Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II

Name: Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II
Author: Abd al-Qadir Badauni

Read Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Vol. II by Abd al-Qadir Badauni, a public-domain English edition published in 1884, sourced from the cited historical archive.

By Abd al-Qadir Badauni

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BIBLIOTHECA INDIOA, Sanskrit Series. 5

Advaita Brahma Siddhi, (Text) Fasc. 1-4 @ /6/ each x Rs. *Aoni Purana, (Text) Fasc. 4-14 @ /6/each … ee ex Aitaréya Aranyaka of the Re Véda, (Text) Fasc. 1-5 @ /6/ each oo Aitaréya Brahmana, Vol. I, Fasc. 1-5 and Vol. IT, Fase. 1-5 Vol. III,

Fasc. 1-5 Vol. IV, Fase. 1-3 @ /6/ ae a oe Anu Bhiasyam, (Text) Fase. 1-4 @ /6/ each i a ioe Aphorisms of Sandilya, (English) Fase. 1 “at ee Astasahasrika Prajfiaparamita, (Text) Fasc. 1-6 @ /6/ each ie Agvavaidyaka, (Text) Fasc. 1-5 @ /6/ each = me - Avadana Kalpalata, (Sans. and Tibetan) Vol. I, Fase. 1-5; Vol. IE. Fasc.

1-5 @ 1/ each ee aa a a 1 0 *Bhimati, (Text) Fase. 8-8 @ /6/ each ze ee a 4 Brahma Siitra, (English) Fase.1 we Te aa 12

Brhaddévata (Text) Fasc. 1-4 @ /6/ each A a Brhaddharma Purana, (Text) Fase. 1-6 @ /6/ each “eh ah *Caturvarga Chintamani (Text) Vols. II, 1-25; III. Part 1, Fase. 1-18.

Part II, Fasc. 1-10 @ /6/each … oa i ae 14 Grauta Sitra of Apastamba, (Text) Fase. 1-14 @ /6/ each… a

Ditto Latyayana, (Text) Fasc. 2-9 @ /6/ each … ae 0 :

Ditto Gankhayana, (Text) Vol. I, Fase. 1-7; Vol. Il, Fasc. i

1-4, Vol. III, Fasc. 1-4 @ /6/ each .., Ori Bhashyam, (Text) Fase. 1-38 @ /6/ each ae ia Kala Madhava, (Text) Fasc. 1-4 @ /6/each … Kala Viveka, Fasc. 1 & 2… fee Katantra, (Text)‘Fasc. 1-6 @ /12/ each es Katha Sarit Sagara, (English) Fase. 1-14 @ /12/ each Karma Purana, (Text) Fase. 1-9 @ /6/ each " os *Lalita-Vistara, (Text) Fasc. 4-6 @ /6/ each … mS Ditto (Bnglish) Fase, 1-8 @ /12/ each 2 Madana Parijata, (Text) Fase. 1-11 @ /6/ each… te ee Manutika Saygraha, (Text) Fase. 1-3 @ /6/ each 7 se *Markandéya Purana, (Text) Fasc. 4-7 @ /6/ each Ps ae Markandeya Purana, (English) Fase. 1-5 @ /12 each a oe *Mimamsai Darcana, (Text) Fasc. 7-19 @ /6/ each BS oe Narada Smrti, (Text) Fasc. 1-3 @ /6/ uS Nyayavartika, (Text) Fasc. 1-4 @ /6/ sae aS = ¢Nirukta, (Text); Vol. IIT, Fasc. 1-6; Vol. IV, Fasc. 1-8 @ /6/ each… *Nitisara, or The Hlements f Polity, By Kimandaki, (Sans.) Fase, 3-5 @ /6/ each… BEET re one aD a

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MUNTAKHAB-UT-TAWARIKH

ABD-UL-QADIR BIN MALUK SHAH

KNOWN AS AL-BADAONI TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL PERSIAN

W. H. LOWE, M. A.

HEBREW LECTURER, CHRIST’S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

PRINTED FOR THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOLUME II.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY J. W, THOMAS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS. 1884,

iy ti

MONACENSIS

‘BIBLIOTHECA REGIA

JALAL-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD AKBAR PADSHAH. — . SS ——

The Emperor of the time, the Khalif of the age, Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar Padshih (may he ever be firmly seated! on the throne of the Khalifate and the seat of clemency !) with the approval of Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanadn, began to honour and adorn the throne of the Sultanate, under an auspicious star, on Friday the 2nd of the month Rabi‘ul-avval, in the year nine hundred and sixty- three (963) in the garden of Kalanor?—which, to this day, they have not yet finished laying out. ‘Then he sent messages of conciliation and courtesy to the Amirs of the frontier, so that the Ahutbah® was read also at Dihli. And they composed this hemistich, as giving the date: ‘ More noble than all princes he.*

They composed also the following distich :—

‘ Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar, that prince of the age, At the date of [the death of] father said: Prince of the age am I4

And another [mnemosynon] they found [for the date] : ‘The desire of fortune.’* Then the world began to blossom like a rose-garden, and pitiless Fate, binding up those wounds, said :—

1 The word in the text means ‘ambushed’ ; but transpose the % and the m and read mutamakkin ‘ established.’

2 A dependency of Lahore. The year is 1556 A. D.; as for the month, see Elliot, V. 247.

3 A form of praise and prayer consisting of four parts: (1) The praise of God, (2) of Muhammad and his twelve descendants, (3) of royalty, (4) praise of, and prayer for the reigning sovereign. ‘The mention of the Emperor’s name in the Khutbah constitutes a legal proclamation of his accession to the throne. See Kitto’s Court of Persia, 160-1.

The sum of the numerical values of the letters of each of these three expres- Sions, in the original Persian, gives the date 963 A. H,

[ 2 ]

“ When Death removes a crown by force, At once another head is crowned! ; When one old age completes its course, A younger rises from the ground?.”

(P. 9.) Before the decree for the accession went forth, Bairém Khan had by all the arts of finesse enjoined on Pir Muhammad Khan Shirwani,? (who with an army had gone in pursuit of Sikandar in the Mountains of Sawdlik, as far as the confines of the district of Dabmiri) not to allow the news of the death of the late Emperor* to be spread abroad.

Now Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali, who was of noble Sayyid extraction, and of the country of Kashghar, in the symmetry of his limbs and the excellence of his valour was distinguished above all his compeers. ‘To him the deceased Emperor had shown a special favour and a boundless condescension, so that he had honoured him by calling him his son, This man was a dullard, And in this place be it known concerning him that Bairam Khan had written an acros- tic in twenty-four verses, of which the rhyme was ‘azim and gadim, and the rhyming letter mzm, in such a way, that the initial letter of the first hemistiches composed the words “ Hazrat Muhammad Huma- yin Padshah Ghazi” [My Lord Muhammad Humayun Padshah Ghazi’”] ; and the initial letters of the second hemistiches “ Shahzé- dah [prince] Jalal-ud-din Muhammad Akbar”; and the final letters of the first hemistiches the words “ Mirzi Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali,” together with some epithet or other which I have forgotten ; and the sum of the twenty-four mms which closed the verses gave [24 x 40 =] 960 the date of the composition of the acrostic. I have heard

from trusty friends, that the last time the late Emperor honoured .

Qandahar with his presence, Shah Abu-l-Ma‘li one evening, having drunk too much wine, slew in his bigotry a zealous Shi‘ah. When the heirs of the murdered man came to demand justice, and the Emperor sent for Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali, he put on the dead® man’s robe of black

Compare: Le roi est mort, Vive le roi. 2 Or cradle. 5 On the spellingof this word, see Blochmann, Ain i Akbari. 324 n. 4 Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Humayun Padshah, father of Akbar. 5 Justead of maftél read magtii,

[ 3 | 5 velvet lined with (P. 10) red and blue, and putting the hanger}, burnished bright, the very same with which he had despatched him, under his skirt, swaggered drunken into the royal assembly, and denied the deed. Bairém Khan on the occasion quoted these lines:—

“ Fis disshevelled locks of hair To night-debauch confess ; Lo! a blazing proof is there, The lamp beneath his dress.”

The Emperor was exceedingly delighted®; but the blood of that innocent one was hidden in the dust, and his murder was never proved. In short, when the royal Amirs summoned Abu-l-Ma‘ali to the assembly on the occasion of the Accession, he returned answer, that he had an excuse and could not come; the second time they sent the message, that the Council was sitting and waited his presence, again he made excuse and sent some message of empty compliments, which Bairam Khan, thinking it the best course to pursue, accepted, But, when he came afterwards, Bairam Khan gave the order to Tulak Khan Qurchi, a man of great bodily power, who at that moment appeared on the scene like a spider’s web [ready to catch a fly] ; and, in accordance with a preconcerted plan, went unseen behind Abu-l-Ma‘ali and took him prisoner, and asked to be allowed to blot out his name from the tablet of existence. But the merciful Emperor disapproved of this design, and said that it would be a pity to shed the blood of a [possibly] innocent man on the very day of his Accession. So he sent him to Lahdér. He escaped from that prison, and went to Kamal Khan the G’hakkar. Now at that time the government of that country was in the possession of Adam G’hakkar, uncle of Kamal Khan. The latter treated Abu-l-Ma‘ali with honour, and the two set off with an army with full preparations for the conquest of Kashmir. When he arrived at the frontier of Kashmir, at Raéjori a number of outlaws gathered round him. And, in the year 965, a party of the Chakks (which is a well-known tribe, and the dominant one in Kashmir) took him with them, with the intention of conquering Kashmir, and there he hada severe con- flict with Ghazi Khan, the prince of the Chakks, and was defeated, After this Kamal Kh4n made an excuse for separating from him, so

1 A’véz from dvékhtan to hang, 2 Viz., with this apt citation

[ae

Abu-]-Ma‘ali disguised himself, and going to the district of Dibalptr, took refuge with a servant of Bahddur Khan who at that time held the government there. The man’s name was Tulak, and he had at one time been himself a servant of Shih [Abu-l-Ma‘ali]. So Tulak concealed him. But it so happened that this Tulak had one night a quarrel with his wife, who being vexed with him, went in the morning to Bahddur Khan and told him that Tulak was concealing Abu-l-Ma‘ali in his house, and that they were plotting together against himself. Bahddur Khan, mounting his horse, had Shah Abu- 1-Ma‘ali seized and sent him to Bairdm-IChan, and Tulak he ordered to be punished. Bairam Khan entrusted Shah to Walf Beg the Turkoman, and sent him off towards Bakkar [7. e., Mecca]. Wali Beg annoyed him very much by the way, and sent him towards Gujrat, that from thence he might go to Mekka, There he com- mitted a murder, and fled and joined himself to ‘Ali Quli Khanl. When Bairdm Khan received information of this, he sent an order to ‘Ali Quli Khan that he should send him to Agra. At the time that, in accordance with this order, he arrived at Agra the power of Bairam Khan was already on the decline ; Bairém Khan, then, with a view to dispelling the suspicions of the Emperor sent him for a time to the fortress of Biyaéna. And, when he professed a resolution of making a pilgrimage to Mekka, he again took him as the compa- nion of his journey. But after a few days Abu-l-Ma‘ili separated from him also, and went to offer his adhesion to the Emperor. But, when of his extreme arrogance, he rode proudly up to him, this affair became the cause of his being imprisoned a second time, until he was sent to Mekka, as will be mentioned in its place®. It happen- ed that, when, at the very time of the Accession, he fled (P. 12) from Lahér, Pahlawan Gul Guz his keeper committed suicide through fear of the Emperor’s anger.

After the settlement of the decree for the Accession the imperial armies were levied against Sikandar [who was] in the mountain district. Sikandar kept up the war for three whole months, but was at last defeated. At this time Raja Ramchand? came from Nagarkot to pay

1 See p. 5. 2 See text, p. 39. 1. 6. 3 The most renowned of all the réjas of the hills. Tabagdt i Akbart, Elliot, V, 248.

[ og his respects to Akbar, and had an interview with him. And the imperial standards on account of the rainy season, when they had arrived at Jalandhar, remained there five months.

Contemporaneously with the decease of the late king, and the Accession of the Emperor, Tardi Beg Khan commandant of Dihli had sent Mirzé Abu-l-Qasim, the son of Kamran Mirza,! with a number of royal Khans, and some picked elephants, in company with Khwaja Sultan ‘Ali Wazir Khan, and Mir Munshi Ashraf Khan, to pay their homage to the Emperor. Inthe same year Mirzé Sulaimdn? came with Ibra4bim Mirzé? with the intention of conquering Kabul, and Mun‘im Khan,‘ being beseiged, sent particulars to the court. Then the Em- peror appointed Muhammad Quli Khan Barlds, and Atka Khan,° and Khizr Khan Hazarah® with a company of men to bring the Queen Dowager and the other wives [of Humayun] who were in Kabul? Now before the arrival of this troop [at Kabul Mirza Sulaimdn] had sent Qazi Nizim of Badakhshaén (who was one of his most honoured Ulama and who afterwards was known simply by the title of Qazi Khan,) on an embassy to Mun‘im Khan to make pro- posals of peace, only on the condition that they should at once insert his name also in the Khutbah. Mun‘im Khan accepted the condi- tions, as being the best remedy for the general distress, and Mirzd Sulaiman, being satisfied with this concession, returned to Badakh- shan.

