive Shah Mirza.

hing of Kasbghar. The villa known as Bagh i Café was erected by him. Akbarndmah IiL., 685.

The MS. of the Tarfkh i Rashidi in the Library of the Asiatic Society (Persian MSb, No. 155, three parts, 19 lines per page) is a fair, though modern copy, and was brought by Capt. H. Strachey from

(3) Ibrabim Hu-

En ry , (4) Muhammad Husain sain M, ; M

(5) Mas’tid Husain M. (6) ’Aqil Husain M.

Muzaffar Husain Mirza. (No. 180.)

Yarkand.

The Térikh commences with the reign of Tughlug Timur Khan, who was con- verted to Iskim by Mauliné Arshadud- din, and goes down to the reign of ’Abd- urrashid. The second daftar contains the Memoirs of Mirz& Haidar. The style is elegant,

|

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The mother of Muhammad Sultin Mirzd was the daughter of the renowned Sultan Husain Mirza, king of Khurdsdn, at whose court Muhammad Sultin Mirzdi held a place of distinction, After Sultan Iusain’s death, Muhammad Sultén Mirzé went to Babar, who treated-him with every distinction. Humiyin also favoured him, though on several occasions he rebelled, and extended his kindness to his sons, Ulugh Mirz& and Shah Mirza, who had given him repeatedly cause of dissatisfaction. Ulugh

\Mirzi was killed in the expedition against the Hazarahs, and Shih Muhammad

died, soon after, a natural death. Ulugh Mirz4 had two sons, Sikandar Mirza and Mahmdd Sultéiu Mirza; but

Humfytin changed their names, and gave Sikandar the name of Ulugh Mirai, and Mahnitid Sultin Mirzaé that of Shah Mirza.

As Muhammad Sultin Mirzi was old, Akbar excused him from atiending at Court (takl¢f i bdr), and gave him the parganah of A’zamptr in Sambhal as a pension. He also bestowed several other places upon his grandsons Ulugh and Shah Mirzi. At A’zampir, in his old age, Muhammad Sultén M. had four other sons born to him— A. Ibrahim Husain Mirzé, 2. Muhammad Husain Mirzd, 3. Mas’tid usain Mirzt, and 4, ’Aqil Husain Mirza, ; ‘3

In the 11th year of Akbar’s reign, Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, king of KAbul, invaded India and besieged Lihor ; and when Akbar marched against him, Ulugh M. and Shih M. rebelled. They were §oined in their revolt by their (younger) uncles Tbrabim Husain M. and Muhammad Husain M. The rebellious Mirzas went plunder- ing from Sambhal to Khan Zaman (No. 18) at Jaunpir; but as they could not agree with him, they marcbed on Dijhli, and from there invaded Malwah, the governor of which, Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas (No. 31), was with the emperor. ‘The conse- quence of their revolt was, that Akbar imprisoned the old Muhammad Sultan Mirza. He died a short time after in his prison at Bidnah. In the 12th year, when Akbar had defeated and killed Khan Zaman, and conquered Chitor, he made Shihib Khin (No. 26) governor of Malwah, and ordered him to punish the Mirzis.

About this time Ulugh M. died. The other Mirzis unable to withstand Shihdb Khin, fled to Chingiz Khan (p. 386), who then ruled over a portion of Gujrat. Chingiz Khan was at war with I’tim4d Khan (No. 67) of Ahmadabad; and as the Mirzads had rendered him good service, he gave them Bahronch as jigfr. But their behaviour in that town was so cruel, that Chingiz Khan had to send a corps against them. Though the Mirzas defeated his troops, they withdrew to Khandesh, and re-entered Malwah. They were vigorously attacked by Ashraf Khan (No. 74), Cadiq Khan (No. 43), and others, who besieged Rantanbhur (13th year), and were pursued to the Narbada, where many soldiers of the Mirzis perished in crossing. In the meantime Chingiz Khan bad been murdered by Jhujhar Khan, and as Gujrit was im a state of disorder, the Mirzds, with litte fighting, oceupicd Champanir, Bahronch, and Strat.

In the 17th year, Akbar entered Gujrat and occupied Ahmadabad. Dissensions having broken out among the Mirzds, Ibrahim Husain M. left Bahronch, and arrived at a place 8 miles from Akbar’s camp. Most of Akbar’s Amirs had the day before been sent away towards Stirat in search of Muhammad Husain M. Hearing of Ibrihim Husain’s arrival, the emperor despatched Shahbaz Khan (No, 80) after the Amirs, whilst he liraself marched to the Mahindri River, where it flows past the town of

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Sarnal. Akbar had about 40 men with him, few of whom had armour; but when the Amfrs returned, the number rose to about 200. The signal of attack was given, and after a hard fight, Ibrihim Husain M. was defeated. He fled towards Agrah, whilst his wife, Gulrukh Begum, a daughter of Mirzi Kamran, on hearing of his defeat, fled with Muzaffar Husain Mirzé, from Stivat to the Dak’hin.

Akbar now resolved to invest Strat, and left M. “Aziz Kokah (No. 21) with a garrison in Ahmadabad, ordering at the same time Qutbuddin (No. 28) to join “Aziz with the Malwah contingent. Muhammad Husain M. and Shth M. thereupon united their troops with those of Sher Khén Fulddi, a Gujrati noble, and besieged Patan. ’Aziz marched against them, and defeated them (p. 396). Muhammad Hu- sain M. then withdrew to the Dak’bin.

‘Ibrahim Husain M. and his younger brother Mas’tid Husain M. having met with resistance at Nagor (p. 357), invaded the Panjib. Tho governor, Husain Quli Khan (No. 24), at that time besieged Nagarkot, and hearing of the inroad of the Mirzis, made peace with the Rajah, attacked tho rebels, defeated theii, and captured Mas’id. Ibrihim Husain fled towards Multan, and was soon afterwards wounded and captured by some Baltichis. He then fell into the hands of Sa’id Khan (No. 25), and died of his wounds.

After Akbar’s return to Agrah, Muhammad Husain Mirza left the Dak’hin, invaded Gujrat, and took possession of several towns. He was defeated at Kambhait by Naurang Khan (p, 334), and joined the party of Tkhtiyaérulmulk and the sons of Sher Khan Fuladi, They then marched against Ahmadabad, and besieged MM. ’Aziz ‘Kokah. To relieve him, Akbar hastened in forced marches from A’grah to Patan, and arrived, on the 5th Jumada I, 981 (p. 416), with about 1000 horse, at a place 3 kos from Ahmaddbid. Leaving Ikhtiydr to continue the siege, Muhammad Husain op- posed the emperor, but was defeated and wounded. In his flight his horse fell over a bramble, when two troopers captured him, and led him to Akbar. Each of the two men chimed the customary reward, and when Bir Bar, at Akbar’s request, asked Muhammad Husain which of the two had taken him prisoner, he said, “ The salt of the emperor has caught me; for those two could not have doneit.” Ikhtiyar on hear- ing of the defeat and capture of Muhammad Husain, raised the siege, and fled with his 5000 troopers, Akbar at once pursued him. Ikhtiyar got detached from his men, and in jumping over a shrub fell with his horse to the ground, when Subrab Turkméa who was after him, cut off his head, and took it to the emperor. Muhammad Musaiu also had, in the meantime, been executed by R&i Singh (No. 44), whom Akbar had put over him. : ;

Shah Mirza had fled in the beginning of the battle.

In the 22nd year, Muzaffar Husain Mirzi, whom his mother had taken to the Dak’hin, entered Gujrat and created disturbances. He was defeated by Rajah Todar Mall and Vazir Khan (p. 353), and fled’to Junagadh. When the Rajah had gone, Muzaffar besieged Vazir in Ahmadabad. During the siege he managed to attach Vazir’s men to his cause, and was on the point of entering the town, when a cannon ball killed Mihr *Alf Koldbi, who had led the young Muzaffar into rebellion, This so allected Muzaffar, that he raised the siege, though on the point of victory, and withdrew to Nazrbar, Soon after, he was captured by Rajah ’Alf{ of Khandesh, and handed over

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to Akbar. He was kept for some time in prison; but as he shewed himself loyal, Akbar, in the 36th year, released him, and married him to his eldest daughter, the Sultin Khanum. He also gave him Sirkér Qanauj as ¢uydtl. Muzaffar, however,. was addicted to the pleasures of wine, and when complaints were brought to Akbar, he cancelled the ¢uyél, and again imprisoned him. But he soon after set him at liberty. In the 45th year (1008), when Akbar besieged Asir, he sent Muzaffar to besiege Fort Lalang. But he quarrelled with Khwéjah Fathullah, and one day, he decamped for Gujrit. His companions deserted him ; and dressing himself in the garb of a fagqir,

he wandered about between Surat and Baglénab, when he was caught by Khwajah “Ywaisi and taken before the emperor. After having been imprisoned for some time, he was let off in the 46th year. He died, not Jong affer, a natural death.

His sister, Nuirunnisé, was married to Prince Salim (vide No. 225, note). Gulrukh Begum, Muzaffar’s mother, was still alive in 1023, when she was visited on her sick-bed by Jahangir at Ajmfr.

181. Qundu‘q Kha’n, brother of the well- ee Bairam Oghlan.

The Akbarndmah (1., 411) mentions a Qundtiq Sultén, who accompanicd Humaé- ytin on bis march to India.

For Qundiq, some MSS. read Qunddiz. A grandee of this name served in Bengal under Mun’im, and died at Gaur (p. 376),

182. ‘Sulta/n ’Abdullah, brother Cy another mother) of Quraish Sul- tin (No, 178).

183. Mirza’’Abdurrahma’n, gon of Mined Haidar’s brother (vide No. 179).

184. Qiya’ Kha’n, son of Cahib Khan.

In the Tabaqdt and the Akbarnémah he is generally called (wo wale 3, which may mean ‘ Qiyd, the beautiful,’ or ‘ Qiyd, son of Qahib Hasan.’ Proper nouns ending in a long vowel rarely take the Izifat.t It looks as if the reading wie qate of the Ain MSS. was a mistake. The words Qa ole are intended to distinguish him from Qiy4 Gung (No. 83).

Qiy& served under Shamsuddin Atgah against Bairam (p. 317), He was also present in the battle of Sdrangptir (vide No. 120). ;

185. Darbar Khea’n, ’Indyat [ullah], son of Takalt@ Khan, the Reader.

Darbin’s father was Shéh Tahmasp’s reader. ‘Inayat, on his arrival in India, was appointed to the same post by Akbar, and*received the title of Darbir Khan. He served in the 9th year (end of 971) in Mélwab, and in the 12th year, in the last war with Khan Zaman. He accompanied the emperor to Rantanbhir, and when Akbar, in the 14th year, after the conquest of the fort, made a pilgrimage to the tomb of Mu‘n i Chishti in Ajmir, Darbar Khan took sick leave, and died on his arrival at Agyrah,.

According to his dying wish—to the disgust of the author of the Madsir—he

_ Was buried in the mausoleum of one Akbar’s dogs, which he had built. The dog had " shewn great attachment to its imperial master.

—

2 Thus you say yyxbo dle, for wre cs9Ste, the accursed Huligi,

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186. *Abdurrahma’n, son of Muayyid Daldai.

The name Diildai had been explained above on p. 388. ’Abdurrahmian’s great prandfuther, Mir Shih Malik, had served under Timur. ‘Abdurrahman was killed in a fight with the Bihar rebel Dalpat. Vide under his son Barkhurdir, No. 328, ond under No, 146. Another son is mentioned below, No. 349,

187. Qa’‘sim ’Ali/ Kha‘n.

When Akbar, in the 10th year, moved against Khan Zaman (No. 13), Qasim “Ali Khan held Ghazfptr. In the 17th year, heserved in the siege of Strat, and in the following year, with Khan ’Alam (No. 58) in the conquest of Patna under Mun- ‘im. For some reason he returned to Court, and took Shuji’at Kh4n (No. 51) a pri- soner to Mun’im, whom he had slandered. In the 22nd year, he served under Cidiq (No. 43) against Madhukar Bundelah, and in the 25th year, under ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in Bihar. In the 26th year, he was employed to settle the affairs of Haji Begum, daughter of the brother of Humayiin’s mother (faghdi zddah i wdlidah i Jennat-dstdnt) who after her return from Makkah (p. 441) had been put in charge of Humiaytin’s tomb in Dibli, where she died. In the 31st year, when Akbar appointed two officers for cach gtibah, Q. A. and Fath Khan Tughluq were sent to.Audh. He returned, in the 35th year, from Khairab’d to Court, and soon after received Kalpi as jagiv. ‘Nothing also is known of him.’ ? Afadsix. For his brother, vide No. 390.

188, Ba/z Baha ‘dur, son of Sharif Khan (No. 63),

, Vide above p. 383. :

189. Sayyid ’Abdullah Kha/n, son of Mir Khwénandah.

Some MSS, have ‘ Khwand’ instead of ‘ Khwanandah.’ Sayyid “Abdullah had been brought up at Court. In the 9th year, he served in the pursuit of ‘Abdullah Khdn Uzbak. In the 17th year, he was with the Khan i Kalan (No. 16) in the first Gujrat war. Later, he served under Mun’im in Bengal, and was with Khia ‘Alam (No. 58) in the battle of Takaroi (p. 375). In 984, he brought the news of Daid’s defeat and death at Agmahall (p. 331) to Akbar. During the Bengal military revolt, he served under Mirzé ’Aziz (No. 21) and under Shahbaz Khau (No. 80), chiefly against Ma’otim 4 Farankhidi (No. 157). In the 31st year, Akbar sent him to Qasim Khan (No. 59) in Kashmir. In the 34th year (997), he was one night surprised by a body of Kashmiris, and killed with nearly three hundred Imperialists.

190. Dha’ru’; son of Rajah Todar Mall (No. 39).

Vide above p. 352.

191. Ahmad Beg i Ka’buli’.

Ahmad Beg traces his origin to Mir Ghidsuddiu Tarkhan, a Chaghtai noble who served under Timur. Like Shih Beg (No. 57), Taj Khfn (No. 172), Abul Qasim (No. 199), Ma’gim Khan (p. 431, note 1), and Takhtah Beg (No. 195), A. B. entered, after M. Muhammad Hakim’s death, Akbar’s service. He was made a commander of 700, and received, in 1003, on the removal of Yusuf Khan i Razawi (No. 35), a jagir in Kashmir. Ho married the sister of Ja’far Beg Agaf Khan (No. 98).

Sayyid Ahmad’s edition of the Tu- | we have there to read Qdsim Beg for zuk mentions a Qasim ‘Ali on p, 68,1.2 | Qdsim Ald, from below ; but according to the Aladsir,

59

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466

During the reign of Jahangir, he rose to the post of a commander of 3000, and received the title of Kidz, and also a flag. He was for some time governor of Kash- mir. On his removal, he went to court, and died.

From the Tuzuk we see that Ahmad Beg in the first year of Jahangir, was mado & commander of 2000, and held Pashiwar as jagir. If the second year, he was order- ed to punish the Afghan tribes in Bangash, and was for his services there promoted,

‘in the 5th year, to a command of 2500. In the 9th year, in consequence of complaints

made by Qulij Khan (No. 42), he was called to court, and confined in Fort Rautan- bhiir (Tuzuk, p. 136). In the following year, he was released (2. ¢., p. 146), and sent to Kashmir (2. ¢., p. 149).

Ahmad Beg’s sons, especially his second eldest, wero all distinguished soldiers. They are—

1, Muhammad Mas’id (cldest son). He was killed in the war with the Tarikis, His son, Ardsher, was 2 commander of 1000, 600 horse, and died in the 18th year of Shaébj.’s reign.