During the first days of the Accession ‘ Ali Quli Khan, having re- ceived the title of Khan Zaman, led an army into the district of Sambhal against Shadi Khan the Afghan, who was one of the Amirs of ‘Adali.’® (P.13.) And on the banks of the river Rahab? he fought

1 Kamran Mirzé was brother of Humayun the father of Akbar.

2 Governor of Badakhshan.

3 His son.

4 Governor of Kébuland Ghazni. Erskine, Humdyun, 509; Elliot, V, 249.

5 See note on the page corresponding to p, 52 of the text.

® A tribe which inhabited the Hindu Kush. Elphinstone, 304.

7 Humayun, on inyading India, left his family and harem at Kabul. Erskine, 509.

8 The nominal Emperor of India at the time of Humayun’s invasion,

9 Written Rahat with the four-dotted ¢ by Firishta.

LS xe

a severe battle against all Khan Zaméan’s available force, which con- sisted of two or three thousand horse, and defeated him. Khan Zaman was making preparations to dislodge the enemy, when, in the mean- while, Jetters came from Dihli, Agra, and Atdwa, saying, that Hémun Baqqal with a murderous army, and elephants, and much wealth furnished by ‘Adali, having swept before him the Amirs from the frontiers of Hindustén,! had arrived close to Dihli with the intention of offering battle. Then Iskandar Khan the Uzbek from Agra, and Qiyé Khdén Kank from Atawa, and ‘ Abdu-llah Khan the Uzbek from KAalpi, and Haidar Muhammad Khan from Biydna, and others from the frontiers, came to Dihli, and joined themselves to Tardi Beg Khan. But Khan Zaman, remaining on the same side of the river Jumna, was not able to form a junction with them. And Pir Muhammad Khan Shirwani5, who had come from the imperial camp witha message to Tardi Beg Khan, went along with the victorious* army. Near to Toghlaq Abad [the ancient fortress] in the environs of Dihli a sharp conflict occurred, and ‘Abd-ullah Khan the Uzbek, and Tia‘l Khan of Badakhshan, who were on the right wing, sweeping the hostile ranks before them, continued the pursuit as far as the towns of Houdal and Palwal, and took much spoil. But Hémun, who with elephants huge as mouutains had remained apart from the fray in the centre of the army, shouted out for Haji Khan who came up from the direction of Alwar,® and then attacked Tardi Beg Khan, who had but a handful of men, and in a single charge swept him before him ; but he turned back for fear of treachery, and did not pursue the Moghul. At the time of evening prayer, when the Amirs of the army returning from their pursuit [of the left wing of Hémun’s army] reached the camping-place, they, finding that Hémun himself had settled down there, having drawn out softly from the city of Dihli, took immediately to flight. (P. 14.) But Hémun forbad his men to pursue them, And ihn Zaman by way of Mirat’h® joined this army

1 7. ¢., the north-west of India, the term does not include Bengal, 2 The commandant of Dihli.

3 Compare p. 2, note 3.

4 Victorious is a fixed epithet of the imperial army,

5 About 60 cosses S. 8. W. of Dihli,

6 Text, p. 50, p. 1. 5.

— ———

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at Sirhind. The emperor when he heard this dreadful news ap- pointed Khizr Khan Khwaja, the husband! of Gulbadan Bégum the emperor’s aunt, to meet Sikandar, and intending to extirpate Hémun he made his glorious entry? into Sirhind. And there the scattered Amirs came to salute him. The Khan Kh4nan,? who, although he was in disposition alienated from Tardi Beg Khan, still in spite of this used to call him “Loqan,”’ 2. ¢., “Elder brother,” perceiv- ing the cause of the defeat of that army to have been the treachery* of Tardi Beg, and having succeeded in impressing this on the em- peror’s mind by bringing Khan Zaman, and many others, as witnesses to substantiate his accusation, obtaineda sort of permission to put him to death. So at the time of afternoon prayer he went to the house of Tardi Beg Khan, and taking him with him, brought him to his own abode into the tent, and afterwards at the time of evening prayer he rose up on the pretence of performing the ablutions, and gave to some men, who were held in readiness for the purpose, the signal to slay him. So they made an end of Tardi Beg Khan.6 And in the morning, when Khwaja Sultdn ‘Ali and Mir Munshi did not come to the Diwan, he, suspecting them also of treachery, had them imprisoned together with Khanjar Beg, a relation of Tardi Beg Khan. But some time after they regained their liberty.

Then Hémun in Dehli gave himself the title of Bikramajit, who was a great Raja in Hindustan, from whom the people of Hind take their era, he lived 1600° odd years ago. When he had done his best there to subvert the ordinances of Islim he came with 1500 elephants of war, and treasure without end or measure, and an immense army, to offer battle at Panipat. He sent on his artillery before him, (P. 15) and the opportunity presenting itself to a com-

Lit. ‘In whose net was &c.”

2 Anglice “retreated to.”

® 7. e, Muhammad Bairam Khan Turkoman. The ¢drt/h of his death is given on p. 45 of the text.

But see Hlliot’s note, V, 251.

§ Tardi Beg Khan was a noble of importance in the time of Humayun, and one of his most faithless followers. Blochmann’s Afni Akbari, I, 318. He was a Sunni. Bairém Khan was a Shi-ah, Badaoni, III, 190.

° His date is 67 B.C. The date of the year in which the writer speaks is 964 A. H. And A. H. is 621. Thus 57 + 621 + 964 = 1642, and the ‘‘odd years” of which he speaks are 42,

pany of the great Amirs, such as Khan Zamdan, Iskandar Khan and others, who were advancing as vanguard,! they took it at Panipat after some fighting. And Hémun raising the hopes of the Amirs of the Afghans, whose leader was Shadi Khan Muswani, with a suitable augmentation and a gift of lands, opening the door of his treasuries, and giving great largesses, tried to console the army for the loss. But the Afghans, since they were sick of his usurpation, began to pray for his fall, and in impromptus kept saying things to this effect: “ Welcome a vicissitude even against ourselves ;” consequently without delay he started from Panipat mounted on an elephant called “ Hawd4y,”’ and came to the district of K’hara- manda (where there is now a famous caravanserai), and on the morning of Friday the 10th of the sacred month Muharram? 964 A. H., (which day is also called Rozi ‘Ashura) :—

“ To friends it is a blessed date,

But unto foes unfortunate: ’—

fighting and slaughter began between the Amirs of the vanguard and the hosts of Hémun. The Emperorand the Khan Khdnan on that day were drawn up in three divisions, and kept sending help to one another until news of the victory were received. And Hémun, whose army was all dispirited, and who set all his hopes on the elephants, surrounded by his chiefs charged the imperial hosts, and threw both right and left wings into great confusion. Then, at last, through the efforts of the archers and the scimitar-strokes of some avenging veterans that breach was healed, and the wavering fortunes of the day were retrieved. Then Hémun, bringing up all his moun- tain-like elephants to bear upon one point, charged the centre where the Khan Zaman was stationed. But the soldiers of Islim received him with a shower of arrows, and Hémun in those circumstances, with his head bare, like one bitten by a mad dog, kept shouting his battle cry “give and take,’ and (P. 16) also repeating a charm which he had learnt. Suddenly the arrow of death, which no shield can ward off, struck his squinting eye so that

2 Mangaldy, for manghaldy is a Moghul word meaning “ forehead,” then “ yanguard,” and must not be confounded with the Arab mungaldé ‘‘ ambassador.” 2 The first month of the Muhammadan year,

his brain passed clean out from the cup of his head, and he became unconscious. The troops near him, who still held out, when they saw this take place, fled. ‘The army of the people of Isl4m pursued, and.a general carnage ensued : and Shadi Khén Muswani, who was in the van of the army, was slain. Shah Qdali Khén Mahraum! happened to meet with Hémun’s elephant, and the elephant-driver said to him, Do not kill me! Hémun is riding upon my elephant.’? So they brought him as he was to the camp. And Shaikh Gadd-i Kamboh and the others, said to the Emperor, “ Since this is your Majesty’s first war against the infidels, you should flesh your sword in this un- believer, for such an act would have great reward.’ But the Emperor replied, “ Why should I strike him now that he is already as good as dead? If sensation and activity were left in him, I would do so.” Then the Khan Khanan was the first to strike his sword into him, as an act of religious warfare, and following his example, Gada-i Shaikh, and the others, deliberately made an end of him. Thus was fulfilled the saying, “ What is the good of killing one who is going to be burnt??? And they found this mnemosynon for the date :—

“ Tf through treachery, deceit, and fraud great Dehli fell, By Fate’s decree, into the hand of Hindu Hémun ; Muhammad Akbar, that Shah whose glory reached the sky, By help of God captured that black-faced Hindu Hémun, Creation’s scribe on lasting tablet with pen of power Wrote concerning that day: He seized Hindu Hémun3

Nearly 1500 elephants, and treasure and stores, to such an amount that even fancy is powerless to imagine it, were taken as spoil. And Pir Muhammad Khan, and Husain Khan, (P. 17)a relation of Mahdi Qasim Khan, and many others, in consort with Sa‘id Kh4n the Moghil, pursued the fugitives from Dihli, and passing from Alwar they came up to the wife of Hémun, who had with her elephants laden with gold. She herself gained the mountain and jungle ground in the district of Kuwa(?) and

1 Sce Brige’s Firishta, Vol. II, p. 189. ~

2 7, ¢., is going to Hell. Of. text, p. 51, 1. 10.

3 The words “ bigrift Hému-r&” give the date 964. The final x of Hémun is clided as in Zamédardn for Zamindardn, text, p. 51, 1. 7.

[ 10 }

Bajw4ra,! but left the gold behind, the greater part of which the rustics? of the country of Bajwara seized; still the part which fell into the hands of the army of the Faithful was so great that they gave it away by shieldfuls, and “ nizdr–zarhdé” “ scattering of gold pieces” was found to give the date (964). And on the road, which the Queen took, there had fallen such quantities of coins and ingots of gold, that for many a year travellers and passers-by used to find them. In this manner the treasures, which Shér Shah and Aslim Shah, and ‘Adali had amassed through a course of years, were dissipated :—

“O mortal! eat, dress, scatter, give, For life must needs end in the crave : When one in other spheres doth live,

It recks not all that this world gave! O lay not up the hoarded gold,

For many with excessive toil

Have hoarded up, with greed untold, Wealth, which another seized as spoil.”

When, the second day after the victory, the Emperor came to Panipat, he had a minaret built of the heads of the slain. From Panipat, His Majesty came without delay to Dihli, and caused the Khutbah to be proclaimed once more from the pulpit; there he stayed one month, and illustrious Amirs were appointed as governors of Agra, Sambhal, and other towns. Then news came to Dihli, that on the confines of Chamyari, a place within 20 cosses of Lahor, Khizar Khan* had been defeated before Sikandar, and had arrived at Lahor. His Highness had scarcely departed for Jalandhar, when Sikandar had once more betaken himself to the mountains of Sawdlik. (P. 18) Then the royal army going in pursuit penetrated as far as Disuha (?) and Dahmiri.®

1 Text, p. 64,1. 7. Itis in the neighbourhood of the River Satlaj.

2 Guwdr is the Hinddstanit ganwar a villager, rustic, from gdnw, Sanskrit gradma a village: the word recurs at p. 55, 1. 21 of text.

3 Persian az kallaha, but compare Mirkhaind who says that Taimir took a

place, and az sarhdy kushtagdn manarha sékhtand; and comp. our text, p. 169, b. II.

4 Compare p. 7. 5 Comp. p. 2.

c Ww J

Be it understood, that with reference to the occurrence of events I desire from this point fo omit trifling occurrences, and to occupy myse!f solely with events of general importance, in fact, mounted ona single horse to give the reins to the steed of my pen upon this open race-course, and to finish succinctly the history of these 40 years, from the accession of Akbar! ; but success? depends upon God!

In this year Sikandar shut himself up in the fortress of Mankit, and the great Amirs day by day kept attacking him and pressing him sore. And especially Muhammad Husayn Khan, a relation of Mahdi Qasim Khan, was so persevering in those attacks that if Rastain3 had been alive, he would certainly have acknowledged his merits. Moreover his brother Hasan Beg was killed :—

“Upon the top of thy mountain Hasan was slain, Greater than of Karbala‘ of thee is the bane.”

And this perseverance, which was observed on the one side by the Emperor, and on the other by Sikandar, was the reason of the high estimation in which Husayn Khan was held, and raised him day by day to a higher rank, so that valuable lands*® were made over to him in fief, till at last he came into the government of Lahor, and in many places defeated the rebels. When eventually the siege turned out of long duration, and corn became dear among the garrison, and the Amirs of Sikandar one by one deserted him, and came to the imperial court, as for instance Sayyid Mahmad Barha, and others, he brought forward proposals of peace, and sent his son ‘Abd ur-Rahman, together with Ghazi Khan Sur, with a present of elephants to visit the Emperor,

.1 The Pers. Khaléfat-panahy is a compound adj. meaning “belonging to him

in whom the Khalifate takes refuge,” t.¢., “of the legitimate successor of the Prophet,” meaning “ of Akbar.” It agrees with julis “ accession.”

2 Luckily for us our author did not attain success in this his endeavour. For, while from other authors we can learn the bare facts of history, it is to Baddoni that we look for those little pieces of gossip, which give us such an in- sight into the manners of the times. It is this fact that renders this work so extremely interesting.

3 Rastam a famous hero of Persian myths. See note to p. 51 of text.

4 A place in Iraq, famous for the murder of Husayn and Hasan, the sons of ‘Alf,

5 Aviak is Turki for “a field,”

[ 4

through the intervention of Atka Khan and Pir Muhammad Khan, on ~ the 27th of Ramzan! in the year 964, and surrendered the fort. Then Akbar issued his firman that Jounptr should be given temporarily? to Sikandar in fief, and that as soon as the Khan Zaman? should deliver the country before him [%. e. Bengal] out of the hands of the Afghans, he should (P. 19) take his place. So Sikandar skirting the mountains came to Jounpuir. And when the Khan Zamén received possession of Jounpiir, Sikandar on the authority of a firman asked for the district of Gourt that he might bring it under his command, There all sorts of accidents befel him, and after some time through the game of Fortune such a position of the pieces? came about that he even attached himself again to his old friends, and fickle Fate folded for him the carpet of gladness :4

** Fate’s chequered board is not ever kind, Nor can seed of joy be always sown, These possessions must be all resigned, Except mere dregs of joys which once were known.”

It may here be mentioned that during the siege Muhammad? Quli Khan Barlds, and Atka Khan, and the other Amirs brought the Balgqis® of her day, the Queen Dowager? and other ladies veiled with the veil of chastity, from Kabul to the camp. And on the 2nd of Shavvél!9 in the year nine hundred and sixty-four (964) the imperial army moved towards Lahor. And during this march?! ill- feeling arose on the part of the Khin Khdnan against Atka Khén on account of one of the Emperor’s elephants having run into the

1 The 9th month.

2 Brit which means in Arab. “actually” is here used in the Hindustani sense of “ for a time.”

3 ¢.¢, ‘Ali Qali Khan, p. 5.

4 Gour is a chief town of Bengal.

5 Referring to the popular game of chess.

5 ¢. ¢., he died, viz., two years after his appointment. Akbarndmah.

7 Of. p. 5.

§ The Queen of Sheba. See Al-Qor’én XXVII, 20-45.

® Her title was Maryam Makdnt. Blochmann, p. 309,

10 The 10th month.

" Yurish is Turki for “a march”, from ywrumek “to go’.

[ 18 ]

Khan Khanan’s tent ; but Atka Khan came to Lahor, and bringing all his sons with him to the Khan Khanan’s tent, took an oath on the Glorious Word! [that the affair was a mere accident], so all suspicion was removed. In this year, through the intervention of Mulla ‘ Abdul- lah Sultanpuri,? Sultan Adam G’hakkar hastened to the Court to give in his adherence. And between the Khan Khanan and him a bond of brotherly love was formed, and in the presence of the Emperor himself a quarrel which had existed between Kamal Khan and his brother’s son? ended in a settlement. ‘Then Sultin Adam returned to his usual place of abode loaded with honours and presents. (P. 20) After the passing away of the rainy season the imperial royal army marched towards Dihli. And while camping at Jalandhar the nuptial bond was tied between the Khan Khanadn and Her Highness Salimah Sultén Bégam, daughter of Mirzi Nuir-ud-din Muhammad, and sister’s daughter to the deceased Emperor, when a great feast was

prepared, and gifts and largesses were distributed.

And on the 25th of the month Jaméda Il‘ in the year 965 the royal cavaleade alighted at Dihli.

Andin those days the Khan Khanan used to come two days a week to the court of judicature, and in conjunction with the nobles, used to settle the important affairs of the kingdom. Now, among the incidents which happened at that time, was the story of the affection of the Khan Zaman for Shahim Bég. In brief it is as follows: In attendance on the late Emperor were two men of: good looks, good disposition, and approved manners, belonging to the corps of the Qiirchis,® the one Khishhal Bég, and the other Shahim Bég son of the Sdrbdnbdsht® of Shah Tahmasp [of Persia]. Both of them were preeminent for beauty of disposition and appearance, the beau

1 Al-Qor’an.

2 Called Makhdim ul Mulk,

3 But in the text, p. 55, 1, 1, Sultan Adam is said to be uncle of Kamal Khan. Consequently we must read here “between him and Kamal Khén his brother’s son.” Sce also p. 3.

The 6th month.

®° The Qirchis (or Koorchees) were a corps of cavalry, composed of the ancienne noblesse, at the court of the kings of Persia of the Safevi dynasty. Seo also last line of this page of Text, and p. 56, line 11.

® Chief officer in charge of the camels,

[ 14 ]

ideal of the age, and paragons in the practice of valour. Now the Khan Zaman, before his appointment to proceed towards Sambhal,} cast secretly a glance at Shahim Bég, and his extempore poom on the subject is as follows :—

“ Of men and things there is no mark upon the board of life, To me, love’s pupil, naught but love for thee doth life impart. Who else, as I for love of thee, lives such a weary life, Grief’s my friend, blood’s my drink, pain’s my sweetmeat, my food’s my heart.”

Now, when after the decease of the late Emperor he became an attendant on his present Majesty, he remained faithful to Sh4him Bég, who was one of the Qtrchis of the palace; and from the district of (P. 21) Lak’hnou he sent persons secretly to Dihli, to fetch Shahim Bég from thence to join him. So the Khan Zaman, follow- ing the manners of Transoxiana,® manifested wonderful affection for Shdhim Bég, and called him “my king,” and gave himself up entirely to humouring him, and many times waited on him like an ordinary servant, and remained, while serving him, standing in his presence, and the like. Now I have heard from Mir Abu-l-Ghays Bokharda of Dihli (the mercy of God be upon him !), whose disciple Shahim Bég had after a manner been, that at the time when Shahim Bég came from the imperial camp to Jounpir, agreeably with the age of youth, which “has just left the Presence of My Lorp,’’® was much occupied in prayer with the congregation, and in thanksgiving and reading the Qoran, and private prayer, and continual sanctity, and never turned his eye to unlawful things. And the Khan Zaman, through imitation of him, became adorned with scrupulous regard for the Law, and the

1 See p. [5].

2 Abridged translation.

3 This is an Arabic quotation; but from what I know not. Compare :— The youth who daily from the Hast Must travel, still is Nature’s priest, And by the vision splendid Is on his way attended.— Wordsworth.

The same word ‘ahd’ is used for “age” and “meeting with,” “presence,” T do not see how to retain the paronomasia in English.

[ 15 ]

practice of holiness. And, to please Shahim Bég, he deputed officers to go into his own camp that, enforcing the observance of things commanded by the Law, and preventing the committal of such things as are forbidden, they might abolish all wanton and forbidden practices. And Mir Sayyid Muhammad Makki, (who understood the seven manners of reading the Glorious Word, and with whom the writer of these pages had learnt to read the Qordn at Sambhal in the time of Islim Shah), he retained with orders to instruct Shahim Bég with extreme and boundless care. But, since the asceticism of youths is of unstable equilibrium, this piety was in a short time changed to the opposite :—

“Long time on my patience I myself did pride, (P. 22) In practice of patience I displayed myself. Love entered in, how could patience then abide ! Then thanks be to God! that I have proved myself.”

Shahim Bég became attached to a dancing-girl named Aram Jan, who was very fascinating, and graceful in her movements ; apropos

of which :

“ No one can force th’ affections of the heart, Nor count on winning or by grace or art: Many of beauteous form, and glances sweet, Pour forth their heart-blood at the loved one’s feet : Many a one of fairest cheek, and mild, Has been despised by him on whom she smiled.”

Shahim Bég could not rest till he had gained her, and although the Khan Zaman possessed this girl in lawful marriage, he gave her up to him. He was perfectly happy with her for some days, and then he gave her up, and made her over to ‘Abd-ur-Rahmdn bin Mu’ayyid Bég, who had a desperate fondness for her. When news of the Khan Zaman[’s misconduct] came to the court, the Emperor’s wrath knew no bounds, and an order went forth from Agra and Dihli to Jounpir addressed to the Khan Zaman to seek Shahim Bég, and another was issued to the fief-holders of that district, to the effect that, if the Khan Zaman should be dilatory in this matter, an Aghndgh, t. e., a meeting, should sit upon him, and bring

[ 16 ]

him to punishment. Then the Khain Zaman sent a confidential servant of his, Barj ‘Ali by name, to the court to gloss over those faults of his, and to retrieve his shattered fortunes. He-was first of all to repair to the dwelling of Pir Muhammad Khan, (P. 33) * who was the Khan Zaman’s plenipotentiary, and whose abode was upon a tower, and to deliver his message. It may be that harsh language was contained in the letter, for Pir Muhammad Khan threw him down from the top of the tower, so that he was dashed ‘to pieces. Pir Muhammad Khan with hardness of heart laughingly said, ‘This little fellow has become a victim to his name.’! When the Khan Zaman heard this news he set his heart on getting rid of Shahim Bég, and extemporised the following :—

“When Union turns away, and leaves the country, The [cold] wind of absence knows no bounds. My breast is burning with desire for Union, [But] my place of resort is the shop of the stitcher of fur.”

And so, in accordance with the exigencies of the moment, he gave him leave to retire to the district of Sarharptr, (which is about 18 cosses from Jounptr, and was fixed as the fief of ‘Abd-ur-Rahman Bég) that he might occupy himself there for a time in the pleasures of the chase, and return as soon as the wrath of the Emperor should be abated. So Shdhim Bég, in company with ‘ Abd-ur-Rahman Bég, spent his time at that town, where there was an artificial lake of pure water, and a most pleasant garden, and a beautiful building in the middle of the lake, (and a most delightful and tranquil spot it is!); until on a certain day they had a wine-party and became exceedingly elevated, when—in accordance with the following: “ Singing and love and constant drinking

Ave all three things which to madness tend :

When wine and love their arms are linking,

God be our refuge! for bad’s the end’”’— he asked ‘Abd-ur-Rahmin Bée for Arém Jin. He brought forward the excuse that he was married to her, and so Shahim Bég became enraged with him, and all that friendship in a moment ended in hatred :—

1 Viz. Bary “a tower,” nomen et omen.

EE.

C Rey

“Many have I observed, through the freaks of fickle Fate, (P. 24) Turned from hate to friendship, or again, from love to hate,” and through pride and drunkenness of wine and youth he gave his orders, and had ‘ Abd-ur-Rahmén seized ; and, on the ground that Arém Jaén had first been his, he demanded her from the house of ‘Abd-ur-Rahman, and kept her with him. But Muayyid Bég, the younger brother of ‘Abd-ur-Rahman Bég, from a strong feeling of his brother’s wrongs, assembled a body of men, and attacked the baleony,! where Shahim Bég and Arém Jin were together. Shdhim Bée rose to drive them back, and a fray ensued, in which insane affair an arrow reached a mortal part of Shahim Bég, and he died. The following hemistich they composed as giving the date :—

“ He cried a! and said : Shéhim is become a martyr.”

Be it observed that, when the numerical value of “ ah’ is sub- tracted from that of “ Siéhim Shahid shud,” we get 963, the date. But, it is a disputed point, whether that fatal accident befel Shahim Bég in this year, or the year before; probably the latter: but God knows. Then ‘Abd-ur-Rahmaén fled to the court, where he was favourably® received. The Khan Zaman had put on mourning and pursued ‘Abd-ur-Rahmin Bég to the water of the Ganges, but being unsuccessful he returned disconsolate [to Jounptr] with weeping eye and parched heart :—

“In grief the Sun dropped blood at dawn,* Moon tore its face, Zohrah its tress,

Night put on mourning black, and Morn Raised a cold sigh, and rent its dress.”

During these few years the Khan Zaman with a small force had several brilliant engagements with the numerous forces of the Afghans, and obtained the victory over them. The history of this

1 Pers. Bdlékhdna, whence the English word, formerly pronounced balcony.

244+h=1+5=6; 3x sh=900, d=1,2xh=10, y=10, m=40, 2xd=8. Sum 969. And 969—6=963.

3 Tarbiyat ydftan, here, as in Text 86, 17; 184, 9; 161, 12, is usedin the Hindustani sense of “‘ baing favourably received.”

4 The word shafak means both “ twilight’, and “ condolence’, so that the expression in the original has the double intendre of “at dawn’ and “through sympathy.”