2. Said Khan Bahddur Zafar-jang (second son). He tose during the reign of Shahjahan to the high dignity of a commander of 7000, and distinguished himself in every war. He was governor of Kabul, the Panjab, and Bihar. He died on the 2nd Cafar, 1062. Of. his twenty-two sons, the two eldest, Khanahzid Khin and Lutfullah, were killed in the Balkh war, where Sa’id also was severely wounded. Two other sons, Abdullah and Fathullah, rose to high commands.

3. Bukhligullah Khan, Iftikhdr Khdu. He rose under Shihjahan to a com- mand of 2000, 1000 horse, and was Faujdir of Jammii (Pddishdhn. I., p. 258), and died in the 4th year of Shahj.’s reign.

4. Abul Bagd. He was the younger brother (by the same mother) of Sa’id, under whom he served. He was thanahdar of Lower Bangash, In the 15th year, after the Qandahar expedition, he got the title of I/tikhdr Khan, at the same time that his elder brother received that of Zafaryang, and was made a commander of 1500, 1000 horse.

5. Haki/’m ’Ali’, of Gildn.

“Ali came poor and destitute from Persia to India, but was fortunate enough to be- come in course of time a personal attendant (muldzim) and friend of Akbar. Once the emperor tried him by giving him several bottles of urine of sick and healthy people, and even of animals. To his satisfaction, ‘Ali correctly distinguished the different kinds. In 988, he was sent as ambassador to “Ali Adil Shah of Bijiptr, and was well received; but before he could be sent back with presents for his master, ’Adil Shih suddenly died.’

In the 39th year, Hakim ’Ali constructed the wonderful reservoir (auz), which is so often mentioned by Mughul historians. A staircase went to the bottom of the

? “Adil Shah was murdered in 988, by a young handsome eunuch, whom he at- tempted to use for an immoral purpose. The king was known as mach for his justice and goodwill towards bis subjects, as for his mania for boys and unnatural crimes. He obtained with some exertion two young and handsome eunuchs from

Malik Barid of Bedar, and was stabbed by the elder of the two at the first attempt of satisfying his inordinate desires. Mau- lin& Razi of Mashhad, poetically styled Razii, found the ¢érikh of his death in the words Shdh i jahdu shud shahid (988), ‘The king of the world became a martyr.’

467

reservoir, from where a passage led to an adjoining small room, six gaz square, and capable of holding ten or twelve people. By some contrivance, the water of the reser- voir was prevented from flowing into the chamber. When Akbar dived to the bottom of the reservoir and passed into the room, he found it lighted up, and furnished with ‘cushions, sleeping apparel, an@ a few books. Breakfast was also provided.

Iu the 40th year, ’Alf was a commander of 700, and had the title of Jdlinzis uszamdni, ‘the Galenus of the age.’ His astringent mixtures enjoyed a great reput- ation at Court.

He treated Akbar immediately before his death. It is said that the Emperor diced of dysentry or acute diarrhea, which no remedies could stop. ‘Alf had at last recourse to a most powerful astringent, and when the dysentry was stopped, costive fever and strangury ensued. He therefore administered purgatives, which brought back the diarrhasz, of which Akbar died. The first attack was caused, it is said, by worry and excitement on account of the behaviour of Prince Khusrau at an elephant fight. Salim (Jahangir) had an elephant of the name of Girdubdr, who was a match for every elephant of Akbar’s stables, but whoso strength was supposed to be equal to that of Abriip, one of Khusrauw’s elephants. Akbar therefore wished to see them fight for the championship, which was done. According to custom, a third elephant, Rantahman, was selected as tabdnchah, i. ¢., he was to assist either of the two combatants when too severely handled by the other. At the fight, Akbar and Prince Khurram (Shah- jahan) sat at a window, whilst Salim and Khusrau were on horseback in the arena. Girinbér completely worsted Abrép, and as he mauled him too severely, the tabduchak elephant was sent off to Abuiip’s assistance. But’ Jahingir’s men, anxious to have no interference, pelted Rantahman with stones, and wounded the animal and the driver. This annoyed Akbar, and he sent Khurram to Salim to tell him not to break the rules, as in fag all elephants wouldionce be his. Salim said that the pelting of stones had never had his sanction, and Khurram, satisfied with the explanation, tried to separate the elephants by means of firewerks, but in vain. Unfortunately Rantah- man also got worsted by Giranbir, and thé two injured elephants ran away, and threw themselVes into the Jamnah. This annoyed Akbar more; but his exeitement was intensified, when at that moment Khusrau came up, and abused in nomeasured terms his father in the presence of the emperor, Akbar withdrew, and sent next morning for Alf, to whom he said that the vexation caused by Khusrau’s bad behaviour had made him ill.

In the end of 1017, Jahaingtr also visited ’All’s reservoir, and made him a com- mander of 2000. He did not long enjoy his promotion, and died on the 5th Mubarram, 1018. Jahangir says of him (Tuazwk, p. 74) that he excelled in Arabic, and-composed a commentary to the Qdnin. “ But his subtlety was greater than his knowledge, his looks better than his walk of life, his behaviour better than his heart; for in reality he was a bad and uupriocipled man.” Once Jahfngir hinted that “Ali had killed Akbar. On the other side it is said that he spent annually 6000 Rupees on medicines for the poor.’

• Baddoni (LII., 166) says that ’Alf science under Shah Fathullah of Shiraz. was the son of the sister of IJakim ul He was a rabid Shf’ah, and a bad doctor Mulk of Gilan and learned medicine and | who often killed his patients. Thus be

Ile had a son, known as Hakim ‘Abdulwahhdb. He held a mancab. In the 15th year of Jabaingir’s reign, he claimed from certain Sayyids in Labor the sum of 80,000 Rs. which, he said, his father had lent them. He supported his claim by a certificate with the seal of a Qizi ow it, and the statements of two witnesses. ‘I’he Sayyids who denied all knowledge, seeing that the case%vent against them, appealed to the emperor. Jahangir ordered Agaf Khan (No. 98) to investigate the case. ’Abdulwahhab got afraid, and tried to evade the investigation by proposing to the Sayyids a compromise. This looked suspicious, and Agaf by cross-questioning found that the claim was entirely false. He therefore reported ’Abdulwahhib, and the emperor deprived bim of his mangab and jigir. He seems to have been afterwards restored to favor; for in the Pddishdhndmah (I, 6., 328) he is mentioned as a commander of 500, 50 horse.

193. Gujar Kha‘n, son of Qutbuddin Khdn Atgah (No. 28).

He was mentioned above on p. 334.

194. Sadr Jaha/n Mufti/.

Mirén Gadr Jahan was born in Pibani, a village near Qunauj.2_ Through the in- fluence of Shaikh ’Abdunnabi he was made Mufti. When ’Abdullah Khin Uzbak, king of ‘Tiirén, wrote to Akbar regarding his apostacy from Islim, Miran Cadr and Hakim Humam (No. 205) were selected as ambassadors. The answer which they took to Abdullah contained a few Arabic verses which Abdullah could construe into a denial of the alleged apostacy,— :

Lies 38 pug gl de oa, gd ot DB UG] BG Coyll bad yo Law Jpuyll alll Wei Ue

“Of God people have said that He had a son; of the Prophet some have said that he was a sorcerer. Neither God nor the Prophet has escaped the slander of men—Then ° how should I?” 7 Os ‘

‘Miran returned in the 34th year, and was made Cadr (vide p. 274). In the 35th year, at the feast of Abinmah, the Court witnessed a curious spectacle. The Gadr and ’Abdul Hai (No. 230), the Chief Justice of the empire, took part in a drinking feast, and Akbar was so amused at seeing his ecclesiastical and judicial dignitaries over their cups, that he quoted the well-known aie from Hifiz,—

rity site yas Us ays bAs Or Sis Urs! hs igh ye y

Up to the 40th year, he had risen to the dignity of a commander of 700; but later, he was made an Amir, and got a mangab of 2000 (vide p, 208).

During the reign of Jahangir, who was very fond of him, he was promoted to a command of 4000, and received Qanauj as tuydl, As Cadr under Jahangir he is said to have given away more lands in five years than under Akbar in fifty. He died in 1020, at the age, it is believed, of 120 years. His faculties remained unimpaired to the last,

His position to Akbav’s ‘ Divine Faith,’ has been explained above (p. 208). There is no doubt that he temporized, and few people got more for it than he. He also

killed Fathullah by prescribing harisah * So Badaoni. The Madsir says, Pie \ (vide p. 33, note). hani lies near Lak’hnau. ;

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composed poems, though in the end of his life, like Baddonf, he repented and gave up poetry as against the spirit of the Muhammadan law.

He had two sons :—

1. Air Badri’Alam. He lived a retired life.

2. Sayyid Nizdm Martazé Khén. His mother was a Brahman woman, of whom his father had been so enamoured, that he married her; hence Nizim was his favourite son. He was early introduced at Court, and, at the death of bis father, was made a commander of 2500, 2000 horse. In the first year of Shabjahin’s reign, he was a promoted to command of 3000, and received, on the death of Murtaz’ Khin Inju (p. 451) the title of ALurtazd Khdn. He served a long time in the Dak’bin. His tuyitl was the Parganah of Dalamau, where he on several occasions successfully quelled disturbances. He was also Faujdir of Lak’lbnau. In the 24th year of Shahj.’s reign, he was pensioncd off, and received 20 lacs of dims per annum out of the revenue of Pihani, which was one kror. He enjoyed his pension for a long time.

His sons died before him. On_ his death, his grandsons ‘Abdul Mugtadir and *Abdullah were appointed to mangabs, and received as ty the remaining portion of the revenue of Pihinf. “Abdul Mugtadir rose to a command of 1000, 600 horse, and was Faujdir of Khairabid.

195. Takhtah Bog i Kabuli [Sardar Khan}.

He was at first in the service of M. Muhammad Hakim, and distinguished him- self in the wars with India; but on the death of his master (30th year), he joined Akbar’s service. He served under Man Singh and Zain Kokah against the Yusuf- zais.’ As Thanahdar of Pashdwar he punished on several ocoasions the Tirikis. In the 49th year, he was made a Khdn.

After Jahingir’s accession, he was made a commander of 2000, and received the title of Surdén Khdn. He was sent with Mirz4 Gh4zi Tarkban (p. 363), to relieve Shih Beg Khan (No. 57) in Qandahér. As Sh&h Beg was appointed governor of Kabul, Takhtab was made governor of Qandahar, where, in 1016, he died.

He had a villa near Pashawar, called the Bdgh i Sarddr Khan, His two sons Hayat Khan and Hiddyatullah got low mangabs.

196. Rai Patr Da’s, [Rajah Bikramajit], a Khatri.

Patr Das was in the beginning of Akbar’s reign accountant (mushrif) of the elephant stables, and had the title of Rdi Réydn. He distinguished himself, in the 12th year, during the siege of Chitor. In the 24th year, he and Mir Adham were made joint diwans of Bengal. At the outbreak of the Bengal military revolt, he was imprisoned by the rebels (p. 439), but got off and served for some time in Bengal. Tn the 30th year, he was made diwin of Bihir. In the 38th ycar, he was ordered to occupy Bindhd (p. 407), the capital of which after a siege of 8 months and 25 days

surrendered (42nd year), In the 43rd year, he was made diwin of Kabul, but was -

in the following year again sent to Bandhit.. In the 46th year, he was made a com. mander of 3000. When Abulfazl, in the 47th year, had been murdered by Bir Singh, Akbar ordered Paty Das to hunt down the rebel, and bring his head to Court, Patr defeated Bir Singh in several engagements, and shut him up in Trich, When the siege had progressed, and a breach was made in the wall, Bir Singh escaped and with. drew to the jungles with Patr close at his heels, Akbar, at last, in the 48th year, called

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P. to Court, made him in the next year a commander of 5000, and gave him the title of Rajah Bikramajit. '

After Jahangir’s accession, he was made Mir Atash, and was ordered to recruit and keep in readiness 50.000 artillery (¢opché) with a train of 3000 gun-carts, the revenue of fifteen parganahs being set aside for the maintenance of the corps (Tuzuk, p. 10).

When the sons of Muzuffar of Gujrat created disturbances, and Yatim Bahadur had been killed, Patr was sent to Ahmadabad with powers to appoint the officers of the rebels who submitted, up to commands of Yuzbishis, or recommend them, if they had held higher commands, for appointments to the emperor.

‘The year of his death is not known.’ Jfadsir.

The R4i Mohan Dds mentioned occasionally in the Akbarndmah and the Tuzuk p. 50) ‘appears to be his son.

197. Shaikh ’Abdurrahi/m, of Lak’hnau, °

He belongs to the Shaikhzidahs of Lak’hnau, and was in the 40th year a com- mander of 700. He was a great friend of Jamal Bakhtyar (No. 113), from whom he learned wine-drinking. In fact he drank so hard, that he got frequently, insane.

In the 30th year, when Akbar was in the Panjab, ’Abdurrahim wounded himself in a fit whilst at Siélkot in Hakim Abulfath’s dwelling. Akbar looked after the wound himself. :

His wife was a Brahman woman of the name of Kishna. After the death of her husband, she spent his money in laying out gardens and villas. In one of them her husband was buried, and she entertained every one who passed by the tomb, from a panjhazdri to a common soldier, according to his position in life.

’Abdurrahim was mentioned above on p. 338.

198. Medni’ Ra‘i Chauha’n.

From the Akbarndmah we see that he served, in the 28th and 32nd years, in Gujrat. Nizdmuddin Ahmad, who was with him in Gujrat, says in the Zubagdt,—

**Medni Rai is distinguished for his bravery and liberality, and is now (2. e., in 1001) a commander of 1000.’

199. Mi’r Abul Qa’sim Namaki’n, [Qasim han].

The MSS. have almost invariably Zamkin (qaSed}, instead of Numakin, He is not to be confounded with Nos. 240 and 250.

Mir Abul Qasim was a Sayyid of Hardt. He was at first in the service of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, Akbar’s brother and king of Kabul, But he left Kabul, and on entering Akbar’s service, he received Bhirah and Kbushab in the Panjab as jagir. As his lands lay within the Namaksér,’ oy salt range, he once presented Akbar, evidently in allusion to his faithful intentions (xamak-haldli,) with a plate and

+The namaksdr, oy salt-range, says the Bfadsir, is a district 20 kos long, and belongs to the Sind Ségar Duab, between the Bahat and the Indus. People break off pieces from the salt rocks, and carry them to the banks of the river, where the price is divided between the miners and the carriers, the former taking 2 and

the latter $ of the amount realized. Mer- chants buy the salt at a price varying from half a dim to two dams (one rupee == 40 dams) per man, and export it. The Government takes 1 Rupee for every 17 mans. The salt is also often made into ornaments,

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a cup made of salt (namakinx), ‘from which circumstance he received the nickname of Namakin.

Abul Qfsim served in the war with David of Bengal. In the 26th year, he was in Kabul, and accompanicd, in the 30th year, Ismail Quli Khan (No. 46) on his expedition against the Baltichfs, In the 32nd year, the Afghan chiefs of Sawad and Bajor, and Terdh, waited with their families on Akbar, who made Abul Qisim Krori and Faujddr of those districts, and ordered him to take the families of the chiefs back to Afghanistan. The chiefs themselves were retained at Court. Renewed fights, in the 33rd year, gave him frequent occasions of distinguishing himself.

Up to the 40th year, he rose to a command of 700. In the 43rd year, he was appoiuted to Bhakkar. He built thé great mosque in Sukkhar, opposite to Bhakkar. The inhabitants accused him of oppressions, and he was deposed. A party of the oppressed arrived with him at Court, and lodged a new complaint against him with “Abdul Hai (No. 230), the Qizi of the imperial camp (urd). But Abul Qasim, though summoned, did not appear before the judge, and when the matter was reported to Akbar, he was sentenced to be tied to the foot of an elephant, and paraded through the bazars. To avoid the disgrace, he came to an immediate settlement with the complainants, chiefly through the mediation of Shaikli Ma’ruf, Cadr of Bhakkar, and prevailed on them to return the very day to their homes. The next day he went to the emperor, and complained of the Qézi, stating that there were no complainants, and ’Abdul Hai tried in vain to produce the oppressed parties. This case led to the order that Qéizis should in future prepare descriptive rolls of complainants, and present them to the emperor.