L 18 J

series of battles forms a model page in the annals (P. 25) of the time. Amongst them is the battle of Lak’hnou, in which Hasan Khan Bachgoti brought 20,000 men against the Khan Zaman, who had not assembled more than 8,000 or 4,000. Up to the moment when the enemy! crossed the river Karwi and attacked Bahadur? Khan, the Khan Zaman himself was engaged in taking a meal. When news was brought that the enemy was advancing to the attack, he called for a chess-board and kept playing at his ease. When he was told that the foreign troops had driven back his own men, he then at last called for his arms, and put them on. And, while the enemy was plundering his tents, and his whole army was in con- fusion, he ordered Bahadur Khan to retire ; then he, with a handful of men, with drums beating, fell upon the enemy, repulsed them, and pursued them to a distance of seven or eight cosses. ‘The slain he piled up in heaps, and then returned victorious. So, also, at Joun- pir he fought with the Bengali,’ who called himself Sultan Bahadur, and had issued coin, and caused the Khutbah* to “be read in his name in Bengél. This man advanced upon Jounpir with between 80,000 and 40,000 horse, and the followers of the Khan Zamin were completely routed. When the Khan Zaman rose from table, the enemy found the cloth spread just as it was, and began to plunder. But afterwards the Khan Zaman with a small’ body of men brought destruction® on the fortune of the Afghans, slaying many and taking many prisoners; and such an amount of booty did he take, that his army was completely set up in stores. And, in truth, such was his kingly good fortune, that he, and his brother with his own troop, obtained such a series of victories on the eastern side of Hindustén, as has fallen to the lot of but few. And, had

1 This seems to be an Indian use of the word Ghantm, see Shakespeare’s Hin- dust. Dict.

2 That is, Muhammad Sa‘id Shaibaéni, younger brother of the Khan Zam4n,

3 The Gouré, see note, p. 12.

4 See note, p. 1.

5 Lit. “a numbered band”, like the Hebr. m’théy mispér “men of number,” it means ‘‘a few’.

6 For the peculiar idiom in which az is to be rendered by “on” cf. note to p. 57 (Text). Or the phrase may be translated literally “ Extracted vengeance

from’, cf. diknv AaBety rapa Tivos, and Hebr. niphra‘ min “was paid from” ¢. e. “took vengeance on’.

rey

they not shown the stain of rebellion upon the forehead of loyalty, these two brothers would have been on the path to a royal dis- tinction. But, in the end, they sank all that perseverance and energy in the dust of (P. 26) degradation :—

“For fifty years one may maintain a name, But one base act will cover it with shame.”

And the rest of their acts will be mentioned in the years before us, if God, He is exalted, will it.

And in this year the Khan Khanan brought to punishment Mucahib Bég, the son of Khwaéjah Kalin Bég, a man who was not free from evil qualities, and inward vice.

And on the 17th of the sacred month of Muharram in the year ‘965, which coincides with the 3rd year from the Accession, the royal train adorned the city of Agra, And in this year took place the appointment, removal, rise, and fall of Pir Muhammad Khan: and this is how it came about. Pir Mahammad Khan from being a Mulla had become an Amir, and had been advanced to such a degree, that he became closer and opener of every important affair of state, and finance, as vicegerent of the Khan Khanan. All the Pillars of the State used to go to his house, and but few obtained admittance. His opulence had reached to such a pitch that one day, in the course of going from Dihli to Agra, when the Khan Khanan went on an hunting expedition with Pir Muhammad Khan, the Khan Khandn asked his private purveyors: “ Is there no provision in store, for we are hungry ?” and Pir Muhammad Khan on the spur of the moment said : “ If you will be pleased to alight, whatever may happen to be at hand shall be served.” So the Khan Khanain with his suit alighted under a tree, and 8000 drinking cups, and 700 porcelain dishes of various colours(?)! were brought out from the travelling- stores of Pir Muhammad Khan. Though the Khan Khanan was. astonished, he let no sign of his astonishment escape him, but great jealousy found its way into his heart :—

“ Perhaps in this place you may chance to fail to see, How many envious foes, and jealous friends there be.”

1 Tn the text we should, possibly, read dégalamun of various kinds, or colours.

[ 20 ]

(P. 27) When they arrived at Agra, Pir Muhammad Khan was indisposed for some days, and the Khan Khanan came to visit him. One of the servants, who was in the habit of keeping off people, both great and small, came to stop him, and said: “ Be pleased to wait until your request has been made known, when you have made application you may come in;” on this the astonishment of the Khan Khanan knew no bounds, and he said :—

“ Wor a wilful fool there is no cure !”

When this came to the ears of Pir Muhammad Khan, ill as he was, he came running, and “after the destruction of Bozrah’’? begged forgiveness, saying: “ Forgive me, for my Porter did not know you.” The Khain Khanan answered: ‘Nor you either!” In spite of this, when the Khan Khaéndn came in, not one of Pir Mu- hammad’s household was dismissed except Téhir Muhammad Sultan: his chamberlain, who had obtained that position with great difficulty. Praise be to God! for if the fortunes of that man be such what shall I say of myself !—

“O go not to the Sultan’s Court,

For there indeed thou ’lt profit naught. Let the gruff Porter’s stern rebuff

For wisdom’s warning be enough.’

And the Khan Khandan, after he had sat down for a moment, came out again, and Pir Muhammad was left to meditate upon the affair. After two or three days the Khan Khandan sent to Pir Muhammad Khan the following message, by the hand of Khwajah Amind* (who afterwards became Khwajah Jahan), and of Mir ‘Abd-ull4h Bakhshi, and a number of courtiers: “ You will remember that you came to Qandahadr in the position of an unfortunate student, and that when we found that you possessed ability and the quality of fidelity, and

1 J, ¢, ‘after the steed was stolen, when it was too late. Of, Roebuck’s Eastern Proverbs, p. 137. 2 Compare Repulsed by surly groom that waits before The sleepy tyrant’s interdicted door, Dryden’s translation of Fuvenal, 3 Kh. Aminuddin Mahmad of Hardt, financier and calligraphist,

[ 21 ]

when also some worthy services had been performed by you, we raised you, a mere student and beggar, from the lowest step among the degraded, to the highest grade among the exalted in (P. 28) Sultanship and Khanship, and to the post of an Amir of Amirs ; but, since the carrying of a high position is not in your capacity, nothing but a suspicion of rebelliousness and baseness remains in you. So we will take away from you for a time the insignia of your pride, that your base disposition and inflated brain may come to their senses. Now it is right that you should surrender the standard, and kettle-drum, and paraphernalia of pomp.” So Pir Muhammad Khan, in accordance with this command, surrendered on the spot to some of the Khan’s people those accessories of con- ceit (which have carried a host of ignorant men off their balance, and do so still, and have driven, and still do drive them, from the path of manliness and generosity, and have made, and still make, them associates of the Ghals of the desert), and become the same DMullé Pir Muhammad that he was before ; nay he became poorer still :—

““ Whatever the rolling heaven gives is but a loan, In a mill the white is but contingent! to the stone.”

Soon after this they sent the Mulla to the fortress of Biydnah, and there he was confined. And from this place he wrote numberless pamphlets on the subject of proof by tamdanw,? which is that made use of in the verse of the Qoran [XXI, 22]: “If there were in them gods beside God, verily both heaven and earth would come to ruin,” and is a well known method of argument among logicians: and others besides addressed to the Khan Khanan, and thus made endeavours at reconciliation, and liberating himself; but all was in vain ; —

1 Arab. ‘driz, accidental, contingent, cuuBeBnkds.

2 At-tamdnu’ consists in two things rendering one another mutually im- possible. In the verse in question are implied—that the ruler of heaven and earth can be only one—and that that one can be none but Godalone. Two kings cannot rule over one land, and just so two gods cannot rule the universe. If they both wished to do something, their powers would come into collision in doing it; if their wills differed, they would mutually hinder- one another. It may not be unprofitable to observe, that the same line of argument is adopted in Aristotle, Metaphysics, Bk, XII ad finem,

[ 22 |

“The heart’s a glass, if broken, how repair the ill! It is no earthen cup to be cracked and patched at will.”

After some days they sent him from Biydnah by order of the Khan Khanan, on a pilgrimage to the sacred Mekka: and he was still in Gujrdt, when the decline of the Khan Khanan’s! power began. Then he returned, and came to pay his homage to the Emperor, and having obtained the name of Nasir-ul-mulk, he was appointed to go in pursuit of the Khan Khanan, as shall be record- ed in its proper place? if God (He is exalted!) will. (P. 29) And the office of vicegerent of the Khan Khaéndn was transferred from Pir Muhammad Khan to Haji Muhammad Khan Sistaini, who was also one of the Khan’s followers. And the following line is appli- cable to this occurrence :—

“The dog sits down in the sausage-seller’s place.’

And Shaikh Gadé-i Kamboh, son of Jamal Kambo-i (a poet of Dihli, who after the second defeat in India during the time of the exile at Gujrat had come to the Khan Khandn) through the in- fluence of the latter, they put over the heads of all the magnates of Hindtistan and Khurdsan, and appointed him to the high office of Gadr.* And the Khan Khanan, nay even the Emperor himself, was often present at his house at singing parties, where the most abject flattery rained down on all sides, and which became a regular hypocrisy-shop. And,—since, from the time of the establishment of Islam in Hinddstan, God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) has created the great Shaikhs of this country, just the opposite’ in nature to the secular princes, viz., always peasant-

1 In the Text, for Khdndn read Khan Khdndn, as it is in 85, line 8.

2 Page 39 of Text.

3 Cf. Roebuck, Hastern Proverbs, p. 278.

4 There was in each district an officer called Cadr, whose business it was to sce that the objects of all grants made by the crown (augdf) for maintaining the zmdms &c. were carried into effect. See Elphinstone’s India, Bk. VIII chap. II. The Qdzéand Mir ‘Adi were under his orders, and he had a clerk called the Dévdn-i Sa‘ddat. Blochmann A’%én-i-Akbart, 268. Compare also p. 52 of our Text.

® Here bakhilaf ‘in contrary distinction to” is put after its case, as khildf az “except” in Hafiz, Calcutta Ed. p. 914, 3 lines from the bottom :—

“nist dar da-irah yak nagta khildf az kam-u-bésh” “There is not in the circle anything more or less, except a single dot.”

[ 23 ]

natured, servile in disposition, and low-minded, and since their pomp and glory has never consisted in smiting with the sword, but in flattering others, in spiritual hypocrisy, and ignominy, and the garb of dignity and honour has ever been too strait for the stature of their ambition—the chief Imdms, at this exaltation of Shaikh Gada-i, about the eminence! of whose family they had stories, went mourning from house to house, and so the Arabic Proverb “‘The death of the great has exalted me” became verified :—

“ At my rival’s insolence I’m mightily surprised,

O may that beggar Gada-i? ne’er be highly prized.” And he drew the pen of obliteration through the grants of land and pensions® of the old servants of the crown [Afghdns, Blochm.], and to every one who bore the disgrace of coming to his levees he gave a saytrghdl,* but not unless. But still, compared with this [niggard] age, in which demurs are made to the giving of a single acre of land (P. 80), or even less, as madad i ma‘ésh, one might eall Shaikh Gada-i a very ‘world-giver.”® Then the princes and nobles of the kingdom, as many as came, flew into a rage at the advancement, honour, and unseasonable exaltation of Shaikh Gada-i, and some of them consoled themselves with these words :—

When a fool is exalted through riches,

In the assembly, above the wise and excellent,

He is still the last in all good qualities,

As though the accusative were to prevent the nominative.

If an Emperor sit humbled,

It is neither disgrace to him, nor praise to you.

Dost thou not see that the Sura Lhhla¢

Comes after “ May the hands of Abu Lahab perish ?’”

1 Said ironically.

2 Gadd means a beggar.

3 Auqat is a misprint for augdaf.

4 The Chagataéi word sayirgd/ is translated by the Pers. madad i ma‘dsh, 1. e.,

assistance of livelihood.” ‘They were lands given for benovolent purposes, and were hereditary, thus differing from jdgér or twyil lands, which were con- ferred for a specified time. Blochm., 270.

5 Cf. p. 71,1. 7 of Text.

6 That is in the Qor’4n the glorious Sura 112, on the nature of God, comes after Sura 111, which speaks of Muhammad’s unbelieving uncle Abu Lahab.

[Saad

And Mir Sayyid Ni‘mat Rusili, who has been mentioned, repeated the distich, and made it well known in mosques and monastries. And in the mosque, and in Shaikh Gada-i’s own tribunal they wrote up his disgraceful deeds, until he came to read them and had them

erased. Still it was no good: and this is one of the lampoons :—

“ Mention not Gada-i’s name, eat not his bread Since beggary’ is bad, Gadé-i’s face is black.”

And some instances of his insincerity, and stupidity, and evil goings- on with respect to the servants of the Emperor were exposed, which will be mentioned in their proper place. And in these days the king studied under that paragon of greatness Mir ‘Abd-ul-Latif, who is one of the great Sayfi-Sayyids® of Qazwin, and who came from the country of ‘Iraq to India in the year 963, and with him he began reading the Diwadn® of “mystic language.’ And ‘Abd-ul-Latif’s able son (an Amir endowed with excellent qualities, and commend- able dispositions, in whom is reflected the truth of the Arabie proverb: “A well-bred son takes after his noble parents,” whose name is Mir Ghiyas-ud-din, and surname Naqib Khan, a very miracle of knowledge in manners and customs, chronology, biography, and all subjects of conversation, one of the wonders of the day, and a blessing of the blessings of the age, a second Preserved Tablet,* and who bears to myself, the writer of these pages, the relation of co- temporary, fellow-student (P. 31) and co-religionist, is at present in attendance on His Majesty, giving all his attention to reading history, and all books of verse and prose, both day and night.

And in the year 966 the capture of the fort of Gwalydr took

1 Punning on the meaning of the word Gadd-i (see preceding page).

2 They were known “in Vran for their Sunni tendencies’ Blochmann A’éné Albari, p. 447. They were, consequently, especially esteemed by our Author.

3 Probably the Divdn-i Hifiz, for Blochmann says “ at that time Akbar knew not how to read and write, but shortly afterwards he was able to repeat some Odes of Hafiz.” Atni Akbar, 448.

4 Louh-i mahfiz, the Indelible Tablet on which, according to Mahometan belief, the transactions of mankind have been written by God from all eternity. It is referred to in Qor’én vi, 88. The sixth great article of faith with a Moslem is God’s absolute predestination of both good and evil.

[ 25 ]

place. A ghulam of ‘Adali,} Buhail? Khan by name, who was beseiged therein, sued for quarter and gave up the keys. The date will be found contained in the words Muth-t bab-¢ hil‘ah-e Gwalydr, “The opening of the gate of the fortress of Gwalydr.” And in this same year Sangram® Khan, also a ghuldém of [the late] ‘Adali, sold the fortress of Rantambhor into the hand of Rai Surjan Hadd. The facts of the case are as follows. Before the Emperor made the city of Agra the goal of his prosperous journey, he had appointed some of the Amirs, such as Hindi Bég Moghil, &c., to reduce the fort of Rantambhor. They beseiged Sangram Khan and ravaged the environs of the fortress, and the surrounding district, but were un- successful in their main object. But when Biyanah was given as a fief to Habib ‘Ali Khan, one of the followers of the Khan Khanan, and Basawar, and Todah* ‘Tark ‘Ali, which is better known as Todah Bihytin, were given to Chaghatdéi Khan, then Habib ‘Ali Khan was honoured with the command of the army, and, superseding the Amirs of the surrounding district, was appointed to undertake the seige. When he had beseiged the place for the space of one year, and reduced the garrison to great straits, Sangram Khan made proposals of peace, and sending a messenger of entreaty with a view to acting upon the Khan’s feelings, asked for special conditions for his own personal advantage. The Khans chose my father, and that pilgrim to the two sacred precincts, Haji Bhikan Basawari, and sent them to arrange this important matter. After much altercation Sangram Khan agreed to surrender the fortress on certain conditions, among which was one that he should receive part-compensation in the shape of ready-money, goods, and the most valuable of the furniture (P. 32) of his own house. But when the Amirs, since they had not the money to pay down, practised delay and procrastination in the matter, and moreover there was some idea of after all taking

1 On the death of Islam Shih (A. H. 960) Muhammad Shah Siar ‘Adil, com- monly known as ‘dda/¢, had usurped the throne, 2 Elliot’s MS. of Tarikh-i-Alfi has Badbhal, Abul Fazl says Sohail. ‘Adali had given the command of Gwalyar to this ghulam. % Called Haji Khan in the Tabagat-i Akbari. Elliot, V, 260. 4 About 10 cosses S. W. of Rantambhor, A

[ 26 ]

the fortress by assault, then! Sangram Khan gave up the fortress to Rai Surjan,? and got all he wanted from him: and this unfor- tunate army after so many years of effort got no thanks, Then Sangrém Khan in company with Hajji Khan Alwari went to Gujrat. And Rai Surjan strengthened the fort with the stores of provisions and arms. ‘Thus by means of riches and address he became master of some also of the pargannas in the vicinity of the fortress. Then Habib ‘Ali Khan and the Amirs, after spending some time in ravag- ing the country, separated and returned to their fiefs.

In this year Jamal Khan, a ghulém of [the late] ‘Adali, who had become possessed of Chunar, sent a representative to court, to inti- mate that if they could send a man fitted to be trusted with the affair he would surrender to him the fortress, on which the Khan Khandn sent back, in company with Jamal Khan’s representative, Mihr ‘Ali Bég Sildiiz, (who afterwards attained the rank of Khan, and was made governor of the fortress of Chitor), with a farmdn containing friendly terms.

And in those days I left home and, going from Basdiwar to Agra with the intention of pursuing my studies, I made acquaintance with Mihr ‘Ali Bég, and remained at his house. And he greatly importuned my late teacher Shaikh Mubdrak of Nagér (the merey of God be upon him !), and my deceased father Shaikh Mulikshah (may he rest in peace !), to allow me to be his travelling companion, and carried the matter to such a pitch that he declared that he would lay aside the business® of his journey, if I could not go with him. And both of these valued persons, whom I have named, in their generous friendship towards me, thinking it best for me to go, would take no refusal. So I, to gratify my teacher, although it was the height of the rainy season, and I was an inexperienced traveller, abandoning my studies, mounted the dangers of the jour-

1 The apodosis is introduced by wa “and” as by re in Herod. i, 116 ée} 5&

eeeees auTov elpeto 5 AoTudyns …o0- 6 8& e& EwuTod Te &hn yeyovevat.

2 The Tabaqat-i Akbari says that he was a relation of Réi Udi Singh, who is mentioned on p. 51 of our Text.

3 Viz., of making terms with Jamal Khan for the surrender of Chunar.

4 Bashakdl for Barshakdl.

[ 24 J 5

ney. And passing through Kanouj,! Lak’hnou, (P. 33), Jounpir, and Benares, having seen the wonders of the world, and having been in the company of some of the great Shaikhs and Doctors of that part of the country, after crossing the river Ganges I came to Chunar in a month Zi-l-qa‘dah? in the year nine hundred and sixty-

_ six (966). Jamal Khan sent some of his people to meet Mihr ‘Ali,

and bring him to his house, There he received him with fitting hospitality and shewed him the palaces of Shér Shah and Salim Shah, and all the defensive munitions of the fort. But when the farman of conciliation, containing a grant of five pargannas in the neighbourhood of Jounptr in exchange for the fortress of Chunar, was read, Jamal Khan showed that he had further expectations, and proposing the most impossible terms endeavoured to detain Mihr ‘Ali in inactivity until an answer to his representation should arrive from the court. Meanwhile he artfully held communication both with Khan Zaman? and Fath Khan Afghan Tabni (?)* who with all his force was at the fortress of Rohtas, holding out to them separately promises of the fortress. Then Mihr ‘Ali, when he became awire of the treachery and perfidy of Jamal Khan, and when also a suspicion as to Fath Khan’s fidelity found way into his mind, fearing lest they should league together for his injury, left the fort unattended, on the pretext of taking exercise. So leaving me in the fortress, he crossed the Ganges in the greatest perturbation. Then insinuating myself into Jamal Khan’s good graces, and pro- mising him to bring back Mihr ‘Ali, and restore peace and quiet, in the evening I got into a boat with the intention of crossing the river. It happened that my boat fell into a terrible whirlpool at the foot of the hill which adjoins the wall of the fortress, and a dreadful hurricane arose, which made the boat shake in every timber, and if the mercy of the Creator of land and sea had not been my shelter,>

1 Kanyakubja or Canouj is one of the most ancient places in India, See Elphinstone, p. 238.

2 The 11th month.

3 He was at Jounptr. See p. 17.

4 The reading is here doubtful. :

5 The word Jdddbdnt in Pers. means “a sail’, but in this Indo-Persian it is probably used with some reference to its meaning in Hindustani which is given by Shakespeare as “ a shade to protect a candle from the wind.”

[ 28 ]

the bark of my (P. 34) hope in that whirlpool of calamity would have been dashed to atoms on the hill to death :—

“T came into a sea whose waves were man-devouring, No boat in that sea, no sailor, it is wonderful !”

And in the jungle at the foot of the Chunér hill I came to the , dwelling and abode of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, one of the great Shaikhs of India, and a man of prayer. One of his followers met me, and showed me a cave where the Shaikh had lived for twelve years as a hermit, subsisting on the leaves, and fruit of the desert trees. So celebrated had he become for the fulfilment of his bless- ings, that even powerful and absolute monarchs used to bow the head of sincerity and courtesy in his honour.

After that Mihr ‘Ali returned to Agra, Fatt a ghulém of ‘Adali got into his possession the fortress of Chunar.

In 966 A. H. the aforenamed Shaikh with disciples and followers arrived with state and pomp at Agra, coming from Gujrat. The Emperor received him with frank confidence. But his arrival was displeasing to Shaikh Gada-i who on account of jealousy, hypocrisy, and envy (which to the saints of Hindustadn, in their feelings towards one another, are the very necessaries of life), looked on his arrival as a case of opening a shop in the story above his own shop :—

“The truth of this proverb wisdom will see, That, ‘ ‘Two of a trade can never agree.’ ”’}

And the Khan Khanan, on account of the influence which Shaikh Gada-i exercised over his mind, did not receive Shaikh Muhammad in such a friendly manner as he ought to have done. On the con- trary he held many preconcerted conversaziones, in which he brought forward the Shaikh to be a butt for the arrows of contumely, by bringing on the tapis a treatise of his, in which, describing the circumstances of his own exaltation, he says that in his waking moments he had had an interview and conversation with the Lord of Glory (glorious is His Majesty!), who assigned to him a supe- riority over the Repository of Prophecy,? (may (P. 85) God bless

1 See Roebuck’s Eastern Proverbs, p. 61.

Muhammad the Prophet.

Te eer ee &

[ 29 ]

him, and his family, and give him peace!), and which contained other such follies equally contemptible and reprehensible both in thought and expression. So the Shaikh much chagrined retired to Gwalyar, and occupied himself in the pursuits of his holy calling, contenting himself with a jag which yielded a million sterling! !

In this year Bahadur Khan, brother of the Khan Zaman, with the intention of subjugating the country of Malwah,? which Baz Bahadur, son of Suziwal’ Khan at that time held, had advanced as far as the town of Sipri,*£ when the Khan Khandn’s troubles came about, so he turned back, and with the Khan Khandan’s leave came, aud attached himself to the Court. In the same year Husain Khan came from Andari to Agra, and going with some of the gallant Commanders towards Rantambhoér performed some brilliant exploits at Stpar,® and thence he carried his operations to the castle of Rantambhor, and defeated Rai Surjan in battle and compelled him to shut himself up in that fortress. Against him he acquitted himself well; but on account of the confusion which reigned in the circles of the Khan Khanan, he left his circle of investment income plete, and went to Gwalyar. And when thence he was making for Malwah, the Khan Khanan recalled him to Agra.

On the 20th of Jumada-s-sani® in the year 967 the Emperor crossed the river Jumna on a hunting expedition. And some male- volent speakers, who were jealous of the absolute authority which the Khaén Khandn enjoyed as the Vak¢?, and especially Adham Khan (who on account of his being the son of Mahum Atka? held the post nearest to his person), and Cadiq Muhammad Khan and others, seized the opportunity of misrepresenting to the Emperor certain words of the Khan Khanan. And in fact the Emperor

1 A kror, or 10 million rupees, or tankas (?)

2 Wor an epitome of the history of Malwah see Elliot, V. 168.

3 Called Shuja’ Khan Afghan, in the Tabaqat-i Akbari. He is called Shujaéwal by Blochmann, p. 428.

4 Stirt, Tabaqat-i Akbari. Sipri was about half way on his road.

5 That is ‘Sheopoor,’ 120 miles S. W. of Agra (Elliot).

6 ‘The 6th month.

7 See footnote on the page of the Transl. corresponding fo p. 52 of the Text, whence it will be seen that she ought to be called Ankah or Anagah,

[ 30 ]

himself (because he had not absolute power in his own kingdom, and sometimes (P. 86) had no voice in some of the transactions relating to expenses of the Exchequer, and because there was no privy purse at all, and the servants of the Emperor had but poor fiefs, and were kept in the depths of poverty, while the Khan Khanin’s were in ease and luxury) wished that the circle about him should be put on a different footing. But he had no power to accomplish this, until, in accordance with the saying ‘* When God wills a thing, its causes are at hand”, circumstances combined to bring about the desired result :—

“ When the subject-matter is collected, Then the act of verse-making is easy.”

Close by Sikandrah-rao which is [more than] half-way to Dihli Mahum Ankah represented to His Highness, that the Queen Dow- ager, who was at Dihli, had fallen suddenly ill, and impressed upon him that he ought to direct his course thither. Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan the Governor of Dihli came to meet the Emperor, and in concert with all the others made mountains of mole-hills, and prejudiced his mind against the Khan Khanan :-—

“Thy mole, and tutty-mark, and locks, and brow,

Are all banded together.

For the purpose of killing Mus‘tid!