• Abul Qisim was, soon after, made a Khan, got a higher mangcab, and received Gujrat in the Panjab as tugzil. In the first year of Jahdngir’s reign, he was made a commander of 1500. The part which he played in the capture of Prince Khusrau has been mentioned above (p. 414, note 2, where Zumkén is to be altered to Namakin). For his services he was again appointed to Bhakkar with the rank of a commander of 3Q00° He now resolved to make Bhakkar his home. Most of his illustrious descendants wero born there, On a hillnear the town southwards towards Lohari, near the branch of the river called Kahdrimdiri, (cg 5 lo lg ), he built a mausoleum, to which he -gave the name of Quffuh i Café (the dais of purity). He and several of his descendants wero buried in it. A

He is said to have been a most voracious man. He could eat—historians do not specify the time—1000 mangoes, 1000 sweet apples, and 2 melons, each weighing a man. Tho Madsir says, he had 22 sons, and the Tuzuk (p. 13) says, he had 30 sons and more than 15 daughters. :

The following tree is compiled from several nutes in the Ifadsir :-—

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Mir Abul Qasim Namakin (settled at Bhakkar in 1015).

a ee a er i I MEANY

4. Mir Abul Bagi 2. Mirzé Kash- 3. M Husimuddin. 4. M. Zdidullah.

Amir Khan.” miri. (died a A. H.)

A daughter, married

An we

“T. M. ’Abdurrazziq. 2. Ziduddin Yusuf 3. Mir ’Abdulkarim

Khan. Sindhi Amir Khan. in 1666 to Prince (under Aurangzib to Muréd Bakhsh. Farrukh Siyar) A ries M. Abul Wafa. Abul Khair Khan. (end of Aurang- — (under Farrukh Siyar) 2ib’s reign)

Bir Abul Baqgé Amir Khédn vose under Jahangir to a command of 2600, 1500 horse. Through the influence of Yaminuddaulah he was made governor of Multan, and in the 2nd year of Shahjah4n, he was made a commander of 3000, 2000 horse,and appointed to T’hat/hah, vice Murtaza i Injii deceased (p. 451). In the 9th year, he was made Tuyulday of Bir in the Dak’hin, and was sent, in the L4th year, to Siwistin vice Qaraq Khan. In the following year, he was again appointed to T’hat’hah, where in 1057 (20th year) he died. He was buried in the mausoleum built by his father, Under Jahangir he was generally called Mir Khan. Shahjahdn gave him the title of Amir Khan. ;

One of his daughters was married in 1066, after his death, to Prince Murdd Bakhsh, who had no children ‘by his first wife, a daughter of Shahnawiz Khan i Cafawi.* Amir Khain had a large family. His eldest son, Mir ’Abdurrazz4q,

was a commander of 900, and died in the 26th year of Shahjabiu’s reign. His second sorf, Ziduddin Yusuf, was made a Khan, and held under Shahjahan a mangab of 1000, 600 horse. Zi4’s grandson, Abul Wafé was in the end of Aurangztb’s reign in charge of his majesty’s prayer room (déroghah i jd-namdz). Amir Khan’s youngest son, Mir ’Abdulkarim, was a personal friend of Aurangzib. He received in succession the titles of Multafit Khan, Kh4nahzid Khan (45th year of Aur angzib), Mir Khanahzid Khan, and Amir Khan (48th year,) and held a command of 3000. After Aurangzib’s death, he was with Muhammad A’zam Shah; but as he had no contingent, he was left | with the baggage (bungdh) at GwAlidr. After the death of Muhammad A’zam in the battle of Sardi Jaju,? Bahadur Shih made him a commander of 3500. He was generally at Court, and continued so under Farrukh Siyar. After Farrukh’s death,

2 Shahnawaz Khan i Cafawi is the title of Mirz4 Badiuzzaman, alias Mirzé Dak’hini, son of Mirz& Rustam (No. 9). One of his daughters, Dilras Bani Begum, was married, in the end of 1046, to Au- rangzib, Another was married, in 1052, to Prince Murad Bakhsh. Elphinstone (History of India, 5th edition, p. 607) calls Shahnawiz Khan by mistake the

brother of Shéistah Khin; but Shaiistah is the son of Yaminuddaulah Acaf Khan, elder brother of Nir Jahan.

2 Sarai Jaji, near Dholpir. oe battle was fought on the 18th Rabi’ L, 1119, and Muhammad A’ zam was killed with his two sons Bedér Bakht and Wali-jah.

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the Barha brothers made Amfr Khan gad» of the empire. He died shortly after. His son, Abulkhair, was made a Khan by Farrukh Siyar; the other sons held no man- cabs, but lived on their zamindaris.

2. Mirzd Kashmiré was involved in the rebellion of Prince Khusrau. As the associates were to be punished in an unusual way (sidsat ¢ ghair-mukarrar, Tuzuk, p- 32), Jahangir ordered his penis to be cut off.

3. Mirzd Husdmuddin. He held a mangab, but died young.

4. Mirzd Zdidullah. We was in the service of Khan Jahan Lodi.

5. Wazi’r Beg Jami’1’ Wazir Jamil, as heis often called, served in*the 9th year of Akbar’s reign

against ‘Abdullah Khén Uzbak, and in the war with Khin Zaman (No. 18). In the final battle, when Bahddur Khan (No. 22) was thrown off his horse, W. J. instead of taking him prisoner, accepted a bribe from him, and let him off. But Nazar Bahadur, a man in the service of Majntin Khan (No. 50) saw it, and took Bahadur prisoner. Afterwards, he received a jAgir in the Eastern Districts, and tock part in the expeditions to Bengal and Orisé under Mun’im Khin. At the outbreak of the Bengal military revolt, he joined the Qaqshals; but when they separated from Ma’gtim i Kabuli (p:-431, note) and tendered their submission, W. J. also was par- doned. In the 29th year, he came to court, and served in the following year under Jagnath (No. 69) against the Rin&. He seems to have lived a long time. Jahangir on his accession made him a commander of 3000 (Twzuk, p. 8).

He, is not to be confounded with the Jamil Beg mentioned under No. 172.

201. Tahir, [son of] Saiful-mulik,

The Jubagdt says that Tahir was the son of Shih Muhammad Saiful-mulik. Tlis father was governor of Gharjistén in Khurasin, and was killed by Shah Tahmasp of Persia. Tahir went to India, was made an Amir at Akbar’s Court, and served in Bengal, where he was when the author of the Tabaqit wrote (1001).

He is also mentioned in Dowson’s Edition of Elliot’s Historians, I., pp. 241, 242,

202. Ba’bu’ Mankli’.

Regardirg the name‘ Mankli,’ vide p. 370, note. The Tabaqt says that Babi Manilili was an Afghan, and a commander of 1000.

He was at first in Datd’s service, and occupied G’horag’hat at the time when Muan’inr Khan had invaded Oris& (p. 370). Soon after, he entered Akbar’s service, but continued to be employed in Bengal. In the 30th year, he suppressed disturbances at G’horig’hat (Akbarn. IIL, 470), and took part, in the 35th year, in the operations against Quthi Khan. Two years later, he accompanied Min Singh’s expedition to Orisa. ‘

Ho may have lived under Jahdngir; for the Mankli Khén mentioned in the Tuzuk (pp. 70, 138) can only refer to him. The Twzuk (p. 12) mentions a son of his, Hatim. Another son, Mahmid, appears tv have been a commander of 500, 300 horse under Shabjahin (Pddishéha. L., b., p. 323), though the text edition of the Bibl. Indica calls him sor of Ydbu Muikali (sy xl, for live ath)

• Jamil is a common name among Turks. It is scarcely ever used in Hinddistin. 60

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XVI. Commanders of Six Hundred.

203. Muhammad Quli’ Kha’n Turkma’n [Afshir, p. 411].

He served at first in Bengal. Atthe outbreak of the military revolt, he took the side of the rebels, but left them, and was pardoned by Akbar. In the 30th year, he marched with Man Singh to K4bul, where he greatly distinguished himself, In the 39th year, when Quiij Khin (No. 42) was appointed to Kabul, Muhammad Quili Khan, his brother Hamzah Beg (perhaps No. 277), and others, were sent to Kashmir, vice Yisuf Khéu (No.‘35, and p. 411). In the 45th year, a party of Kashmiris tried to set up Amba Chak’ as king ; but they were defeated by ’Ali Quli, son of M. Q. Kh. In the 47th year, M. Q. Kh. was made a commander of 1500, 600 horse ; and Tamzah Beg, one of 700, 350 horse. New disturbances broke out, when in the following year “Ali Rai, king of Little Tibet, invaded the frontier districts of Kashmir. He retreated on M. Q. Kh.’s arrival, and was vigorously pursued, when the imperialists were enforced by Saifullah (No. 262) from Lahor. In the 49th year, Amba again appeared, but was driven, with some difficulty, from his mountains.

In the 2nd year of Jahangir’s reign, M. Q. K. was removed from Kashmir. Wamzah Beg was in the 49th year. of Akbar’s reign a commander of 1000,

204. Bakhtya’r Beg Gurd i Sha’h Mansur.

The Izdfut most likely means that he was the son of Shah Mangtir, in which case the word gurd (athlete) would be Bakbtyar’s epithet. ‘Iwo MSS. have the word pisar (son) instead of gurd.

The Tabaqit says, ‘ Bakhtyar Beg Turkm4n in an Amir, and governs at present (1001) Siwistin.’ In the 32nd year, he served against the Térikis.

205. Hakim Huma‘m,? son of Mir ’Abdurrazzaq of Gilin.

Regarding his family connection, vide No. 112, p. 424, Humim’s real name is Huméytin, When he came to Akbar’s Court, he discreetly called himself Humaytn

• Quli, or ‘slave of Humdytin ;’ but soon afterwards, Akbar gave him the name of Hu-

mdm. Ile held the office of Bakiwal Beg (p. 57), and though only a commander of 600, he was a personal friend of Akbar, and possessed great influence at court. In the 31st year, he was sent with Cadr Jahin (No. 194) to Tarin as ambassador. Akbar often said that he did not enjoy his meals on account of Huméim’s absence, He returned to India, about a month after his brother’s death. He died in the 40th year, on the Gth Rabi’ L., 1004. Baddonf (II, p. 406) says, the day after Humém’s death, Kamila (p. 264) also died, and their property was at ovce put under seal and escheated to the government, so that they were destitute of a decent shroud.

Huma had two sons—

1. Hakim Hdziq (35’>), He was born at Fathpér Sikri, and was a young man when his father died. At Shahjahdn’s accession, he was made a commander of 1500, 600 horse, and was sent, in the Ist year, to Turin as ambassador. He rose to a command of 3000. Later, for some reason, his mangab was cancelled, and he lived at Agrah on a pension of 20,000 rupees per annum, which in the 18th

? The MSS, have Lif, The Zuzuk men- (vide No. 394) at Bardwan, on the 3rd

‘ Pepe ; fafar, L016. ; tions ‘a Kashmiri of royal blood,’ of the y 2? Hunim, not Hammam, is the In-

name of 44), He was killed bySher Afkan J dian pronunciation.

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year, was doubled. He died in the 31st year (1068).’_ He was a poet of some dis-

tinction, and wrote under the name of [dsig. His vanity is said to have been very

great, A copy of his diwin was kept on a golden stool in his reception room, and

visitors, when if was brought in or taken away, were expected to rise and make » salins ; else he got offended.

2. Hakim Khushhdél. He grow up with Prince Khurram, Shéhjahin, on his accession, made him a commander of 1000. Ho was for some time Bakhshi of the Dak’hin.

3. Mi’rza’ Anwar, son of Khan i A’zam Mirzi Kokah (No. 21).

He was mentioned above on p. 328.

XVII. Commanders of Five ITundred.

207. Baltu’ Kha/n of Turkistin. :

Ho was a grandee of Humiaytin, and served in the Kabul war, and in the battles which led to IL.’s restoration.

208. Mi’rak Baha’dur Arghu’n.

The Tabaqit says, ho reached acommand of 2000, and died. From the Akbar- némab (II., 170, 248) we sce that he served in the conquest of Malwah (vide No. 120), and in the pursuit of Sharafuddin Husain (No. 17).

209. Isa’] Kha’n Kola/bi’.

He is also called La’l Khan Badakhshé (vide p. 438), and served under Mumayiin in the war of the restoration (Adkbarn. L., 411). He distinguished himself in the defeat of Hemi. Later, he served under Mun’im in Bengal and Orisi, and died of fever at Gaur (p. 376).

210. Shaikh Ahmad, son of Shaikh Salim.

He is the second (miydni) son of Shaikh Salim of Fathptr Sikri. He served at court with Shaikh Ibrahim (No. 82), and died in the 22nd year (985).

211. Iskandar Beg i Badakhshi’.

He is mentioned inthe Akbarnamah (IL, 251), as Having served in the pursuit of Abul Ma’Ali (end of the 8th year).

212. Beg Nu’ri’n Kha’a Qu’chi’n.

Ho served under Mu’izzul Mulk (No. 61) in the battle of Khairabad. In the 32nd and 33rd years, he served under ’Abdul Matlab (No. 83) and Oidiq Khan | (No. 43) against the Tarikfs.

The Tabaqat says he was a commander of 1000, and was dead in 101.

213, Jala’l Kha’/n Qu’rchi’.

Akbar was much attached to him. In the 5th year, he was sont to Rim Chand Bhagelah (No. 89) with the request to allow Tansiu to go to court. In the 1}th year, — it came to the emperor’s ears that J. was passionately attached toa beautiful boy. Akbar had the boy removed; but J. managed to get him again, and fled with him from Court. M. Yusuf Razawi pursued and captured them. After some time, J. was

’ The Madsir says that the author of [| the A/é-dé (Chapter on tho poets of tho the Alir-dt-ul ’A’lam mentions 1080 as | period from Humaytin to Aurangzih) tho year of his death; but my MS, of | meutions no year,

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restored to favour. Later, he took a part in the expedition to Siwanah, and distiu- guished himself, in the 20th year, in the war with Rajah Chandr Sen of Maérwavr. During the expedition a Rajput introduced himself to him, who pretended to be Devi Das, who .bad been killed at Mirt’ha, evidently with the view of obtaining through him an introduction to Court. The stranger also reported that Chandr Sen had taken refuge with Kalla, son of Ram Rai and brother’s son to Ch. S., and a detach” ment of imperialists was sent to Kalla’s palace. Kalli now wished to take revenge * on the stranger for spreading false reports, and induced Shimaél Khan (No. 154) to help him. ShimAl therefore invited the stranger; but though surrounded by Sh.’s men, the pretender managed to escape, He collected a few men, and entered one night | atent which he supposed to belong to Shimal. But it happened tobe that of Jalal, who was cut down by the murderers (end of 983, Akbarn. III., 140).

It was Jalil who introduced the historian Badioni at Court.

214. Parma‘nand, the Khatri.

He is mentioned in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s Historians, I., p. 244.

215. Timur Kha’n Yakkah.

He served under Mun’im (No. 11) in K4bul, and, in the 10th year, against Khan Zaman (Akbarn., II., 236, 326).

The Timur i Badakhshi mentioned several times in the Akbarnimah (IIL., 165, 174) appears to be another officer. Vide No. 142.

216. Sa‘ni’ Kha’n of Hardt.

He was born at Harait, and belonged to the Arlat (23,1) clan. According to

the Akbarnimah (I., 379), Maulana Sani, ‘ who is now called Sdaé Khdun’, was in the service of Mirzi Hindaél; but after the Mirza’s death (21st Zi Qa’dah, 958) he was taken on by Humayiin. He served in the wars with Khan Zaman.

Baddoni (III., 206) says that his real maine was ’Ali Akbar. He was a fair poet, but a heretic, and like Tashbihi of Kashan, wrote treatises on the Man of the ~ Millennium, according to the Nuqtawi doctrines (p. 452). Hence he must have been alive in 990.

217. Sayyid Jama‘luddi’n, son of Sayyid Ahmad Barha (No. 91).

Vide above p. 408. He had also served in the final war with Khan Zaman.

218. Jagma’l, the Punwar.

He served in the second Gujrat war after Akbar’s forced march to Patan and Ahmadabad (p. 416, note).

219. Husain Beg, brother of Husain Khan Buzurg.

220. Hasan Kha’a Batani’.

The Tabagat classes him among the commanders of 1000. He waz at first in the service of the Bengal king Sulaiman, and was present with Sulaiman Mankli (p. 370) ond Kaél& Pahdr at the interview between Mun‘im and Khén Zaman (No. 13) at Baksar (Buxar). Akbarn., IT., 325.

Hasan was killed with Bir Bay in the Khaibar Pass ; wide p. 204. MSS. often call him wrongly Husain instead of Hasan.

• Batani is the name of an Afghan tribe, N. W. of Der Isméil Khan.

b

477

221. Sayyid Chhajhu’,’ of Barha.

The Tabaqit says that S, Chhajhit was a brother of S. Mahmid (No. 75), and distinguished for his courage and bravery. From the family genealogies of the Barha

clan it appears that S. Ch. was a Kundliwal.

according to the inscription he died in 967.

His tomb still exists at Majherah, aud

222. Munsif Kha’n, Sultin Muhammad of Tarat.

223. Qa’zi’ Kha‘n Bakhshi’.

Some MSS. have Badakhsht instead of Bakhshi.

1. 10, we have to read No. 144 for No. 223.
2. Ha’j‘i Yusuf Kha’n.

He was at first in Kamran’s service.

Vide No. 144. On p. 383,

e In the 12th year, he joined the corps of

Qiy& Khan (No. 33), and rendered assistance to M. Yiisuf Khan, whom Khiu Zamin No. 18) besieged in Qanauj, In the 17th year, he operated under Khan ’Alam (No. 58) against M. IbrAhim Husain, and was present in the battle of Sarnal. In the 19th year, he went with Mun’im to Bengal and Orisé, and died after his retuyn st Gaur

(p. 376). 225.

Ra’wul Bhi’m of Jaisalmir.

The Zuzuk says (p. 159),—‘On the 9th Khurdid (middle of 1025), Kalyan of Jaisalmir was introduced at court by Rijah Kishn Das, whom I bad sent to him.

Koalytin’s elder brother was Rdwud Bhim, a man of rank and influence. died, he left a son two months old, who did not live long.

When he Bhim’s daughter had been

married to me when I was prince, and I had given her the title of Malikeh i Juhdn. This alliance was made, because her family had always been faithful to our house. I now called Bhim’s brother to court, invested him with the ¢ékd, and made him Rawal’?

For Kalyan, vide under No. 226. In the 12th year of Jahangir’s reign, he was made a commander of 2000, 1000 horse (Tuzuk, p. 163).

226. Ha/shim Beg, son of Qasim Ixhan (No. 59).

After the death of his father (39th year) and the arrival of Qulij Khan (No, 42),

the new governor of K4bul, Hashim returned to court.

In the 41st year, he served

• The spelling ‘ Chhajhi’ is preferable to‘Shajba’

• The list of Jahiigir’s wives on p. 310, may be increased by ten other prin- cesses. (1) Malikah i Jahan, daughter of Rawul Bhim of Jaisalmir. (2) The beautiful daughter of Zain Kokah, men- tioned on p. 345. There is a curious discrepancy between Zuauk, p. 8, and Akbarndmah, IIL, 594: Jahangir says that Parwiz was his son by Zain Kokah’s daughter, and Abulfazl says that Par- wiz’s mother was the daughter of Khw4- jah Hasan, Zain Khan’s uncle (vide also

ap. 34b); but there is no doubt that Par-

wiz was born in the 34th year, on the 19th Abav, 997, whilst Jahangir, ouly in the Alst year, fell in love with Zain Khan’s daughter (p. 345). It is therefore evi- dent, assuming that Sayyid Ahmad’s text

of Tuzuk, p. 8, be correct, that Jahangir had forgotten who among his many wives was mother to his second son. (3) Niw- unnisé Begum, sister of Mirz4 Muzattar Husain, p. 464, (4) A daughter‘of the king of Khandesh. This princess died in the 41st year of Akbar’s reign. (5) Calihah Band, daughter of Qaim AKban, p- 371. (6) A daughter of Khwajah Jahin i Kabuli (Dost Muhammad). (7) A daughter of Sa’id Khén Gakk’har. Her daughter, 1Hht Bind, is mentioned, Akbarndmah, 111, 601.” (8) The mo- ther of Daulat Nist, Akbarn, TIL., 597, The MSS. do not clearly give the name of the ‘father of this princess. (9) A daughter of Mirz& Sanjar, son of Khizr Khan Hazdrah; <Akbarn., JIL, 607. (10) A daughter of Rim Chand Bundelah, (No. 248), married in 1018 ; Zusuk, p. 77+

478

under M. Rustam (No. 9) against Basti and qther rebellious zamindars in the north- eastern part of the Panjab, and distinguished himself in the conquest of Mau. In the 44th year, he served under Farid i Bukhari (No. 99) before Asir. Later, he went with Sa’idat Khén to Nasik.? After the conquest of Tiranbak, he returned to court (46th “year), and was appointed, in the following year, to a command of 1500.

In the first year of Jahangir’s reign, he was made a commander of 2000, 1500 horse. In the 2nd year, his mancab was increased to 3000, 2000 horse, and he was’ made governor of Orisi. In the 5th year, he was transferred to Kashmir, his uncle Khwajagi Muhammad Husain (No. 241) officiating for him there till bis eae from Orisé. His successor in Orisi was Rgjah Kalyan, brother of Bhim (No. 225).

Ha4shim’s son is the renowned Muhammad Qisim Khan Mir Atish. He was, in the 18th year of Shihjahin, a commander of 1000, 500 horse, Daroghah of the Top- khanah and Kotwal of the camp. He distinguished himself in Bulkh, Andkhid, received the title of Mu’tamid Khan, and was made, in the 21st year, a commander of 2000, 1000 horse, and Akhtah Begi. In the following year, he was promoted to a- command of 3000, and also got the title of Qisim Khan. He then served under Aurangzib in Qandahar, and was made, in the 28th year, a commander of 4000, 2500 horse. In the next year, he destroyed Fort Sintur (yyw), which the ruler of Sri- nagar had repaired. Later, he was made by Dara Shikoh a commander of 5000, 5000 sihaspah-duaspah, received a present of a lac of rmmpecs, and was appointed governor of Ahmadabad (Gujrat), whilst Jaswant Singh was mado governor of Malwah. Both were ordered to unite their contingents near Ujjain, and keep Prince Murad Bakhsh in check. When the Prince left Gujrat, the two commanders marched against him vid Banswadrah; but when approaching K’hichrod, Murad suddenly retreated 18 kos, and joined, seven kos from Ujjain, the army of Aurangzib. The two chiefs had received no information of Aurangzib’s march. They attacked him, however, but were totally defeated (near Ujjain, 22nd Rajab, 1068). In the first battle between Aurangzib and Dairé, at Samogar,? Qasim commanded the left wing. Soon aftor, he made his submission, and received Sambhal and Muradabéd as ty, as Rustam Khén i Dak’hinf, the former jagirdar, had fallen at Samogar. QAsim was then charged with the capture of Sulaimén Shikoh. In the 3rd year of Aurangzib’s reign, he was ap- pointed to Mathur’. On the way, he was murdered by a brother of his, who is said to have led a miserable life (1071), The murderer was executed at Aurangzth’s order.

227. Mirza’ Fari‘du’n, son of Muhammad Quli Khén Barkis (No. 31).

He has been mentioned above, p. 342. His death took place at Udaiptir in 1023 (Tuzuk, p. 131).

228. Yu’suf Kha’o [Chak], king of Kashmir,

Yiisuf’s father was ’Ali Khan Chak, king of Kashmir. He died from a hurt he received during a game at chaugdn (p, 297), having been violently thrown on the pommel of the saddle (pesh-kohuhk % zin). On his death, Yusuf was raised to the throne (Akbarndmah, IIL, 237). He first surrounded the palace of his uncle Abdal,

rR rr

2 This Sa’fdat Khan had first been in bak; but later he entered Akbar’s service. the service of the Dak’hin kings as com- 2 Vide J ournal, Asiatic Suciety, Bengal, mander of the Forts of Galnah and Tiran- | 1870, p. 275.

479

who aimed at the crown, and in the fight which ensued, Abdil was shot. A hostile party, thereupon, raised one Sayyid Mubarak to the throne, and in a fight which took place on the maidan of Srinagar, where the Td prayer is said, Yiisuf was defeated. Without taking further part in the struggle, he fled, and came, in the 2ith year,

to Akbar’s Court, where he was well received. During his stay at court, Sayyid Mu- birak had been forced to retire, and Lohar Chak, son of Yiisuf’s uncle, had been made king. In the 25th year, (Akbarn., ITI., 288), the emperor ordered several Panjab nobles to reinstate Yusuf. When the imperial army reached Pinjar, the Kashmiris sucd for mercy, and Yusuf, whom they had solicited to come alone, without informing Akbar’s commanders, entered Kashmir, seized* Lohar Chak without fighting, and commenced to reign.

Some time after, Galih DiwAnah reported to the emperor how firmly and indepen- dently Ytisuf had established bimself, and Akbar sent Shaikh Yaqub i Kashmiri, a trusted servant, with his son Haidar to Kashmir, to remind Ytisuf of the obligations under which he lay to the emperor. In the 29th year, therefore, Yusuf sert his son Ya’qiib with presents to Akbar, but refused personally to pay his respects, although the court, in the 3Uth year, had been transferred to the Panjib; and Ya’gtib, who had hitherto been with tke emperor, ficd from anxiety for his safety. The emperor then sent Hakim ’Ali (No. 192) and Bah4uddin Kambii to Yusuf, to persuade him to come, or, if he could not himself come, to send again his son. As the embassy was without result, Akbar ordered Shahrukh Mirzi (No. 7) to invade Kashmir. The imperial anny marched over Pak’bli, and was not far from Bairah Milah, when Yusuf sub- mitted and surrendered himsclf (Akbarn. IIL. 492).’ Shahrukh was on the point of returning, when he received the order to complete the-conquest. Yusuf being kept a prisoner, the Kashmiris raised Aulad Husain, and, soon after, Ya’quib, Yusuf’s son, to the throne ; but he was every where defeated. Information of-Yisuf’s submission and the defeat of the Kashmiris was sent to court, and at Srinagar the khutbah was read, and coins were struck, in Akbar’s name, The cultivation of za’faran (p. 8.1)? and silk, and the right of hunting, were made imperial monopolies (p. 411). On the approach of the cold season, the army returned with Yusuf Khan, and arrived, in the 31st year, at court. Todar Mall was made responsible for Ytisuf’s person.

As Ya’qtib Khén anda large party of Kashmiris continued the struggle, Qasim (No. 59) was ordered to march into Kashmir, to put an end to the rebellion. Ya’quib Was again on several occasions defeated.

In the 32nd year, Yusuf was set at liberty, received from Akbar a jagir in Bihar (Akbarn., IIL, 547 ), and was made a commander of 500. He served in Bengal. In tho 37th year, he accompanied Man Singh, to Oris4, and commanded the detachment, which marched over Jhirkand and Kokrah? (Chutid Nagptr) to Medniptr (Akbara., IIT., 641),

1The Akbarndmah (IIL, 492) calls “place of the boar (érd)’, which is one of the pass near Barah Miah, where Yusuf the avatars. se surrendered, erly, The Aadsir has 2 Regarding the cultivation of za’fa-

Wy, It is evidently the same pass ran (sativon) vide also Tuzuk, p. 45.

; pra e ® Kokrah was mentioned above on p. which the Zuzwk (p. 292) calls gol ¢ 401. Itis the old name of Chutié Nie.

5,5, 2h hes from Birah Milah, The | pir, one of the parganahs of which is Tuauk ‘says that Bivah Milah means | still called Kokrah, or Khukra, as spelt

430

Ya’ytb Khan, soon after, submitted, and paid his respectsto Akbar, when, in the 31th year, the court had gone to Kashmir (p. 380). :

Viisuf Khin is not to be confounded with No. 388.

_ 229. Nu’r Qulij, son of Altin Qulij.

Altin or dltdén is Turkish, and means ‘ gold.’

Nur Qulij was a relation of Qulij Khan (No, 42). He served under him in the expedition to Idar, which Akbar had ordered to be made when moving, in the 22st year, from Ajmir to Gogundah. In the fight with the zamfndar of Idar, N. Q. was wounded. In the 26th year, he served under Sultin Murfd against Mirzi Muham- mad Hakim. In the 30th year, hé again served under Qulij Khin, who had been made governor of Gujrat. He continued to serve there under the Khankhandn (No. 29), and returned with him, in the 32nd year, to court. :

230. Mi’r’Abdul Hai, Mir ’Adl.

The Tabagat calls him Khwdjah ’Abdul Hai, and says that the was an Amir. He had been mentioned above on pp. 468,471.

231. Sha’h Quli’ Kha/n Na/ranji’. ”

Abulfazl says that Shih Qulf was a Kurd from near Baghdid. He was an old servant of Humiytin. In the first year of Akbar’s reign, he served under Khizr Khan (p. 365, note 2):in the Panjab. He was much attached to Bairam. In the 11th year, he was sent to Gadha, when Mahdi Qasim Khan (No. 36) had left that province with- out permission for Makkah.

The Tabaqat calls him a commander of 1000.

His son, Paédishih Quli, wasa poet, and wrote under the name of Juzbé. A few verses of his are given below in the list of poets.

232. Farrukh Kha’n, son of Khan i Kaldn (No. 16).

He was mentioned on pp. 322 and 357. According to the Tabaqit, he served, in 1001, in Bengal.

233. Sha’dma’n, son of Khan i A’zam Kokah (No. 21).

Vide above, p. 328. :

234. Haki’m’Ainul Mulk, of Shiraz.

He is not to be confounded with Hakim ul Mulk ; vide below among the Physi-

cians of the court.

on the survey maps. The Rajah, Col. (Akbarndmah, IIT., 641).

Dalton informs me, once resided in Kok- rah at a place in Lat. 23° 20’ and Long.

• 88° 87’, nearly, where there is still an old fort. Vide also Vth Report (Madras edition, vol. I., p. 503; old edition, p. 417).

Nhe Rajah of Kokrah who, in the 30th year, succumbed to Shahbaz Khan (p. 401) is called Madhu. In the 37th year, Madhtiand Lak’hmi Rai of Kok- rah served in Ytisuf Khan’s detachment, to which the contingents also of Sangram Singh Shaha of K’harakpiir (p. 446, and | Proceedings, A. 8. Bengal, for May, 1871), vand Péran Mall of Gidhor belonged

• south Bihar and the Dak’hin.