She is become an arraiguer,” Eventually she made the following representation: ‘ When the Khan Khanan learns that the imperial cavalcade is come to Dibli at my instigation, he will be sure to wish to avenge himself, and I have no power to resist him, so it is best that I should receive permission to make a pilgrimage to Mekka.’” ‘he Emperor could not make up his mind to part with Mahum Ankah. So he allayed their terror, and sent to the Khan Khandin the following message : “Since without your leave and approval I have journeyed thus far? all my attendants are in the uttermost terror. It is right, therefore, that you should show yourself amicably inclined towards them, and

1 Mus‘id Bakk a Persian Poet, see Sprenger Catalogue of MSS. in library of king of Oudh, p. 486. 2 Of course this message is somewhat ironical.

i —

i ’ i ;

{ 3 ]

so enable them to continue in my service with minds at ease.” The Khan Khanan sent Khwajah (P. 37) Amind,! and Héjji Muhammad Khan of Sistan, and Tarsin Muhammad Khin, who were the centre and pivot of important affairs, to wait on the Emperor, to make apologies, and assure his Majesty of his continued fidelity, and good will. But these advances did not reach the door of acceptance, and the above-mentioned magnates were not allowed to return, Then Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan and Méhum Ankah, being determined to go through with the matter, spread abroad the news of the Emperor’s alienation from the Khan Khandn, so that it reached the utmost publicity. Then the Amirs one after another left Agra for Dihli; and the affair is an exact parallel to that of the Sultén Abi Sa‘id Moghtl with Amir Chibdn, who was a vazir of almost regal magnificence: an affair which is mentioned in the books of history. And so the well-known [Arabic] proverb was fulfilled “The mystery of the world is like the course of the ass; when it goes forward it does go forward, when it goes back it does go back :”

When Fortune wishes to come to a slave,

All strangers claim relationship with him.

But when the time of prosperity turns away,

His very door and wall become a sting to him.?

Qiyam Khan Kang was the first of the Amirs who arrived at Dihli. And Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan, and Mahum Ankah attached each one, as he came, more and more to the cause of the Emperor by holding out promises of high offices and fiefs: and with the greatest care and vigilance they applied themselves to strengthening the fortifications.

The Khan Khdndn, who was at Agra with all his devoted ad- herents, called a council. The advice of Shaikh Gadai, with several others, was this, that before the balance of fortune should have turned against him he should set out, and get the Emperor into his power, so as to prevent his being accessible to the Khan’s detractors. The Khan Khandn did not approve this advice, saying “ Since the heart of the Emperor is alienated from me, any further friendly

1 Comp. p. 20. 2 I. ¢, his own house turns against him,

[ 82 ]

intercourse in public is out of the question (P. 38), but how could I possibly assume any other guise! for, after spending a lifetime in loyalty to his person, in my old age to put a dishonourable stain on the forehead of my fortune were to cause me an eternal dis- grace.” Now he had always had a desire to make a pilgrimage to Mekka and Medina, so he got things ready for his journey to Hijaz,! and set off for Biydnah, intending to go by way of Nagér. He told his intention to all his supporters, and gave them leave to go to the court. And Bahddur Kha4n, who had been sent for from Malwah,? he allowed to go as their companion. He then released Muhammad Amin Diwdnah3 from the prison in the fortress of Biyanah, and departed :—

“There is no permanence in any prosperity, However much you may have tried it : For lo! ‘ Prosperity’! read backwards is ‘ transient’ 4 Read it and see for yourself.”

And those, who had the Emperoyr’s ear, represented to him, that the Khan Khanan intended to go to the Panjab. So the Hmperor sent from Dihli a message by the hand of Mir ‘Abd-ul-Latif Qaz- wini, saying: “Our intention in coming® to Dihli was simply, to transact some important State affair on our own absolute authority. But since you have long had a desire to retire, and have taken the resolution of going to Hijaz, itis just as well that you should do so. And now you shall have as many pargannahs in Hinddstan as you please, and your agents shall forward the revenues of them to any place at which you may happen to be staying.” When the

1 Hijiz = Arabia petreea (Mekka and its territory in particular). Najad = » deserta. Yemen = >», telix.

2 See p. 29.

3 And also Shah Abul Ma‘ili (Akdar-ndma), who was imprisoned there, sec p. 4.

4 The letters of the first word (J Ws!) read backwards give (Bay) the second.

5 This reminds one of the message of Richard II to his uncles, “ J left London, not through any hostility to you, but to resume my power,”

[ 33 ]

Khan Khanan heard the will of the Emperor, he went from Méwat to Nagor; and, with the exceptions of Wali Bég Zu-’] Qadr, and Husain Quli Khan (who became Khan Jahan)! and Isma’il Quli Khan his brother, and Shah Quli Khin Muharram, and Husain Khan a relative of Mahdi Qasim Khan, none remained with him. From Nagér he sent to the Court by the hand of Husain Quli Khan his paraphernalia of pomp, consisting of such kettle-drums and standards as he possessed. Also Shaikh Gadai (P. 39), at last on the confines of Bikénir, chose too to separate himself, and the hidden meaning of the following became manifest :—

“ very brother must part from his brother (By thy father’s life!) except the two stars A/-Purgadini.”

The Emperor, on his way from Dihli to the Panjab, had reached the town of Jhujhar, when these insignia of power were brought to him, and their surrender pleased him much. At this halting place Shah *Abi-l-ma‘ali, who had come to pay his respects to the Emperor, wished, in the madness of his brain, to overtake? his majesty on horseback. The Emperor had him arrested and given in charge of Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan. And at the same stage Pir Mu- hammad Khan Shirwani, who was awaiting the proper season [for the pilgrimage] at Gujrat, having received information of the con- fusion of affairs, and of the causes of the Khan Khanan’s dismissal, set off at once to the Emperor and did him homage, and received the title of Nacir-iemulk, When he had received the insignia and standards of Khan-hood, he was appointed by the Emperor to go after the Khin Khandn, and pack him off as quickly as possible to Mekka without giving him any time for delay. He started off quickly enough, but remained at his leasure at Nagér, and after a few days’ journey wrote a letter to the Khan Khandn as follows :—

“T came, in the heart the foundations of love were firm likewise, My sorrow-laden soul is of sorrow-for-thee the companion likewise.”

The Khan Khandn wrote in answer: ‘‘ Your coming was manly, but your delay, after having come near, is cowardly.”

1 A title in reputation next to that of Khdnx Khdndn. Blochm., 330. 2? So too the Tabaqét-i Akbari. Firishta says that he wished to remain mounted while saluting the Emperor. Zi/iot.

[ 4 J

The Emperor, when he had returned to Dihli, sent for Munim Khan from Kabul, in order to invest him with the ‘office of Prime- minister (Vakil).)

The Khan Khéndén went from Nagér to Bikanir with the inten- tion of keeping an eye on the proceedings of Maldeo Raja of Jodhpur, who with a considerable force had made himself master of the road to Gujrét?. But being very much annoyed, when he became aware of Pir Muhammad Khan’s pursuit of him, he became desperate, and at the instigation of some demon-like men turned to the Panjab. His people, family, and effects, together with his lawful heir Mirz& Abd-ur-rahim, (who (P. 40) was then but three years of age, but now holds the post of Khan Khdnén, and Commander-in-Chief), he put for security into the fortress of Tabarkindh,®? which was a fief of Shér Muhammad Diwdnah, the reputed son of the Khan Khanan. But news came to the Khan Khandn, whilst at Dipalpur, that the said Diwanah had seized those effects and was behaving most treacherously to his adherents. Upon this he sent to Diwanah one Khwajah Muzaffar ‘Ali Diwanah, (who afterwards became Muzaffar Khan), and Derwish Muhammad Uzbek with sage and soothing words, [thinking] that ‘“ may be when he has repented of his base conduct, he will return to rectitude.” But a dog had bitten Diwanah :—

“ O wise men stand on one side, For Diwdnah* is intoxicated.”

Shér Muhammad sent Khwajah Muzaffar a prisoner to the Court, and this blow caused the Khan Khandn more despair than all the rest besides, so that starting from where he was, he set off for Jade landhar. Then Shamseud-din Atkah Khan, and his son Yusuf Muhammad Khan, and Husain Khan the relative of Shahab Khan, and all the Amirs of the Panjab assembled in accordance with a farman, and in the confines of the parganna of Dik’hdar,> at a spot

? When he received the title of Khén Khandn. See p. 88.

2 With the intention of attacking him. Tudbagdt-i Akbari.

3 IT e., Sirhind, Elliot V, 265.

Diwdnah means ‘possessed’, * mad’.

® In the vicinity of Jalandhar, between the Sutlej and the Biyah, Akbar-ndma.

[ 35 ]

called Kanur Phillour,! hemmed in the Khan Khanan. Therea severe contest took place, in which Husain Khan the relative of Mahdi Qasim Khan distinguished himself ; but unfortunately a sword-blow struck him in the eye so that one might say of him that he was “eye stricken.”® He fell from his seat in the saddle, and being made prisoner was sent to the Court together with Wali Bég, and his son Isma‘il Quli Khan, and several others of the chiefs; as will soon be mentioned, if God (He is exalted!) will. After that blow the Khan Khanan fled, and immense spoil fell into the hands of Atkah Khan and his army. Among these things was a standard worked with pearls and gems, which (P. 41) the Khan Khanan had had made, and intended to have sent to the most holy sepulchre’ (may mercy and favour rest on its inhabitant !). Of this Imém my lord Moulawi Jami (may his tomb be hallowed!) wrote those laudatory and descriptive couplets :—

“ Peace on the family of Ta Ha* and Ya Sin!

Peace on the family of the Best of the Prophets !

Peace on the Shrine, wherein there rests.

An Iman, in whom sovereignty and religion are preeminent!”

“An Imam, yea in sooth an absolute monarch,

For the sanctuary of his door is become the Qiblah of kings.

King of the palace of Knowledge, Rose of the garden of Bounty,

Moon of the mansion of Majesty, the Pearl of the casket of Contingency.

[Peace] on Ibn Musa Riza, to whom from God

Is the name Rizd,> because doing God’s will was his habit.”

1 See Elliot V, p. 266, VIII, p. 107; Blochmann, p. 317.

2 A pun, The Persian compound means ‘stricken by the evil eye,” but gram- matically it might also mean “ stricken in the eye.”

® Of Imam Rizé, at Tas in Khurdsén. Belfour’s Translation of Ali Hazin, 128.

4 T4-Ha4 (which is the title of the 20th chapter of the Qur’dn, and is composed of two letters of the Arabic alphabet) is considered, and often used, as a name of the Arabian Prophet (of whom Mustafa and Ahmad, as well as Mohammad, are also names) : so likewise is Ya-Sin, which is the title of the 36th chapter of the Qur’an, Lane’s Modern Egyptians, ed. Poole, London, 1871, vol. ii, p. 139.

5 Rizd means “ Will.”

( 36 ]

They say that the banner cost nearly a Aror of gold. And Qasim Arsalan found the date of the event in the words, “‘alam-¢ imdm-z hashtum,| “banner of the 8th Imém’?. Atkah Khan sent it with the rest of the spoils to the Court, and it was put into the im- perial treasury. One of the remarkable incidents of this year was that the Khan Khandn published as his own? a ghazal of Hashim Qandahari, putting the lines into a different arrangement# ; he ordered 60,000 tankahs of money to-be paid to him by way of compensation, and asked if the sum were sufficient; Hashim by way of an extempore joke said “Sixty is too little.’’ upon which he increased the sum by 40,000 and gave him altogether a complete lac. From it you would infer that the Khan Khanan’s star was setting, and as a matter of fact his power at this period was on the decline. The ghazal is as follows, of which the Matla®> is Hash- im’s :—

“ What am I? one who has let go the rein of his heart ;

Who by the hand of his heart has fallen from his feet upon the

road of trouble ;

Who is become like a madman in the skirts of the mountains ;

Who has without will of his own turned his head to the desert ;

At one time like a candle seized by the fire of his heart,

At another like a wick fallen into the heart of the fire.

I, Bairam, am free from care for little or much,

Never have [ uttered a single word less or more.”

770 + 30 + 40 + 82 + 45 + 700 = 967.

2 The Sht-ah (lit. followers) are the followers of ‘Ali, the husband of Fatimah,

the daughter of Muhammad. They maintain that ‘Ali was the first legitimate Khalifah (successor to Muhammad), and therefore reject Abu Bakr, Omar, and Othman, the first three Khalif-s, as usurpers. According to the Shi‘ah the Muslim religion consists of a knowledge of the true JImdm. The twelve Imdms, according to the Shz‘ah are as follows ;

(1) Hazrat Ali, (2) Imém Hassan, (3) Im4m Husain (4) Zain-ul-Abidin, (5) Imim Muhammad Baqir, (6) Jafir Sadiq, (7) Musé Qasim, (8) “Alé Musa Rizd, (9) Muhammad Taqi, (10) Muhammad Nagi, (11) Hassan Askari (12) Abu Qasim. Hughes’ Notes on Muhammadanism, 170.

Cf. Martial. ii, 20. ‘Carmina Paullus emit; recitat sua carmina Paullus,

Nam quod emas possis dicere jure tuum.” hd as/,) is probably the Hindustani w/ajh, ‘confusion,’ cf. p. 51, 1. 5, text. § The two initial hemistichs are called the Mafia‘.

ae Ot (P. 42). This mafia‘ also is one of Hashim’s :—

“Thy lip was smiling on account of the weeping eye that I have, Thy heart was contented on account of the distracted state I am in.”