Koliab is again mentioned in the, Tuzuk i Jahingiri (pp. 154, 155), where it is defined as a hilly district between It was run over, in the beginning of 1025, by Ibr4him Khan Fath-jang, governor of Bihér, who was dissatisfied with the fow diamonds and elephants which the Réjahs sent him..as tribute. The then Rajah is called Durjun Sél. He was captured with several of his relations in a cavé, and the district was annexed to Bihar.

The Tuzuk has (2. ¢.) a few interesting notes on the diamonds of Kokrah,

481

He was a learned man and a clever writer. He traced his origin, on his mother’s side, to the renowned logician Muhaqqiq i Dawwini. The Historian Badiont was a friend of his. Akbar also liked him very much. In the 9th year, he was sent as ambassador to Chingiz Khan of Gujrat. In tlie 17th year, he brought Vtimad Khan (No. 67) and Mir Abi Turib to the emperor. He also accompanied Akbar on his march to the eastern provinces of the empire. Afterwards, in 983, he was sent to Adil Khan of Bijapur, from where, in 985, he returned to court (Buddon?, IT., 250). He was then made Faujdir of Sambhal. In the 26th year, when ’Avab Bahadur and other Bengal rebels created disturbances, he fortified Bareli, and refusing all offers, held out till the arrival of an Imperial corps, when he defeated the rebels. In the same year, he was made Cadr of Bengal, and in the 31st year, Bakhshi of the Cuibah of Xgrah, He was then attached to the Dak’hin corps of ’Aziz Kolah (No. 21), and received Handiah as jégir. When ’Aziz, for some reason, cancelled his jagir, he went without permission to court (35th year), but was at first refused audience. On enquiry, however, Akbar reinstated him.

He died at Handiah on the 27th Zi Hajjah, 1003 (Badéoni IT., 403). *’

The Mirzif Masjid, also called Padishihi Masjid, in Old Bareli, Mirzii Mahallab, was built by him. The inscription on it bears the date 987 (24th year), when the Hakim was Faujdir of Sambhal.

He was also a poet, and wrote under the éekhadlug of Dawai.

235. Ja’‘nish Baha/dur.

Janish Bahadur was mentioned on p. 345. He was at first in the service of Mirz& Mubammad Hakim, king of Kabul. After the death, in the 30th year, of his master, he came with his sons to India. Soon after, he served under Zain Kokah (No. 34) against the Yusufzais, and saved Zain’s life in the Khaibar catastrophe. In the 35th year, he served under the Kbankhanan in T’hat’hah, and returued with him, in the 38th year, to court. Later, he served in the Dak’hin. He died in the 46th year (1009). He was an excellent soldier.

His son, Shujd’at Khan Shddé Beg. He was made, in the 7th year of Shah- jahdu’s reign, a commander of 1000, and received the title of Shad Khan. In the 12th year, he was sent as ambassador to Nazr Muhammad Khan of Balkh. On his return, in the 14th year, be was made a commander of 1500, and was appointed governor of Bhakkar, vide Shah Quli Khan. Afterwards, on the death of Ghairat Khan, he was made governor of T’hat’hah, and a commander of 2000. In the 19th year, he was with Prince Murad Bakhsh in Balkh and Badakhshan. In the 2isth year, he was appointed governor of Kabul, vice Siw& Ram, and held, in the following year, an important command under Aurangzib in the Qandah4r expedition and the conquest of Bust. In the 23rd year, he was made a commander of 3000, 2500 horse, and received the coveted distinction of a flag anda drum. Two years later, in the 25th year, he served again before Qandahir, and was made, on Shéhjahan’s arrival in Kabul, a commander of 3500, 3000 horse, with’the title of Shujd’aé Khan. In the 26th year, he served under Dra Shikoh before Qandahar, and with Rustam Khan Bahadur at Bust. To died soon after. He hada son of the name of Muhammad Svid.

61

we

—

482

236. Mir Tahir i Misawi.

He is not to be confounded with Nos. 94, 111, and 201. According to the Tabaqit, Mir Tahir is ‘ the brother of Mirza Yusuf Razawi (No. 37), and was distinguisk- ed for his bravery.” It would thus appear that Abulfazl makes no difference between the terms Razawé and DMiisawi (vide p. 381, under No. 61).

237. Mi’raa’’Ali’ Beg ’Alamshéhi.

He is mentioned in the Akbarndmah among the grandees who accompanied Mun- ‘im to Bengal and Orisd, and took part in the battle of Takarof (p. 375). After the outbreak of the Bengal Military revolt, he joined a conspiracy made by Mir Zaki, *Abdfi Kor, Shihab i Badakhshi, and Kujak Yasfwul, to go over to the rebels. Theo plot, however, was discovered ; they were all imprisoned, but Mir Zaki alone was executed. Akbarndmah, III., 262.

His epithet “Alamshdhi is not clear to me.

He must not be confounded with the more illustrious

[Mi’rza’ ’Ali’ Beg i Akbarshéhi].’

He was born in Badakhshin, and is said to have been a highly educated man. ‘When he came to India, he received the title of Akbarshdhé. In the 30th year, he commanded the Ahadis on Shahrukh’s expedition to Kashmir (p. 479).

Later, he served under Prince Muréd in the Dak’hin. When the prince, after making peace, returned from Ahmadnagar, Cidiq Khén (No. 48) occupied Mahkar. But new disturbances broke out under the Dak’hin leaders Azhdar Khan and ’Ain Khan, against whom Cadiq sent a corps under M. ’Ali Beg. He suddenly fell over them, and routed them, carrying off much plunder and many dancing girls (zandn i ak’hdrah). In consequence of this defeat, Khudiwand Khan and other Amirs of the Nizimshéh. marched against the imperialists with 10,000 horse, but Cadiq and M. A. B. defeated them. In the 43rd year, M. A. B. took Fort Rahvitarah (373,aH)) near Daulatibad,

_ after a siege of one month, occupied, in the same year, Patan on the Godavarf, and

took Fort Lohgadh. “ Both forts,” says the author of the Maasir, “ have, from want of water, become uninhabitable (mismdr shudah), and are so to this day.” Later, M. A. B. served under Abulfazl, and distinguished himself in the conquest of Ahmadnagar. In the 46th year, he received a drum and a flag, and continued to serve, under the Khankhandn, in the Dak’hin.

In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, he was made a commander of 4000, jagirdir of Sambhal, and governor of Kashmir. He served in the pursuit of Khusrau (Tuzuk, p- 30). Later, he received atuyil in Audh, When Jahangir went to Ajmir, he went to court. One day, he paid a visit to the tomb of Mu’inuddin i Chishti. On seeing the tomb of Shahbaz Khan (p. 401), he stooped down, and embracing it, ex- claiméd, “ Oh! he was an old friend of mine.” The same moment, he fell forward a corpse, and was buried at the same spot (22nd Rabi’ L, 1026).

It is said that he kept few soldiers and servants, but paid them well. In his habits he was an epicurean. He was looked upon asa great patron of the learned. He died childless, at the age of seventy-five (Tuzuk, p. 163).

1 The Tuzuk (p. 11) says, he belonged [ as he belonged to Badakhshan. Perhaps to the wlés i Dihli, avery doubtful term, we have to read ulis ¢ duldai (p. 388).

’

483

238. Ra’m Da’s, the Kachwihah.

His father was a poor man of the name of Ordat (xgyy!), and lived at Lint (or Baunli, vide p. 398). Rim Das was at first in the service of Rai Sil Darbari (No. 106), and was recommended by him to the emperor. His faithfulness was almost proverbial. In the 17th year, when Todar Mall was ordered to assist Mun’im in Bihar, he was made his xdib in the Financial Department, and gained Akbar’s favour by ‘his regularity and ‘ diligence. He amassed a fortune, and though he had a palace in A’grah near Hatid- pul, he lived in the guard house, ‘ always watching with his 200 Rajpits, spear in ; hand.’ .

Immediately before Akbar’s death, he put his men over the treasures of the palace with a view to preserve them for the lawful heir. Jahangir, with whom he stood in high favour, sent him, in the 6th year, with ’Abdullah Khén to Gujrat and the Dak’hin, and gave him the title of Rajah and a flag, Rantanbhir being assigned to him as jagir (Zuzuk, p. 98). It seems that he received the title of Rajah Karan. After the defeat of the Imperialists, Jahangir wished to make an example of the Amirs who had brought disgrace on the imperial arms. He ordered their pictures to be drawn, and taking the portraits one after the other into his hand, abused each Amir right royally. Looking at Ram Das’s portrait, he said, “Now, when thou wert in Rai Sal’s service, thou hadst a tankah per diem ; but my father took an interest in thee, and made thee an Amir. Do not Rajputs think flight a disgraceful thing? Alas! thy title, Rajah Karan, ought to have taught thee better. Mayest thou die without the comforts of thy faith.’ Rim Das was immediately sent to Bangash, where, in ‘the same year, he died (1022). When Jahangir heard of his death, he said,

-“My curse has come true; for the Hindts believe that a man who dies beyond the

Indus, will go straight to hell.”

He was a liberal man, and gave rich presents to jesters and singers.

His eldest son, Naman Dds, in the 48th year of Akbar’s reign, left the court without permission, and went home, At the request of his father, Shah Quli Khan’s men were to bring him back to court by force. But Naman defied them; a struggle ensued, and he was killed. Ram Das was so grieved, that Akbar paid oe a visit of condolence.

His second son, Dalap Dds, had the same character as his father; but he died young. ,

In the Tuzuk (p. 312), a villa near aspring cailed Inch ( ¢’)s between Banptir and Kakapir in Kashmir, is mentioned, which Akbar had given Ram Das. Vide’ also Tuzuk, p. 39, 1. 3.

239. Muhammad Kha’n Niya’zi’.

Abulfazl ranks him among the commanders of 500. Under Jahangir, he rose to a command of 2000. Like Mirzé Rustam Cafawiand Abul Hasan Turbat{, he refused a title; for he said that his name was Muhammad, than which no better name existed.

He served under Shahbiz Khan (No. 80) in Bengal, and distinguished himself in the fights near the Brahmaputra. It is said that Shahbaz was so anxious to retain his services, that he gave him a lac of rupees per annum. Later, he served under the Khéukb&ndn in the conquest of T’hat’bah, and inflicted the final blow on Mirza Jénf

484

Beg (No. 47) near Lak’bi,’ where he obtained a signal victory, though far outnum- bered by the enemies, From that time, the Khéukh4nan was his friend.

Under Jahangir, he took a leading part in the Dak’hin wars, especially in the fights with Malik ‘Ambar near Kharki, a famous battle field (vide note to No. 255), and continued to serve there under Prince Shahjahan.

He died in 1087, ‘The tdrikh of his death is ga) Wy! ld on=*, ‘Muhammad KhbAn, the saint, is dead.’ He was a man of great piety. His day was carefully divided ; religious exercises, the reading of commentaries on the Qoran, conversing with holy men, sleeping and eating, each had its fixed time. Nor did he ever depart from his routine except on the march. He never neglected the ablution (wuz) prescribed by the law. People told many miraculous stories (khawdrig) of him.

During his long stay in the Dak’hin, he-held Ashti (in the Wardah district) as jagir, and made it his home. He adorned the town with several mosques, housey, and gardens. “At present,” says the author of the Madsir, “ there is only one of his hundred houses left, the store house where his lamps were kept; the whole town and the neighbourhood are deserted, aud do not yield the tenth part of the old revenue. Even among his descendants there is none left that may be called a man of worth (kase namdnd kih rushde ddshtah bdéshad).”*

He was buried in Ashti. People often pray at his tomb.

The men of his contingent were mostly Niydzi Afghans. If one of them died, he gave a month’s pay to his family ; or, if he had no children, half a month’s pay to his heirs. ;

His son, Ahmad Khan Niy4zi, was in the 20th year of Shahjahdn’s reign a com- mander of 2500 (Pddishdhndmah, II., 386, 725).

240. Abul Muzaffar, son of Ashraf Khan (No. 74).

From the Akbarnémah (IIT., 248) we see that in the 24th year (987) he was stationed in Chanderi and Narwar, and was ordered to assist in suppressing the Bihér

the Marhatta officials, and now nothing

1 Vide Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s Historians, Vol. I., p. 250.

3 «The emperor Jahangir gave the Ashti, Amner, Paunar, and Taéliganw (Barar) parganahs in jagir to Muhammad Khan Niyazi. He restored Ashti, and brought the country round under culti- vation. A handsome mausoleum was built over his grave in Mughul style. Muhammad Khén was succeeded by Abmad Khan, who died in 1061. A similar mausoleam was erected over his tomb, but smaller and of inferior work- manship. The two stand side by side within an enclosure, and are the sights of Ashti. ‘Ubey areindeed striking monu- ments of art to find in such a remote spot as this. After the death of Ahmad Khan, the power of the Niydzis gradu- ally dedlined ; in time A’shti itself passed ‘from their handsinto the possession of

remains to them save a few rent-free fields, sufficient merely for their subsistence. The tombs of their ancestors were already falling into disrepair owing to the poverty of the family, when they were taken in hand by the district authorities as worthy objects of local interest, and restored from municipal funds. Lately, in consideration of the past history of the family, and the local respect which it commands, the Government conferred on Nawab Wahid Khan, one of its representatives in Ashti, the powers of an honorary magistrate.”

“ Karanja, A small octroi town in the Arvi tabgil of the Wardah district. It was founded some 260 years by Naw4b Muhammad Khan Niyazi of Ashti.” Ex- tracts from C. Grant’s Gazetteer of the Central Provinces of India, second edition,

• 1870, pp. 7 aud 236.

~~,

|

485

rebels (ITI., 273). In the 28th year, he served in Gujrat (IIL, 423, and Baddont IL., (823). Vide also p. 389.

241. Khwa’jagi/Muhammad Husain, Mir Barr.

He is the younger brother of Qisim Khan (No. 59), and had the title of IZir Barr, in contradistinction to that of his brother. Hecame in the 5th year with Mun’im (No. 11) from Kabul to India, When dissensions broke out between Ghani Khan, Mun’im’s son, and Haidar Muhammad Khan Akhtahbegi (No. 66), whom Mun’im had left as his ndibs in Kabul, Haidar was called to court, and Abul Fath,’ son of Mun- ’im’s brother, was sent there to assist Ghani. Muhammad Husain accompanied Abul Fath. He remained a long time in Kabul. After his return to India, he accompanied the emperor on his march to Kashmir. His honesty and punctuality made him a favorite with the emperor, and he was appointed 227 Bakdwad (master of the imperial kitchen), and was also made a commander of 1000.

In the 5th year of Jahangir, he officiated for Hashim (No. 226) as governor of Kashmir. On Hashim’s arrival he returned to court, and died in the end of the 7th year (1021; Zuzuk, p. 114). >

He had no children. The Tuzuk says that he was quite bald, and had neither moustache nor beard. His voice was shrill like that of a eunuch.

242. Abul Qasim, brother of Abdul Qadir Akhind.

He is not to be confounded with Nos. 199 and 251. Badaonf (II., 323) calls him a native of Tabriz, and says that his brother was Akbar’s teacher (ékhtind). In 991, Abul Qasim was made Diwan of Gujrat,

‘243. Qamar Kha’n, son of Mir ’Abdullatif of Qazwin (No. 161).

He served under Mun’im (No. 11) in Bengal, and was present in the battle of Takaroi (p. 375). In the 22nd year, he served under Shihab in Gujrdt (Akbarn., IIL, 190), and in the 24th year, under Todar Mall in Bihar. In the 25th year, he took part in the battle near Sultinptir Bilhari (p. 400, and Akdbarn., ITI., 305).

His son, Kaukab, fell under Jahingir for some fault into disgrace. He was flogged and imprisoned. Regarding his restoration to favour, vide Tuzuk, p. 219,

244. Arjun Singh,

245. Sabal Singh, } sons of Rajah Man Singh (No. 30),

246. Sakat Singh,

Some MSS, have Durjan* instead of Arjun. The name of Sakat Singh, moreover, recurs again at No. 342. There is little doubt that at the latter place we should read Himmut Singh, though all MSS. have Sakat.