And in the same way the Khan Khanan, although he had nothing in his treasury, gave at one sitting a Jac of tankahs worth in money and goods to Ram Das of Lak’hnou, who was one of the musicians! of Aslim Shab, and one that in music? and song you might term a second Miyin Tan Sin. This man used to be the Khan Khanan’s companion and intimate associate, and by the beauty of his voice continually brought tears to his eyes. There was likewise a certain Hijaz Khan Badadini, who formerly was among the number of the Amirs of the Afghans, and had a standard and a kettle-drum, and a pennon, and afterwards towards the end of his life retired from military affairs, and in the enjoyment of a very trifling pension pursued rectitude in the path of asceticism and devotion. ‘To him in return for a Qzgédah, which in the Mirgta‘® he dedicated to the Khan, he gave a lace of tankahs, and made him Superintendent of the Government of Sirhind, and caused him to be appointed to that province. The Mutla‘ of the Qagidah is as follows :—

“ When the seal of the ring of the heavens Went down into the water,

The view of its signet gave

A ruby-tinge to the ground.”

And so that saying of Khwajah Kalin Bég came true, viz.,

Heaven above’ is of course a good judge of poetry!” The sum of the whole matter is that 100,000 were to the liberal mind of the Khan as ove. How different indeed to these base ones, who now have come to the surface of the water :—

“ Tf the odour of fidelity thou perecivest from any one, His foot thou shouldest kiss much more than that of kings.”

1 The word kaldvant is the Sanskrit /aldvat a musician.

2 Vddt is the Sanskrit vddya music.

3 The two concluding hemistichs are called the Magta‘. A ghazal is an Ode, A Qagtdah resembles the Idyllium of the Greeks.

4 That is, those in power are sure to appreciate your doggerel, if only you flatter them enough in it,

[ 88 ]

(P. 43). In the month Zi-’l-qa‘dah! of this year, after the appoint- ment of Atkah Khan to march to the Panjab, the Emperor appointed Khwajah ‘Abd-ul-Majid of Hardt, with the title of Agaf Khan, to the Government of Dihli. And then as it was the best thing to do, since Husain Khan’s father Wali? Beg and his brother Ismé‘il Quli Khan were with the Khan Khanén, he delivered Husain Khdn? to Acaf Khan’s keeping, and himself went to the Panjab.

Mun‘im Khan, in accordance with orders, having come from Kabul to the halting-place of Ludhiydnah,? in company with Muqim Khan sister’s son to Tardi Bég Khan (who afterwards became Shuja‘at Khan), waited on the king. He received the title of Khan Khanain and was raised to the office of Prime-minister. And the state of the public exchequer he laid bare. ‘To this same halting- place came the news of the victory of Atkah Khan and the flight of the Khan Khdndin towards the mountains of Siwdlik. The captives were brought into the Emperor’s presence, and he had them imprisoned. One of them, Wali Bég, who had received mortal wounds, went from a [temporal] to an eternal prison, and they sent his head to Dihli. Husain Khan was committed to the charge of his wife’s brother Malik Muhammad Khan son of Mahdi Qasim Khan, and the Emperor eventually took him into favour, and appointed to him as his fief Patydli, which is a town on the banks of the Ganges and the place of the birth and growth of [’A]mir* Khusrou (mercy be upon him !)

After his defeat the Khan Khandn retired to Talwdrah and shut himself up there. This is a very strong and almost inaccessible place in the mountains of Kushmal,> on the banks of the river Biyah, the go- vernment of which belonged to Raja Gobind Chand. The forces of the

1 The 11th month.

2 See page 33.

3 The Tabaqat-i Akbari says it was Jalandhar.

Amir Khusrd, the very Prince of Sifi poets (or king as his poctical title of Khusré implies), was of Tatar origin. His father Amir Seifuddin came to Hindustin, and settled at Pdtiddi near Dihli, where he married the daughter of Amad ul Mulk. His son Amir Khusri was born A, H. 651, A. D. 1253. Ouseley’s Persian Poets p. 146.

5 Abu-l-Fazl says Siwalik, Elliot,

———————— ee OS Eee

(

[ 39 ]

king drew near and joined battle. And Sultan Husain Jalair, a youth of great beauty, symmetry of form and bravery, fell in that battle, When they brought his head to the Khan Khanan, offering him congra- tulations, he calling to mind the youth’s devotion to himself in times gone by, covered his face with a veil and wept aloud, (P. 44) saying: “ § hundred reproaches on this life of mine! For through the mis- fortune of my soul so many youths are lost.”” Although the Hindus of that place supported the Khan Khanan, fellow-feeling with the Moslem religion seized his skirt, so that turning his thoughts to the world to come, and purifying himself in the path of religion, he with a view to obtaining forgiveness for his shortcomings, sent without delay, and with the greatest humility, a message by the hand of Jamaél Khan, a ghuldm, craving an audience with the Em- peror. Then Mullé ‘Abd-ull4h of Sulténptir, whose title was Makhdim-ul-mulk, set off with the intention of acceding to his request. Lut the armies still remained in the same position, and the coming and going of messengers continued, until Mun‘im Khan, with a handful of intrepid men, came up and seized the Khaén Khanan’s person and brought him back. And all the Amirs, in

accordance with orders, went to meet him, and all honour and re-

spect, just as in former times, having been paid to him, he received a free pardon, moreover a special dress of honour and a horse were given to him Then Munim Khan brought him to his own abode, and put all his tents and appliances at his service. And two days afterwards he received permission to proceed to Mekka with such an allowance for travelling expenses as beseemed his rank. And the Amirs and courtiers, both small and great, gave him every proper assistance in the shape of money, and that kind of stores which the Turks call Chandogh, and the Emperor having appointed Hajji Muhammad Khan Sistani as the Khan’s escort, himself went for recreation and hunting towards the castle of Virtizah, going by way of Dihli ; and on the fourth of Rabi‘-ul-awwal! in the year nine hundred and sixty-eight (968) he made his glorious entrée into Dihli, And on the 12th of Rabi‘-us-sini he arrived at Agra, the metropolis, by water.

1 The 8rd month.

[ 40 J

Now they say that the Khan Khanaén going with his retinue to Gujrat by way of Nagér, passed through a jungle which abounded in the prickly acacia, (P. 45) and the corner of his turban was caught ina thorn and fell from his head. And, whereas such an event is usually considered a bad omen, in theKhan Khanan’s case if was turned to quite the reverse, for Haji Muhammad Khan aptly quoted the following [couplet from Hafiz] :—

“‘ When in the desert through desire for the Ka‘bah? thou dost set thy foot, Tf the thorn of the acacia hit thy head do not grieve.”

And so the Khan’s gloom was turned to cheerfulness :— to}

** By speech knots are untied,

By speech the rust of the heart is polished off:

Many a knot which comes into our affairs from destiny, To open which seems difficult,

Suddenly, by a graceful turn of language,

That business is converted into facility.”

When he arrived at Patan in Gujrit, Mus& Khan Fulddi, governor of Patan, and Hajji Khan of Alwar, received him with the greatest respect, and gave themselves up to the necessary duties of hospi- tality. One day the Khan Khanan was taking a trip on the lake, called Sahnas Lang,® where one named Mubarak Khan Afghan, (he belied his name!), whose father the Khin Khadndn at the begin- ning of the conquest of Hindustan had ordered to be put to death, being resolved on vengeance, at the hour of evening prayer, when the Khan Khanan was getting out of the boat, came with a lot of ruffians, on the pretence of meeting him, and with one blow of his gleaming dagger made him drink the draught of martyrdom. And the date was found as follows :—

} Compare the case of William the Conqueror’s falling down on landing in England.

2.-The Ka‘bah (cube) is the square stone building in the mosque (called Musjid ul Hardm, ‘ sacred mosque,’ or Bait-ulldh ‘house of God’) at Mecca, which contains the Black Stone (Har ul aswad), round which the act of encompassing (Tawaf) is performed at the Pilgrimage (Hyj.).

3 Sahasnak (Tabaqat i Akbari).

ees

[ 4h Jj

“ When Bairam put on the Zirdém! in order to encompass the Ka‘bah, On the road he became a martyr®, not having obtained his desire.

Of my heart I asked the date of his martyrdom,

It said: Muhammad Bairdm is become a martyr* ;”

And the humble author of this history discovered an enigma (P. 46) “ He said, ‘ The rose is gone from the garden of beauty.”* ”

Fragment.

“From the bowl of Fortune, who has ever drunk a draught, To whom its drink has not been more deadly than poison ? How should the world make thee secure from vicissitudes, When itself is not secure from vicissitudes ?

Heaven is a thief breaking into the tent of life,

Alas! its form is not bending for naught !

Seek not repose, since for any one beneath the sky,

The means for attaining this has never been collected. Only look at the blue® garment of the sky, and learn, That this sphere can be nothing but a house of mourning, Put up with wounding, for to us from Fate

Wounds have become our portion, but not the antidote.

O Khagini, listen not to the deceptions of the world,

For its own laws are not secured from revolution.”

~The Khan Khaénan always had a sympathetic heart, and was devoted to the words of the great Shaikhs (God be favourable unto them !), and in his noble company the talk was ever of the Word of God, and the Word of the Prophet. One day he went to Sikra to see a certain ascetic Dervish, and asked the meaning of this verse of the Qur’dn, [iii 25]: ‘“ Thou exaltest whom thou wilt, and thou

. 1 The pilgrim-dress. 2 To die on the pilgrimage to Mecca is one of the twenty-one ways of becom-

; ing a martyr (Shahid). See Herklot’s Qanoon-e-Isldm, 71, 72.

3 The sum of the numerical values of the letters of Shahid shud Muhammad Baird is 968.

4 Gulshan-i-Khibi “ garden of beauty’? =1018 ; take away Gul ‘‘ rose” = 60, and the difference is 968.

5 Blue is looked on as a presage of evil.

[ 42 ]

humblest whom thou wilt.” And, since the Dervish had not read a commentary, he gave no answer. Then the Khan Khanan himself said, “Thou exaltest whom thou wilt”, namely by means of contentment, “thou humblest whom thou wilt”, by continued craving! Moreover Friday’s prayers and attendance at the (P. 47) mosque were never neglected by him. He was, however, some- what touchy on the subject of precedence, as Muhammad Amin Khatib once said to the writer, “ With regard to the titles of his Highness, you will do well to give him ever so many more than to other people.”

And in the same year Miyd4n Hatim Sambhali passed from the world, and a blow fell on religion for [says the Arabic proverb] “The death of the learned is a fissure in religion.” And they found the date in the words,® ‘‘ He is with the mighty King.”

On the 12th of Rajab-ul-murajjab? in this year Baz Bahadur, son of Sajawal Khan‘, governor of Malwah, advanced with elephants and numerous followers within 7 cosses of Sarangptr® to oppose Adham Khan, Pir Muhammad Khan, and the other renowned Amirs. He gave battle and was defeated, and his retinue, and servants, and wives, were all taken prisoners. On the day of the victory, the two captains remained on the spot, and had the captives brought before them, and troop after troop of them put to death, so that their blood flowed river upon river; and Pir Muhammad Khan with a smile on his face, said in jest “ what a plague of a strong neck this victim has, and what a power of blood has poured from it!’”. And as for God’s creation, (which is only another term for mankind), with my own eye was it seen, that in his sight it was valued but as radishes,° and cucumbers, and leeks, When I, without any prejudice against either side, came to that army and saw the terror, like that

1 ©A contented mind is a continual feast,’ and so the contented man is always exalted. On the other hand the discontented man is always asking for more, and always considers himself ill-used.

2 The words “ “nda malik-i7z muqtadir” give the date 968,

5 The 7th month of the Muhammedan year,

4 I. e, Sajawal Khan Str; see Blochm., 428,

5 In Malwah.

° In Zia-al-Barni, p. 469, 1.15 (cf. p. 497, 1.11) zakhm-i turud “smiting of radishes” is used for “ cutting off the head,”

[ 43 ]

of the Judgment-day, I said to my friend Mihr ‘Ali Khan Bég Sildoz!, “Though the rebels have met with their deserts, yet it is not at all in accordance with the Sacred Law to kill and imprison their wives and children.” ‘Then he, on account of the pain offered to his religious feelings and conscience, spoke to Pir Muhammad Khan to the same effect, He replied “ In one single night all these captives have been taken, what can be done with them!’ And the same night these plundering? marauders, having stowed away their Muhammadan captives, consisting of the wives of Shaikhs, and Sayyids, and learned men, and nobles, in their boxes and saddle-bags, brought them to (P. 48) Ujjain? and other districts. And the Sayyids, and Shaikhs of that place came out to meet him with their Qur’ans in their hands, but Pir Muhammad Khan put them all to death, and burnt them :—

** Having torn off the binding of the Qur’4n, And made its leather into a kettledrum,

It is very clear from this, that he is

An enemy of the Prophet.”