Nor is it clear why Abulfazl has not entered the name of Bh&o Singh, who at Akbar’s death was a commander of 1000, and was gradually promoted, during Jahangir’s reign, to a mangab of 5000, Liké his elder brother Jagat Singh (No. 160), he died from excessive drinking (1030). His name often occurs in the Tuzuk.

2 Abul Fath, who on p. 318 has erro- 2 The Lucknow edition of the Akbar. neously been called Abdul Fath, was the nimah (IIL. 642) has also Durjan, and son of Fazil Beg, Mun’im’s brother. (by mistake) S¢ for Sabal Singh. The Baddont I1., 56 has Fazdil Beg, but |, Subhén Singh mentioned in the same the Akbarndmak and the Madsir have | ° passage, would also appear to be a son Fazil, | of Man Singh,

486

Arjun Singh, Sabal Singh, and Sakat Singh, served in the 37th year in the con- quest of Orisi. Sakat Singh, in the 26th year (989), had served in Kabul. They died

before their father. ° Himmat Singh distinguished himself under his father in the wars with the Afghans.

Col. J. C. Brooke in his Political History of the State of Jeypore (Selections from the Records, Government of India, Foreign Department, No. LXV, 1868) mentions six sons of Min Singh, Jagat, Arjun, Himmat, Sakat, Bhim, and Kalyan Singh. The last two are not mentioned. by Muhammadan historians ; nor are Bhio and Sabal mentioned by Brooke. Vide ‘.A Chapterfrom Muhammadan History,’ in the Calcutta Review, April, 1871.

246. Mustafa Ghilzi’.

A Sayyid Mugtafa is mentioned in the Akbarnémah (III., 416). He served in the 28th year in Gujrat, and was present in the battle near Maisinah, 18 kos S. E. of Patan, in which Sher Khan Fiuladi was defeated.

247. Nazar Kha’n, son of Sa’id Khan, the Gakk’har.

A brother of his is mentioned below, No. 3382. Vide Nos. 170, 171. -

The Tabaqdt calls him Nazar Beg, son of Sa’id Khin, and says that in 1001, he was a Hazari.

Mughul Historians give the following tree of the Gakk’har chiefs—

Sultan Tatar, the Gakk’har.

at 1, Sultan SArang …..csscccescccsrsrssseversserscessereeerssers oe Sultin Adam

a Ae re

BS eecea ari oe Tes Sy

1. Kam4l Khén 2. Sa’id Khan 1. Lashkari 2. Muhammad Khan stabi Khién 1. Nazar Khbin Jalal mika (No. 170)

No. 171 (No. 247) ais 9, Shah Muhammad Akbar Quli Sultin (No. 332) | Murad Quli Sultan Allah Quli

Jalal Khan was killed in 1620 (15th year) in Bangash, and his son Akbar Quli, who then served at KAngrah, was made a commander of 1000, and seni to Bangash (Tuzuk, pp, 307, 308),

Jahangir, after the suppression of Khusrau’s*tevolt passed on his way to Kabul through the Gakk’har district (Tuzuk, pp. 47,48). He left the Bahat (1st Muharram, 1016) and came to Fort Rohtds, the cost of which he states to have been 161,000,000 dims, ‘which is equal to 4,025,000 rupees in Hindustani money, or 120,000 Persian tomA4ns, or 1 ib, 2,175,000 silver HAlis of Turin{ money.’ After a march of 43 kos, he came to Tilah, té/ah in the Gakk’har dialect meaning ‘a hill.’ He then came to Dib Bhakralah, bhakrd meaning ‘forest.’ The way from Tilah.to Bhakré passes along the bed ofthe Kéhan river, the banks of whick are full kanér flowers. He then came to Hatidé, which was built by a Gakk’har of the name of Hat hi (mentioned in Mr. Delmerick’s History of the Gakk’hars, Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, 1871). The district from Margalah to Hatia is called Pot’hwar; and from Rohtas to Hatid

487

dwell the Bhiigidls, a tribe related to the Gakk’hars. From Hatid, he marched 4} kos and reached Pakkak, so called because it has a pucca saréi. Four and a half kes further on, he came to Kurar, which means in the Gakk’har dialect ‘rugged.’ He then went to Rawalpindi, which is said to have been built. by a Hindu of the name Rawal, pind meaning ‘a village,’ and gives a few curious particulars regarding the river and the pool of the place. From Rawalpindi he went to Kharbuzah, where a dome may be seen which has the shape of a melon (kharbuzah). The Gakk’hars used formerly to collect tolls there. He then came to the Kilipani, and to the Margalah pass, mdz meaning ‘killing? and galah ‘a carawan.’ ‘ Here ends the country of the Gakk’hars. They are a brutish race, always at feud with each other. I asked them to live in peace; but they will not.”*

The Pddishdhndmah (TI., 240, 264, 266, 722, 733, 740) mentions several Gak- k’har chiefs—

1, Akbar Quli Sultén, a commander of 1500, 1500 horse, died in the 18th year of Shahjahan’s reign. His son Murfd Quii Sultfin, was under Shéhjahin a com- mander of 1500, 1090 horse (Pddishdhn. IL., 410, 485, 512, 523, 565, 595,655, 730).

2. Jabbar Qui, (brother of Jalal Khan),* 1000, 800 horse.

3. Khizr Sultan, (son of Nazar Khan),? 800, 600 horse, died in the 12th year Shabj.’s reign. ‘

The Padish4hnimab (L., p. 432) mentions Gakk’hars’ mules as famous.

The Madsir ¢ ’A’lamgirt (p. 155) also mentions Murdd Quli and his son Allah Quif. Allah Quli’s daughter was married to Prince Muhammad Akbar, fourth son of Aurangzib, on the 3rd Rajab, 1087.

248. Ra/m Chand, son of Madhukar [Bundelah].

He is also called Rém Séh, and was mentioned on p. 356. He was introduced

at court by Cadiq Khan (No. 43), when Akbar was in Kashmir (1000). In the first

year of Jabangir’s reign, we find him in rebellion, evidently because his right of suc-

cession was rendered doubtful by the predilection of the emperor for Bir Singh Deo,

Raém Chand’s younger brother. In the end of the first year, he was attacked by ’Abdul-

lah Khan, who moved from Kalpi, his jagir, to Undchah. On the 27 th Zi Qa’dah 1015,

Ram Chand was brought fettered to court; but Jahangir had his fetters taken off,

gave him a dress of honor, and handed him over to Rajah Basti of Dhameri, ‘ He

never thought that he would be treated so kindly’ (Tuzuk, p. 42). But Undchah was,

handed over to Bir Singh Deo as reward for the murder of Abulfazl.

• For the geographical details of this passage I am indebted to Mr. J. G. Del- merick. The Zuzuk has Pilah of Tilah; Bhakré for Bhakrdlah, and the Persian word khdnah for Kéhan ( 2 ), the name of the river near Bhakrélah—-a most extraordinary mistake; kor for Kurar or Gard, a village near Manikya- lah ; Ponhihdr for Pothwdr. Myr. Del- merick also says that the river near Hatia, or Hat’hid, is called Kasf, and that near Rawalpindi is the Lahi, which forces a passage through low hills where there is avery deep pool, just betore its

en with the Sohan. Sardi Khar- uzah is also called Sarai Madbt. ;

On the same page of Sayyid Abmad’s . edition of the Tuzuk, we have to read Khattar and Dilah-zdk, tor Khar and Dilah-zdk. The Khattars occupy the ’

district called Khitar, and the Dilah-ziks

are found in the Ch’hach valley of the Indus.

Pot’hwar is the country between the Thelam and the Suhan; but Jahangir { extends it to the Miargalah pass from | Hatia (30 miles from the Jhelam). y

® So according to Mr. Delmerick.

488

In the 4th year of his reign (1018), Jahangir married Rim Chand’s daughter at the request of her father (vide Tuzuk, p. 77; and No. 225, note). | He appears to have died-in 1021, and was succeeded by his son Bharat Singh- Tuzuk, p. 112. Muhammadan Historians give the following tree of the Undchah Bundelahs—

Rajah Partab, founds Undchah in 1631, A. D.

ene ™

eeVwveovo————

1. Bhdérat Chand, 2. Madhukar Singh,

(died childless). (dies 1000). ee a SS Te ee Seek fee 1, Ram Chand, 2. Hodal Rito, 3. Bir Singh Deo, the murderer (dies 1021). (killed, p. 356). of Abulfazl (dies 1036).

» A son. o—|/——_——enees eee: oe NR EOD

| 1. Jhujhdr Singh. 2, Pabdr Singh. 3. Chandr Man.

Bharat. ; 4 Beni Das.

I Bikramajit. Subhén Singh. . Bhagwan Das.

Debi Singh. | Prit’hi Singh.

Sanwal Singh.

The MMadsir contains biographical notes of nearly all of them. Vide also Thornton’s Gazetteer, under Oorcha.

Beni Das and Bhagwan Das were killed by a Rajput in the 13th year of Shah- jaban’s reign. They held commands of 500, 200 horse, and 1000, 600 horse, re- spectively.

Chandy Man was in the 20th year of Sh. a commander of 1500, 800 horse.

Vide Padishahnamah I., 172 (where another Bundelah of the name of Suhk Dev is mentioned), 205, 241, 368, 372, 425; IT., 731, 734,

The Madsir i ’Alamgiré mentions several Bundelahs, as Satr Sal, Jaswant Singh, Indarman (died 1088) and the rebellious sons of Champat (2. ¢., pp. 161, 163, 169, 273, 424). Vide also under No. 249.

Bir Singh Deo, the murderer of Abulfazl, in often called in bad MSS. Nar Singh Deo. Thus also in the printed editions of the Tuzuk, the 1st volume of Pédishah- namah, the ’“Alamgirnimah, &c., and in Elphinstone’s History. The temples which he built in Mat’huré at a cost of 33 lacs of Rupees, were destroyed by Aurangzib in

©1080. (Madsir i’ Alamgtrt, p. 95). aig

249. Ra’‘jah Mukatman, the Bhadauriah.

if Bhadawar is the name of a district S. E. of A’grah ; its chief town is HatkAnt’h (vide p. 323, note 4). The inhabitants are called Bhadauriahs. They were known as daring robbers, and though so near the capital, they managed to maintain their { independence till Akbar had their chief trampled to death by an elephant, when they submitted. The next chief, Mukatman, entered the imperial service, and rose to a mangab of 1000. In 992, he served in Gujrat (Akbarndmah IIL, 423, 438).

• The Dutch traveller DeDaét has lis, Leyden, 1631, p. 209). He calls an interesting passage regarding Abul- Bir Singh Ladzia Bertaingh Bondela. fazl’s death {De Imperio Magni Mogu-

489

Under Jahangir, we find a chief of the name‘of RAjah Bikramajit, who served under ‘Abdullah against the Rand, and later in the Dak’hin. He died in the llth year of Jahdnogir and was succeeded by his son Bhoj. Sayyid Ahmad’s edition of the Tuzuk (p. 108) mentions a Bhadauriah chief Mangat, who in the 7th year served in Bangash ; but the name is doubtful.

Under Shabjahin, the head of the Bhadauriah clan was Rajah Kishn Singh: He served in the first year under Mahdbat Khan against Jhujhdr Singh, and in the 3rd year, against Khan Jahfén Lodi and the Niz&m ul Mulk, who had afforded Khin Jahan protection. In the 6th year, he distinguished himself in the siege of Daulat- ibid. Three years’ later, in the 9th year, he served under Khan Zaman against Saha Bhonslah. He died in the 17th year (1053).

In the Padishdhudmah (L., b., 309) he is mentioned asa commander of 1000, 600 horse. . .

As Kishn Singh had only a son by a concubine, he was succeeded by Badan Singh,’ grandson of Kishn’s uncle. He was made Rajah and a commander of 1000. In the 21st year,‘ut a darbir, a mast elephant ran up to him, took up one of his men with the tusks, when Badan Siigh stuck his dagger into the animal which, frightened as it was at the same time by a fire wheel, dropped the unfortynate man. Shabja- - han rewarded the bravery of the Rajah with a khii aé, and remitted 50,000 Rs. ort

‘of the 2 lacs, which was the assessment of the Bhaddwar district. In the 22nd year, he was made a commander of 1500. In the 25th year, he served under Aurangzib, and in the 26th, under Dara Shikoh, before Qandahir, where in the following year he died.

His son Maha Singh was then made Rajah, and received a mangab of 1000, 800 horse. He served in the 28th year in Kabul. After D&ra’s defeat, he paid his re- spects to Aurangzib, in whose reign he served against the Bundelah rebels. In the 10th year, he served under Kéimil Khén against the Ydsufzais. Ho died in the 26th year.

He was succeeded by his son Odat Singh (vide Madasir i ’Alamgiri, p. 226 and p. 228, where the Bibl. Ind. edition has wrong Rddar Singh for Odat S.). He had before served under Jai Singh in the Dak’hin, and was in the 24th year made commandant of Chitor (2. ¢., p. 196).

250. Ra’jah Ram Chandr, zamindar of Orisa.

Regarding him vide Stirling’s report on Oyisi, Asiatic Researches, vol. XV. His name occurs often .in the narrative of Man Singh’s conquest ot Oris& (37th year of Akbar’s reign). 4 \

The province of Khurdah (South Orisé) was conquered and annexed to the Dinli\ empire by. Mukarram Khan (vide No. 260), in the 12th year of Jahdngir’s reign (Luzuk, p. 215). : :

251. Sayyid Abul Qa’sim, son of Sayyid Muhammad Mir ’Adl (N, 140).

He served in the 25th” year (998) in Bihar, and in the battle of Sultanpir Ty also, in the 33id year, against the Yusufzais.

• So Pddishéhnudmah, UL, 732. The Afudsir calls him Bad Singh or 62

490

The Tarikh Ma’gtimi (Dowson, Elliot’s Historians I., p. 243) gives earlier but perhaps more correct. dates regarding the appointment to Bhakkar and the death of the Mir ’Adl, viz. his arrival at Bhakkar, 11th Ramazan, 983, and his death there, 8th Sha’ban, 984 (October, 1576). He was succeeded by his son Abulfazl, who is not mentioned in the Ain. On the 9th Zilhajjah, 985 (Feb. 1578), I’timaéd (No. 119) arrived at Bhakkar.

252, Dalpat, son of R4i Réi Singh. |

He has been mentioned above, p. 359. ‘

XVILI. Commanders of Four Hundred.

253. Shaikh Paizi’, son of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor.

The name of this great poct and friend of Akbar was Abul Faiz. Faizi is his takhallug. Towards the end of his lifeyin imitation of the form of the takhallug of his brother ’Alldmé, he assumed the name of Fayydzé.

Faiz{ was the eldest son of Shaik Mubfrak of NAgor. Shaikh Mubérak (vide pp,” 169, 185, 198, 209) traced his origin to an Arabian dervish from Yaman, who in the 9th century of the Hijrah had settled in Siwistin, where he married. In the 10th century, Mubérak’s father went to Hindustdn, and settled at Nagor. Several of his

-ehildren having died one after the other, he called his next child Mubdrak. He was

born in 911, When a young man, Mubdrak went to Gujrat, and studied under Khatib Abulfazl of Kazartin and Maulané “Imad of Léristin. In 950, Mubdrak settled at Agrah. It is said that he often changed his religious opinions. Under Islem Shah, he was a Mahdawi, and had to suffer persecution in the beginning of Akbar’s reign ; he then became a Naqshbandi, then a Hamadani, and lastly, when the court was full of Persians, he inclined to Shi’ism. But whatever his views may have been, the education which he gave his sons Faizi and Abulfazl, the greatest. writers that India has produced, shews that he was a man of comprehensive genius, Shaikh Mubdrak wrote a commentary to the Qorén, in four volumes, entitled IManba’ul-’uytin,? and another work of the title of Jawdmi’ ulkilam, Towards the end of his life, he suffered from partial blindness, and died at Lahor, on fhe 17th Z{ Qa’dah, 1001, at the age of 90 years. The tdértkh of his death will be found in the words Shaikh ¢ kimil.

Shaikh Faizi was born at A’grah in 954. His acquirements in Arabic Literature, the art of poetry, and in medicine, were very extensive. He used to treat poor people gratis. One day, he appeared with his father before Shaikh ’Abdunnabi, the Cadr, (p. 272) and applied for a grant of 100 big’has ; but he was not only refused, but also turned out of the hall with every contumely on account of his tendencies to Shi’ism. But Faizi’s literary fame reached Akbar’s ears, and in the 12th year, when Akbar was on the expedition to Chitor, he was called to court. Faizi’s bigoted enemies in Agrah interpreted the call as a summons before a judge, and warned the governor of the town, ei to let Faizi escape. He therefore ordered some Mughuls to surround Mubarak’s se; but accidentally Faizi was absent from home. Mubarak was ill-treated, and Maizi at last came, he was carried off by force. But Akbar received him most

? Baddoni (IIL. 74) calls it Manba’u nafdis-il’uyin.

491

favorably, and Faizf, in a short time, became the emperor’s constant companion and friend. He was instrumental in bringing about the fall of Shaikh ’Abdunnabi.

Tn the 30th year, he planned a khamsah, oy collection of five epics, in imitation of the Khamsah of Nizamf. The first, Mfarkiz uladwdr, was to consist of 3000 verses, and was to be a awd (imitation) of Nizimti’s Makhzan ulasrdr; the Sulaimda o

Bilgis and the Nal Daman were to consist of 4000 verses each; and were to be”

jawdbs of the Khusrau Shirin and Laili Majniin respectively ; and the Haft Kishwar and the Akbarndmah, each of 5000 verses, were to correspond to the Huft Paikar and the Stkhandarndmah. In the 33rd year, he was made Malikushshu’ara, or Poot Laureate (Akbarn., ‘IIL, 559). Though he had composed portions of the Khamsah, the original plan was not carried out, and in the 39th year, Akbar urged him to persevere, and recommended the completion of the Nal-Daman. Faizi thereupon finished the poem, and presented, in the same year, a copy of it to his imperial master.

Faizi suffered from asthma, and died on the 10th Cafar 1004 (40th year), The tdrikh of his death is Fuyydz i’Ajam. It is said that he composed 101 books. The best known, besides his poetical works, are the Sawé{i’ ul Ilhdm, and the Mawdrid ul kilam, regarding which vide below the poetical extracts. His fine library, consisting of 4300 choice MSS., was embodied with the imperial library.

Faizi bad been employed as teacher to the princes; sometimes, he also acted as ainbassador. Thus, in 1000, he was in the Dak’hin, from where he wrote the letter to the historian Baddonf, who had been in temporary disgrace at courts

Vide also pp. 105, 106, 183, 185, 197, 207, 209 ; and Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1869, pp. 137, 142.

254. Haki’m Misr.

According to Badaéoni (IIT., 165), Hakim Migri was a very learned man and a clever doctor. He also composed poems qj. satire of his is mentioned which he wrote against Khwajah Shamsuddin Khawafi (No. 159). He died in Burhdnptr, and was buried there. ;

Micri is mentioned in the Akbarndmah, III., p. 629, and p. 843. In the latter passage, Abulfazl mentions his death (middle of 1009), and states that he saw his friend on the deathbed. It is impossible to reconcile Abulfazl’s date with Badéoni’s statement; for Baddoni died in 1004 (Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, for 1869, p. 143). But both Abulfazl and Baddoni speak of the Hakim as a man of a most amiable and unselfish character.

255. Vrij, son of Mirza Khankhanan (No. 29).

He was mentioned on p. 339, Duritg the reign of Jahingir, he was made Cibahdir of Barér and Ahmadnagar. He greatly distinguished himself during several fights with Malik “Ambar, especially at K’harki,? for which victories he was

1024, a canal was dug from K’harki t¢

Bo, 8: Lackmf Narain Shafiq, the sire Daulatibad. Its name was Chahdrnah-

author of the Hagigat i Hindistdn,

says that it was called K’harki from the Dak’hin word.s),g5, which means‘ stony,’ ‘a stony place.’ It lies 6 kos S.E. of Daulatabad (the old Dharigarh and Deogir of ’Alauddin Khilji). K’harki under Jahangir was called Fath@bad. In

and the tarikh of its completion is & t javt (pr. a running benefié). Aurangzib changed the name of to Aurangabad, under which ng now known. K’harki was Malik “Ambar.

492

made a commander of 5000. In the 12th year, he served under Prince Shihjahau in the Dak’hin.

It is said that he was a good soldier, but stingy, and careless in his dress. A daughter of his was married (2nd Ramazin, 1026) to Prince Shthjahin. The off- spring of this marriage, Prince Jahan-afroz, was born at Agrah on the 12th Rajab, 1028, and died at Burhdnpir, at the age of 1 year, 9 months (Pddishdhndmah).

According to Grant’s Gazetteer of the Central Provinces (2nd edition, p. 128), Trij’s tomb is at Burh4nptir. ‘“ The tomb was built during his lifetime, and is really a handsome structure.” The statement of the Gazetteer that Trij, towards the end of his life, “lived as a recluse” at Burhdnpur, is not borne out by the histories; for according to the Tuzuk (p. 270), he died of excessive wine drinking.

At his death (1028), he was only thirty-three years of age, The mangab of 400, which Abulfazl assigns him, must therefore have been conferred upon him, when

he was a mere child. 256. Sakat Singh, ee of Réjah Man Singh (No. 30).

Vide aboxn poelon 244. 257. Abdullah [Sarfarda Khén ; Khan i A’zam Mirzé Kokah

0. 21). a ae

Vide p. 328. ,

It was stated (p. 328) on the authority of the Madsir that he received the title of Sardér Khdn, which had become vacant by the death of Takhtah Beg (No. 195). But the Tuzuk (p. 71) gives him the title of Saxfardz Khan. This is evidently a mistake of the author of the Maasir ; for the title of Sardd» Khdn was in the 8th year (1022) conferred on Khwijah Yadgar, brother of Abdullah Khan Firtiz-jang (Tuzuk, p. 116), when ’Abdullah Sarfaraz Khan wag gtill alive.

‘The Madsir also says that Abdullah Mcompanied his father to Gwaliér (p. 317); but the Tuzuk (p. 141) states that he was imprisoned in Rantanbhir, from where, at the request of his father, he was called to court.

258. ’Ali? Muhammad Asp.

Baddoni says (II., p. 57) that “’Ali Muhammad Asp, who is now in the service of the emperor, at the instigation of Jijak Begum, killed Abul Fath Beg (p. 318).” In the 9th year, he was in the service of Mirzé Muhammad Hakfm, king of Kabul. Afterwards, he came to India. In the 26th year (989), he served under Prince Murad against his former master (Akbarndmah, IIL., 345); in the 30th year (993), he served in Kabul (IIT., 487, 490). In the 32nd year, he distinguished himself under ’Abdul Matlab (No. 83) against the Tarikfs (ILI., p. 541).

In the Lucknow edition of the Akbarndmah, he is wrongly called ’Ali Muham- mad Alif.

259. Mi’rza’ Muhammad. “ A Mirz4 Muhammad was mentioned on p. 370.
260. Shaikh Ba’yazid [Mu’azzam Khan], grandson of Shaikh Salim

of Fathpur Sikri. zid’s mother nursed Prince Salim (Jahangir) on the day be was born 13). Inthe 40th year of Akbar’s reign, B. was a commander of 400,

493

and gradually rose to acommand of 2000. After Jahangir’s accession, he received

a mangab of 3000, and the title of Mu’azzam Kh4n. Soon after, he was made

Cubahdér of Dibli (2. ¢., p. 37), and in the 8rd year, a commander of 4000, 2000 | horse.’ On his death, he was buried at Fathptir Sikri (2. c., p. 262).

His son Mukarram: Khan was son-in-law to Iskim Khin Shaikh *Aléuddin (another grandson of Shaikh Salim), under whom he served in Bengal He distinguished himself in the expedition to Kuch Haji, and brought the zomindér Parich’hat before the governor.? At the death of his father-in-law, Muhtashim Khan Shaikh Qasim, brother of Islim Khan, was made governor of Bengal, and Mukarram Khan continued for one year in his office as governor of Kuch Haji; but as he could not agree with Qasim, he went to court.

Later, he was made governor of Orisi, and conquered the province of Khurdah

(1. @, pp. 214, 215), for which he was made a commander of 3000, 2000 horse. He seems to have remained in Orisa till the 11th year (1029), when Hasan ’AV.

Turkmadn was sent there as governor (Tuzuk, p. 308).

In the 16th year, M. Kh.

came to court, and was made Cubahday of Dihli and Faujdir of Mewat (1. ¢., p, 332).

In the 21st year, he was sent to Bengal as governor, vice Khanahzid Khan. He travelled by boat. Ono day he ordered his ship to be moved to the bank, as he wished to say the afternoon prayer, when a sudden gale broke forth, during which he and

, ,his companions were drowned.

261. Ghazni’n Kha‘n, of Jalor,

Ghaznin Khin was in the 40th year of Akbar’s reign a commander of 400, ‘He is mentioned in the Pddishdhudmah (1., 167) as having served during the reign

of Jahangir against the Rana.

Bird in his History of Gujrat (pp. 124, 405) calls him Ghaznawt Khdn and

Ghazni Khdn, and says, he was the son of Malik Khanji Jalori. Ghaznin. Khin~ seems to have been inclined to join the insurrection of Sultin “Muzaffor. The Khén- |

khanin, on the 9th Muharram, 998, sent a detachment against Jalor; but perceiving

? Islam Khin was married to a sister of Abulfazl, by whom he hada son called Hoshang. Islim Khan died as governor of Bengal on the 5th Rajab, 1022. Tuzuk, p. 126.

® The Pddishdhndmah (II., 64), where Mukarram Khan’s expedition is related, distinguishes between Kiich Haji and Kuch Bihér. The former was in the beginning of Jahangir’s reign under Parichhat, the latter under Lachmf Nardin. Haji is the name of a famous

‘leader of the Kuch people, who in ethno- logical works is said to have expelled the Kachéris and founded a dynasty which lasted two hundred years, His descen- dants still exercise jura regalia in Kuch Bihar Proper. Materials for a history of Kuch Bihar will be found in the Akbarndmah (Lucknow Edition, IIT., p- 208, annals of the 41st year); in the

Tuzuk i Jahéngirt (pp. 147, 220, 221, 223); in the Pddishahndmah 1., 496 ; II., 64 to 79, 87, 88, 94; and in the Fathi A’shdm; vide also Jounal, Asia- tic Society, Bengal, Vol. VII ; Stewart’s History of Bengal, p. 96; and above, pp. 315, 340, 343.

® Wrongly called in the Bibl. Indica Edition of the Pddishdhndmah (1., 167), Ghazali Khan.

Ghaznin’s jdgir before Akbar’s con- quest of Gujrat, as detailed by Burd (p. 124) includes portions of Nagor and Mirt’ha, and fixes the revenue at nearly 10 lacs of rupees, with 7,000 horse. This can only have been nominal. Abulfazl, in his description of Cubah Ajmix, [1Ird book, mentions 35 lacs of rupees, with 2000 horse, as the jama’ of Jélor and Sanchor (S. W. of Jalor).

494

that he was not in a fit condition to offer resistance, Ghaznin went submissively to court. The emperor took compassion on him, and confirmed him in his hereditary possessions. .

His son Pahar was executed by Jahfngir. “When I came to Dih Qaziyan, near Ujjain, I summoned Pahar. This wretch had been put by me, after the death of his father, in possession of the Fort and the district of Jalor, his ancestral home. He is a young man, and was often checked by his mother for his bad bahaviour. Annoyed at this, he entered with some of his companions her apartments, and killed her. I investigated the case, found him guilty, and had him executed,” (Cafar, 1026; Tuzuk, p. 174).

Another son of Ghaznin Khan is Nizém, who died in the 6th year of Shihjah4n’s reign. He was a commander of 900, 550 horse (Pddishdhn., I,, b., 318).

Ghaznfn’s brother Firtiz was a commander of 600, 400 horse, and died in the 4th year (Pddishdhn., I., b, 319). . The Padishahnémah (II., 739) mentions also a Mujahid of Jdlor, who in the 20th year of Shahjahan’s reign was a commander of 800, 800 horse. 262. Kijak Khwa/jah, son of Khwajah ’Abdullah. The first volume of the Akbarndmah (p. 411) mentions a Kijak Khwjab among the grandees who accompanied Humdyin to India. The third volume of the same work (p. 470) meniéions a Kijak Khwajah, who in 993 served against Qutli Lohdnf in Bengal. Vide No. 109.. 263. Sher Kha’/n Mughul. 264. Fathullah, son of Muhammad Wafa.

He appears to be the Fathullah mentioned in the Akbarndmah (III., 825) as the sharbatddr of the emperor. Akbar made him an Amir. For some fault he was sent to the Dak’hin; but as he got ill, he was recalled. He recovered, and went on sick leave to M4ndiu, where he died (1008).

265. Ra‘i Manohar, son of Rajah Lonkaran.

Rajah Lonikaran belonged to the Shaikhawat branch of the Kachhwahahs. He served, in the 2lst year, under Man Singh against the Rana, and wentin the same year with Rajah Bir Bar to Dengarpir,’ the zamindaér of which wished to send his daughter to Akbar’s harem. In the 24th year, he served under Todar Mall in Bihar, and in the 24th year, under the Khan Khinan in Gujrat.

Manohar, in the 22nd year, reported to the emperor on his visit to Amber, that in the neighbourhood an old town existed, the site of “which was marked by huge mAunds of stone. Akbar encouraged him to rebuild it, and laid the foundation himself. “ The new settlement was called Mol Manoharnagar.2 In the 45th year,

ae

The word dongar which occurs in Jbéykand, or jungle region, the general

The above-

the names of places from Sorath to Mal- wah and Central India, is a Gond word meaning @ forest. There are many Dongarpirs, Dongargénws, Dongartils, Dongars, &c. Similarly, the word dir in Mundiavi signifies a jungle, whence Birbhum (Western Bengal), Thus also

name of Chutia Nagpur. mentioned Dongarpur lies .on the N. W. frontier of Gujrat (Akdbarn,. IIL, 169, 170, 477).

• The maps give a Manoharpir, north of Amber, about Lat, 27° 20’.

495

he was appointed with Rai Durgé Ldl (No. 103) to pursue Muzaffar Husain Mirza (p. 464), who was caught by Khwajah Waisi.

In the Ist year of Jabangir’s reign, he served under Prince Parwiz against the Rind, and was made, in the 2nd year, a commander of 1500, 600 horse (Tuzuk, p. 64). He served long in the Dak’hin, and died in the 11th year.

His son Prit’hi Chand received after the death of his father the title of Rai, and was made a commander of 500, 300 horse (2. ¢., p. 160).

Manohar wrote Persian verses, aud was called at court Mirzi Manohar ; vide my article A chapter from Muhammadan History, Calcutta, Review, April, 1871.

266. Khwa‘jah ’Abdussamad, Shirin-qalam (sweot-pen).

He is not to be confounded with No. 353.

Khbwajah ’Abdugcamad was a Shirazi. His father Khwijah Nizimul Mulk was Vazir to Shah Shuj&’ of Shiraz. Before Humaytin left Trin, he went to Tabriz, where “Abduggamad paid his respects. He was even at that time known as painter and calligraphist. Humaytn invited him to come to him, and: though then unable to accompany the emperor, he followed him in 956 to Kabal.

Under Akbar, ’A. was a commander of 400; but low as his mancab was, he had great influence at court. In the 22nd year, he was in charge of the mint at Fathpur Sikri (A&barndmah, III., 195); and in the 31st year, when the officers were redistributed over the several gibahs, he was appointed Diwan of Multan.

As an instance of his skill it is mentioned that he wrote the Stiratulikhlég | (Qorén, Sur. CXIT) on a poppy seed (ddnah i khashkhdsh). Vide p. 107. \

‘ For his son vide No. 351.

267, Silhadi’’, son of Rijah Bihari Mall (No. 23),

" 268. Ra‘m Chand Kachhwahah. Vide p. 387.

{Ra’m Chand Chauha’n]. The Maasir says that he was the son of Badal Singh, and a commander of 500. In the 17th year, he served under M. ’Aziz Kokah (No. 21) in Gujrat, and in the 26th year, under Sultin Murad against M. Muhammad Hakim, king of Kabul. Iu the 28th year, he was under M. Shahrukh in the Dak’hin. In the fight, in which Rajah ‘Ali of Khandesh fell, R. Ch. received twenty wounds and fell from his horse. Next day he was found still alive, He died a few days later (41st year, 1005).

269. Baha’dur Kha’n Qirdir.

Ho served in the beginning of the 18th year in Gujrat (Akbarndmnad, IIL, 25), in the 26th in Kabul (2. ¢., 333), and in the siege of Asir (1008).

The Pddishdhndmah (1., b.; pp. 311, 315) mentions Abibakr and ’Usmin, sons of Bahddur Khan Qtirbeg{, who seems to be the same officer.’ They died in the 8th and Oth years of Shahjahan.

270.. Banka’, the Kachhwahah.

He served in the 26th yearin Kabul (Akbarn., III., 333). His son Haridi Ram was under Shdbjahén a commander of 1500, 1000 horse, and died in the 9th

of his reign.

, 496

XIX. Commanders of Three Hundred and Fifty.

871. Mi’rza’ Abw’ Sa’i’d,

872. Mi’rza’ Sanjar.

They were mentioned above on p. 314. Mirz& Sanjar is not to be confounded with the Mirz4 Sanjar mentioned on p. 477, note 2.

273. ‘Ali’ Marda’n Baha‘dur.

The Tabaqit mentions him as having been in 984 (21st year) at court, from where he was sent to Qulij Khan (No. 42) at Tdar, who was to go to Gujrat to see the ships off which ugder Sultan Khwajah (No. 108) were on the point of leaving for Makkah. Later he served under the Khan Kh&nan in Sind, and in the 41st year; in the Dak’hin. Subsequently, he commanded the Talinginah corps. In the 46th year, he marched to Pat’hri to assist Sher Khwajah (No. 176), when he heard that Babidur Khan Gilani, whom he had left with a small detachment in Talingainah, had been defeated. He returned, and attacked the enemies who were much stronger than he; his men fled, and he himself was captured. In the same year, Abulfazl made peace, and ‘Ali Mardin was set at liberty. In the 47th year, he served with distinction under Mirza Irij (No. 255) against Malik ‘Ambyr. nia

In the 7th year of Jahdngir’s reign, he was attached to the corps commanded * by ’Abdullak. Khan Firiz-jang, who had been ordered to move with the Gujrat army over Nasik into the Dak’hin, in order to co-operate with the second army corps under Khan dahin Lodi. ’Abdullah entered the hostile territory without meeting the second army, and returned towards Gujrat, now pursued by the enemies. In one of the fights which ensued, ’A. M. was wounded and captured. He was taken before Malik ‘Ambar, and though the doctors did everything to save him, he ey two days later of his wounds, in 1021 A. H. (Tuzuk, p. 108).

His son Karamullah served under Juhangir (Tuzuk, p. 269), and was under Shaéhjahin a commander of 1000, 1000 horse. He was for some time commandant .« of Fort Odgir, and died in the 21st year of Shahj.’s reign.

274. Raza’ Quli’, son of Khan Jahan (No. 24).

Vide above p. 331.

275. Shaikh Khu’bu’ [Qutbuddin Khan i Chishti] of Fathpur Sikes.

His father was a Shaikhzédah of Badaon, and his mother a daughter of Shaikh - Salim. Khiibii was a foster-brother of Jah4ngir.2 When the prince was at [lahabad . in rebellion against Akbar, he conferred upon Khubi the title of Qutbuddin Khan, and made him Cubahdér of Bihar, On his accession, he made him Cubahdér of Bengal, vice Man Singh (9th Jumada L., 1015 ; Tuzuk, p. 87).

At that time, Sher Afkan “Ali Quli Istajli (wide No. 394) was tuyilddr of Bardwan, and as his wife Mibrunnisé [Nur Jah4n] was coveted by the emperor, Qutb » was ordered to send Sher Afkan to court, who, however, refused to go. Qutb, therefore, went to Bardwan, sending Ghidsa, son of his sister, before him, to persuade

| Sher Afkan that no harm would be done to him, When’ Qutb arrived, Sher Afkan , went to meet him, accompanied by two men. On his approach, Q. lifted up his

sons of Sultan Husain Mirzé.

• Vide Dowson, Elliot’s Historians, * Jahangir says that Khubi’s mother L, p. 248, was dearer to him than his own mother.

497

horse-whip as a sign for his companions to cut down Sher Afkan. ‘* What is all this ?” exclaimed Sher. Qutb waved his hand to call back his men, and advancing towards Sher, upbraided him for his disobedience. His men mistaking Qutb’s signal to with- draw, closed round Sher, who rushed with his sword against Qutb, and gave him a deep wound in the abdomen. Qutb was a stout man, and seizing his protruding bowels with his hands, called out to his men to cut down the scoundrel. Ambah Khan, a Kashmiri noble of royal blood, thereupon charged Sher Afkan, and gave him a sword cut over the head ; but he fell at the same time pierced through by Sher’s sword (py. 474, note 1). The men now crowded round him and struck him to the ground. Qutbuddin was still on horseback, when he heard that Sher Afkan had been killed, and he sent off Ghidsé to bring his effects and his family to Bardwan. He then was removed in a palkee. He died whilst being carried away. His corpse was taken to Fathptir Sikri and buried.

In 1013, he built the Jami’ mosque of Badion.

His son, Shaikh Ibrahim, was, in 1015, a commander of 1000, 300 horse, and had the title of Kishwar Khdn. He was for some time governor of Rohtés, and served in the beginning of 1021 against “Usman.

Tlahdiah, son of Kishwar Khan, is mentioned in the Pddishdhndmah (L., b., 100, 177, 177, 307 ; II, “34d, 379, 411, 484).

276. Zia’-ul Mulk, of Kashin.

The Akbarndmah (III, 490, 628) and the Zuzuk {p. 11) mention a Ziduddin.

The Hakim Ziduddin of Kashén, who under Shabjahan held tho title of Rahmat

‘ Khan, can scarcely be the same.

277. Hamzah Beg Ghatra’ghali’.

• He may be the brother of No. 208. The Akbarndmah (III., 255) mentions also a Husain Beg Ghatraghalt.

278. Mukhta’r Beg, son of:-Aghé Mulla.

Mukhtér Beg served under A’zam Khan Kokah (No. 21) in Bihar, Gadha-Raisin (Akbarn., IIT., 276, 473), and in the 36th year, under Sultan Murad in Malwah.

Nacrullah, son of Mukhtar Beg, was under Shahjahan a commander of 700, 150 horse, and died in the 10th year.

Fathullah, son of Nagrullah, was under Shahjahin a commander of 500, 50 horse (Pddishthn., I, b, 318; IL, 752).

Abulfazl calls Mukhtér Beg the son of Aghd Mulla. This would seem to be the Aghé Mulla Dawatdar, mentioned on p. 369. If so, Mukhtdr Beg would bo the

brother of Ghidsuddin ’Ali (No. 126). The Agh& Mullé mentioned below (No. 376),

to judge from the Tuzuk (p. 27), is 3 the brother 0 of Agaf Khan III. (No. 98), and had a son of the name of Badi’uzzamén, who under Shabjahin was a commander of 600, 100 horse (Pdd., L., b., 327; I1., 761). In Muhammadan families the name of the grandfather is often given to the grandchild. - ; 279. Haidar ’Ali’’Arab. He served, in the 32nd year, in Afghanistin (Azbarx.,, HIL., 540, 548), 280. Peshrau Kha’n [ Mihtar Sa’4dat). Mihtar Sa’idathad been brought up in Tabriz, and was in the service of Shah Tahmasp, who gave him as a present to Humdytin. Aftor Humiyun’s death, he was 63

498

promoted, and got the title of Peshrau Khdn. In the 19th year, Akbar sent him on a mission to Bihar, where he was caught on the Ganges by Gajpati, the great zamindar (p. 399, tiote 2). When Jagdespur, the” stronghold of the Rajah, was conquered, Gajpati ordered several prisoners to be killed, among them Peshrau. The executioner, however, did not kill him, and told another man to do so. But the latter accidentally could not get his sword out of the scabbard ; and the Rajah, who was on the point of flying, having no time to lose, ordered him to take P. on his elephant. The elephant was wild and restive, and the man who was‘in charge of P., fell from the animal and got kicked, when the brute all at once commenced to roar in such a manner, that the other elephants ran away frightened. Although P.’s hands were tied, he managed to get to the kaldwah (p. 127) of the driver, and thus sat firm 3 but the driver unable to manage the brute, threw himself to the ground and ran away, leaving P. alone on the elephant. Next morning it got quiet, and P. threv? himself down, when he was picked up by a trooper who had been searching for him,

In the 21st year, he reported at court the defeat of Gajpati’ (Akbarn.,, III., 163). In the 25th year, he served in Bengal (2. c., p. 289). Later he was sent to Nizimulmulk of the Dak’hin, and afterwards to Bahédur Khan, son of Rajah ’Ali Khan of Khandesh. His mission to the latter was in vain, and Akbar marched to A’sir. P, distinguished himself in the siege of Maligadh.

Jahangir made him a commander of 2000, and continued him in his office as superintendent of the Farrdsh-khdnah (Quarter- Master).

P. died in the 3rd year, on the 1st Rajab, 1017. Jahangir says (Tuzuk, p. 71), “He was an excellent servant, and though ninety years old, he was smarter than many ayoung man, He had amassed a fortune of 15 lacs of rupees. His son Ridyat is unfit for anything ; but for the sake of his father, I put him in charge of half the Farrdsh-khdénuh.

281. Qa/zi’ Hasan Qazwini.

In the 32nd year (995), he served in Gujrét (Akbarn., IIL, 537, 554, where the Lucknow edition has Q4zi Husain), and later in the siege of Asir (2. ¢., III., 825).

282. Mi’r Mura’d i Juwaini.

He is not to be confounded with No. 380, but may be the same as mentioned on p, 354,

Juwain is the Arabic form of the Persian Gujan, the name of a small town, in Khurfsin, on the road between Bistim and Nishapir. It lies, according to the Madsir, in the district of Baibag, of which Sabzwar is the capital, and is renowned as the birth-place of many learned men and poets.

Mir Murad belongs to the Sayyids of Juwain, Ashe had been long in the Dak’hin, he was also called Dak’hiné. He was an excellent shot, and Akbar appointed him rifle-instructor to Prince Khurram. He died, in the 46th year, as Bakhshi of Ldhbor. He had two sons, Qasim Khan and Hashim Khan.

Qisim Khan was an excellent poet, and rose to distinction under Islim Khan, governor of Bengal, who made him treasurer of the gibah. Later, he married

? Gajpati’s brother, Biri Sal, bad been | 7? Vide Wiistenfeld’s Yacut, II, 164. killed (Akbarn., IIL, 162).

499

Manijah Begum, sister of Nir Jahin, and thus became a friend of Jah4ogir. An example of a happy repartee is given. Once Jahangir asked for a cup of water. The cup was so thin, that it could’ not bear the weight of the water, and when handed to the emperor, it broke. Looking at Qasim, J. said (metre Ramal)— aS only OT OT got eh Salf The cup was lovely, and the water lost its rest— when Qasim, completing the verse, replied : eS age BS) brs Uses 9 ly pile ogo

It saw my love grief, and could not guppress its tears.

Tn the end of J.’s reign, he was Qtibahddr of Agrah, and was in charge of the treasures inthe fort. When the emperor dicd, and Sh4bjahan left thé Dak’hin, Qasim paid his respects in the Bagh i Dabrah (Agrah), which in honor of Jahangir had been called Weis Mfanzil, and was soon after made a commander of 5000, 500 horse, and appointed governor of Bengal, vice Fidéi Khan.

As Shahjahan when prince, during his rebellion, had heard of the wicked practices of the Portuguese in Bengal, who converted natives by force to Christianity, he ordered Qasim to destroy their settlement at Higli. In the 5th year, in Sha’ban, 1041, or February, 1632, A. D. (Pddishdhn., I., 436, 437), Q. sent a corps under his son ‘Infyatullah and Allah Yar Khan to: Hugli. The Portuguese held out for three months anda half, when the Muhammadans succeeded in layiug dry the ditch in front of the Church, dug a mine, and blew up the church. The fort was taken. Ten thousand Portuguese are said to have perished during the siege, and 4400 were taken

‘prisoners. About 10,000 natives whom they had in their power, were liberated. One thousand Musalmans died as martyrs for their religion .*

Three days after the conquest of Higli, Qasim died (1. ¢., p. 444), The Jami’ Masjid in the Atgah Bazar of Agrah was built by him,

283. Mir Qa’sim Badakhshi.

He served in the Dak’hin (Akbarn., III., 830).

284. Bandah ’Ali’ Maidani.

Maidanf is the name of an Afghan clan; vide No. 317. Bandah ’Ali served in the 9th year with Muhammad Hakim of Kabul, who was attacked by Mirz4 Sulaiman of Badakhshan (No. 5), and had applied to Akbar for help. In the 30th and 32nd years, he served in Kabul (Akbarn., II,, 299 ; YII., 477, 540).

The Akbarndmah (I1., 209) also mentions a Bandah ‘Ali Qurbegi. be

285. Khwa/‘jagi’ Fathullah, son of Haji Habibullah of Kashan.

He was mentioned above on pp. 359, 464. He served in the 30th yoar under Mirzé ’Azfz Kokah (No. 21). Akbarn., IIL, 478.

286. Za/hid

287. Dost [Muhammad] } sons of Cidiq Khan (No. 43).

. 288. Ya’‘r | Muhammad]

The siege of Hugli commenced on for some time been the head quarters of the 2nd Zi Hajjah, 101, or llth June, the Mughul army, is called on our maps, 1632, and the town was taken on the Holodpur, and lies N. W. of Higii. 1dth Rabi’ I, 1042, or 10th September, The Portuguese church at Bandel (a

1632. The village of Haldiptir, men- | corruption of bandar ?) bears the year tioned in the Padishébndmah as haviig | 1599 on its keystone,

)

500

They have been mentioned above on p. 357. Zahid, in the end of 1015, served against Dalpat (No. 252).

Regarding Zahid, vide also a passage from the “Tdrikh i Mfa’guimt, translated in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s Historians, I., 246.

289. *Izzatullah Ghujduwani.

Ghujduwaén is a small town ‘in Bukhdré.

The Akbarndmah (III., 548) mentions a Qézi ’Izzatullah, who, in the 32nd year,

served in Afghanistan.

° XX. Commanders of Three Hundred.

290. A/ltu’n Qulij.

291. Ja’n Qulij. . ; .