All that had been the talk, with respect to the cruelty, insolence and severity of Pir Muhammad Khan was shown to be only too true, And that, which former generations have said, was verified, viz., He who seeks learning in scholastic theology, is an infidel: and the Doctors of scholastic theology are infidels, to whatever sect they belong; we flee to God for refuge—from a knowledge which doth not profit, from prayer that is not heard, from a heart that is not humble, and a belly that is not satisfied. Adham Khan sent the whole account of the victory to the Court, with some elephants under the escoré of Cadik Muhammad Khan. But most of the elephants, and of the ladies of the haram, and the dancing-girls, and nautch-girls, belonging to Baz Bahadur, and all his precious things he kept for himself, On this account the Emperor on the

1 Sildoz is the name of a Chaghtai clan.

2 Quzdg, whence the word Cossack.

’ The name in Sanskrit is Ujjayini, 1. e., “ victorious”: ef. NixdmoAis; and Algahirah “the victorious’, 7. e., Cairo the metropolis of Egypt.

[ 4 ]

1st of Sha‘ban! in the year nine hundred and sixty-eight (968) set out from Agra, and came to Sdrangptir, and having taken pos- session of the spoil, and arranged the affairs of that state, on the 29th of Ramzan® he came back to the foot of the throne.?

In this year the Khan Zaméan*, with the help of Ibraéhim Khan Uzbek, and Majnin Khan Qaqshal, and Shahim Khan Jalair®, fought against Shér Khan, son of ‘Adali, who had succeeded to his father at Chunhar, and was come to Jounptir with a considerable force. The Khan Zaman defeated him, and gained a signal victory. This is the second victory that was gained at Jounptir. (On the 17th of Zi-l-hijjah of this year the Emperor came to Agra.)® And towards the end of this year, on account of the suspected insubor- dination of the Khin Zaman, the Emperor honoured Karah with his presence, passing by way of Kalpi, and (P. 49) accepting the hospitality of ‘Abd-ulléh Khan Uzbek the governor of that place. Then the Khan Zaman and Bahadur Khan came quickly from Joun- ptr with every appearance of good will, and paid their respects to the Emperor, bringing with them elephants, and valuable presents, by way of compliment: then they, being honoured with a gift of horses, and dresses of honour, were dismissed to their fiefs. And Peace is the best’ gives the date of that event, with one unit too much;

“ The Messenger of prosperity in this ancient world Uttered the shout that: Peace zs the best.”

On the 17th of Zi-l-hijjah® of this year [A. H, 968], the Emperor returned to Agra.

1 The 8th month.

2 The 9th month entitled al-mubdrak “the blessed.” During this month a fast of the most rigorous kind is enjoined. On the night of the 27th of this month, called Latl-ul-gadr “the night of power,” the Qur’én began to be revealed.

3 T. e., returned to Agra.

4 ‘Alt Quli Khan, see p. 5.

5 Jaldir is the name of a Chaghtai tribe.

6 This sentence, which is out of place here, is repeated on the next page of the Text, where it is appropriate enough. It occurs in the latter position in the Tabagdt-i-Akbari.

7 These words give: 1+380+90+30+8+600+10- 200=969,

8 The 12th month,

~ yr

[ 45 ]

And in this same year his reverence the Doctor Mulana Sa‘id, the profound Professor of the age, came from Transoxiana; but, on account of want of appreciation on the part of his cotemporaries, he could not remain in Hindtstan :—

“Say O Humé,! never cast thy glorious shadow on a land Where the parrot is less esteemed than the kite.”

And His Highness? the Qazi Abu-l-Ma‘ali, the son-in-law of His Highness the Prince’ of Bukhara, also, who was a mastersbuilder in legal science, and a second glory of the Imams, and in the Der- wish order was one whose words and direction were followed, and who after paying the 5 customary prayers*, used to make a practice of reading the Qur’4n aloud,’ came ; and the compiler of this epitome yead a few lessons in the beginning of the Sharhi-Waqdyah with auspicious and blessed results in the presence of that great man. And Naqib Khan, also, had the good fortune to study under him, and verily, he was a wondrous precious person and blessed (the merey of God be upon him !)

On the 8th of Jumada-l-awwal® in the year nine hundred and sixty-nine (969) the Hmperor went on a pilgrimage’ to the blessed tomb of that Pole-star of Shaikhs and Saints, Khwajah Mu‘in- ud-din Chishti (may God sanctify his glorious tomb !), and gave presents (P. 50) and alms to the people who waited there. And at the town of Sémbhar, celebrated for its salt-mines, Raja Pahdrah Mall, governor of Ambér®, together with his son Rai Bhagvan Das, came and paid his respects to the Emperor, who then espoused his

1 Humdé a bird of happy omen. Every head which it overshadows, it is supposed, will in time wear a crown.

2 Khudddm (like Bandagén, p. 19, 1. 8 infrd, and p. 236, 1. 11 of Text) is merely a circumlocution for the person himself.

3 Comp. the expression ‘Azizi Migr ‘king of Egypt.’

4 Viz. (1) Before dawn, (2) midday, (3) afternoon, (4) before sunset, (5) evening. ‘These five hours of prayer are of divine institution (farz).

5 Read Jahrdnah, not Jahri-arrah, which is nonsense.

6 The fifth month.

7 Ziyddat is, of course, a printer’s error. for Ziydrat.

8 The three great Réjptit states are Jaipir or Ambér, Jodhpur or Marwar, Udipar or Méwar. :

[ 46 ]

gentle daughter in honourable wedlock. And Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain, who held a fief on the confines of Ajmir, he appointed to reduce the fortress of Mirt’ha, which is within 20 cosses of Ajmir, and was held by Jaimall Rajpit; and then returned quickly! to Agra. Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain gave quarter to the garrison, but stipulated that they should carry away with them none of their goods, or personal property. So Jaimall evacuated the place. But a certain Deo Das one of Jaimall’s soldiers contrary to the stipula- tions, when the imperial troops were entering, with a considerable number of men set fire to the goods and chattels of the fortress, and offered an obstinate resistance. After raising many of the imperial soldiers to the grade of martyrdom, Jaimall himself went into eternal fire, and 200 of his renowned Rajpiits went to hell.? Thus by the help of Shah Budagh Khan, and his son ‘Abd-ul-mut- lab Khan, and other Amirs the fortress was taken.

In those days Pir Muhammad Khan, who after Adham Khan went to the Court possessed absolute power in Malwah, collected a great force, and led it against Burhanptr and reduced Bijégarh, a strong fortress, by force of arms, and made a general slaughter. Then he turned towards Khandésh, and was not content with himself, unless he practised to the utmost the Code* of Changiz Khan [the Moghul, viz., no guarter|, massacring, or making prisoners of all the inhabitants of Burhanptir and Asir‘, and then crossing the river Narbadah he raised the conflict® to the very heavens, and utterly destroyed many towns and villages of that district, and swept every thing clean and clear :—(P. 51),

1 “Tn a day and a night” Tabagdt-i Akbart ! ‘In less than three days,” Abu-l-Fazl. ‘In three days,” 7. Alpt. Elliot.

2 Our candid author was a pious Muslim, and speaks in fitting terms of Kéjirs!

3 It is very strange that Defrémery (Nouveau Journal Asiatique, Janvier, 1852, p. 76) should call Zawrat a ‘mongol word’; when it is known to all that it is Hebrew, and is used in the Qur’an (in the form TZaurdt) to denote the Pentateuch. But it is, of course, true that it is used of this code.

4 A well-known place in Khaéndésh, Tabaqat-i Akbarf, Elliot, v. 275. 5 The word used is ‘arbadah, because of its similarity of sonnd to the name Narbadah.

ee er

‘First they carried off every one from house and home,

All money and chattels, whether hidden or exposed :

They robbed the crown from the pulpit, as well as the turban from the preacher,

They tore, the cupola from the mosque, as well as the lamp from the Minaret.”’

Then, while his men were in confusion!, and left far behind him, Baz Bahadur Khan, who fled together with some of the rulers of that country, in conjunction with other zamdénddrs made an attack on Pir Muhammad Khan. He could not sustain the attack, but betook himself towards Mandi. In the course of his retreat, in company with all his Amirs, he rode his horse into the river Nar- badah. It chanced that a string of camels which were passing at the time, attacked his horse, and he went by water to fire, And so the sighs of the orphans, and weak, and captives were his ruin :—

“Fear thou the arrow-shower’ of the weak in the ambush of night,

For, the more he sighs through weakness, the stronger is the blow of his dart.

When you have cast Bizhan* into the well, do not sleep like Afrasyab,

For Rustam is in ambush, and a crocodile is under his cuirass.”

1 Uyah is a Hindistani word meaning “confusion”, it occurs also p. 41, line 13 of Text. ;

2 T. e.. was drowned, and went to Hell.

3 The arrow-shower is prayer, cf. the saying of some Christian writer that : Fervent prayer is like an arrow shot from a strong bow, it pierces the cloud; but half-hearted prayer is like an arrow shot feebly, which falls to the earth without reaching its mark. ‘‘The ambush of night’? means the darkness of anguish and oppression.

4 Bizhan, (whom Sir W. Jones calls the Paris of Ferdusi), on account of his love-adventure with Manizha, daughter of Afrdsidb, was made a captive by the Turks, and confined in a dismal dungeon, till he was delivered by Rustam. The crocodile represents Rustam’s charger named Rakhsh. The reader is referred to the Shdhndmah for further legends about Rustam. Here, as the Deliverer, he represents God, who avenges the cause of the helpless, when they cry unto Him against the oppressor. Cf, Exodus xxii. 23; Deut. xy. 9; xxiv. 1d, &e.

[ 48 ]

And the Amirs of Mélwah, seeing that their remaining any longer in that district was beyond the bounds of possibility, read the verse of flight!, and came to the Court. For some time they were im- prisoned, but eventually obtained their release. Baz Bahadur Khan again became possessed of Malwah, bnt ‘Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek, in conjunction with Mu‘in-ud-din Ahmad Khan Farankhtdi and others, brought that country into subjection to the Emperor. Baz Bahddur for some time took refuge in Chitér, and Udipur, with Rana? Udi Singh, but afterwards went away: and after remain- ing some time in Gujrat he came to the Court, and returned to his allegiance. He was imprisoned for some time, and, though he (P. 52) obtained his release, he did not escape the claw of death :—

“ In this many-coloured garden there does not grow a tree, Which can escape the molestation of the wood-man.”

And ‘Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek remaining at Handiyah®, the auxiliary* Amirs, went to their fiefs, and Mu‘in-ud-din Khan came to the

Court,

In this year Khwajagi Muhammad Gaélih of Hirdt, grandson of Khwajah ‘Abd-ullah Marwarid, a well-known Wazir, was appointed to the Cadr-ate’, But he had not such absolute power [as his

1 7, e, they fled. Compare the following two from Bahd-ud-din Zahtr. (1) Wakuntu ka-strat-i-l-ikhlag-i amma ‘abarta, wakanta ’anta ka-dé jandbah, “ And I was like the Strah of Sincerity [so pure and sincere] when you passed by, and you were like one ceremonially unclean [#. e. not fit to touch the Qur’an].” (2) Qara’nd Stirat-as-salwan-i ‘ankun, bal hafizndhd, “We read the Sirah of Parting without regret from you, nay, we learnt it by heart.’’ Sirah cxii see p. 23, is called Strat-tl-~ikhld¢, but there is not one called Surat-’us-salwdn. ‘The latter expression is imitated from the former which is proverbial. So the expression “the verse of flight’’ (possibly too with some reference to Al Qur’dn xxxiii. 16) is after the analogy of the phrase “the verse of the Throne’ meaning Al Qur’an ii. 256.

2 Rana is Hindi for Rdja ; and fem, Rant (text, p. 17,1. 6) for Rdjnt. Udt is the Hindi Udaya.

3 Spelt Hindia in the maps.

4 Kiumaki (or Kimdkeht) means ‘auxiliary’, The words are Chaghatdi— Tatar, see Pavet de Courteille, Dictionnaire Turk-oriental, p. 476; and C, Defré- mery, Nouveau Journal Asiatique, Février—Mars, 1852, p. 283.

® See p. 22, note,

[ 49 ]

predecessors] in the matter of conferring and granting Awkdéf,} and Madadi ma‘ish: because his jurisdiction was circumscribed by that of the clerks.

In this year Sayyid Bég, son of Ma‘ctim Bég, came as ambassador with a letter from Shah Tahm4sp [of Persia], containing all the conventional condolences [for the death] of the late Emperor, That letter shall be given hereafter in extenso, if God (He is exalted !) will. He was received with all honour and respect, and the Emperor presented him with a sum of seven lacs of tankahs® and a horse, and dress of honour, besides all the hospitality and kindness, which the Amirs showed him, so that he went back from Hindistan with gifts and presents without number.

On Monday the 12th of Ramzan? of the year 969 Adham Khan through pride, and presuming on his favour with the Emperor, and being jealous because he had taken the premiership from Mahum Ankah* and given it to Atkah Khan (surnamed A‘zam Khaén, who on his arrival from the Punjab had been made Prime-minister) at the suggestion of Mun‘im Khan and Shih4b-ud-din Ahmad Khan,5 and some others, who were jealous of Atkah Khan, cut him in pieces {as he sat] at the head of the Diwdn. ‘Then with his sword in his hand he swaggered in, and took his stand at the door of the royal

1 Tbidem.

? Tankah, called Taka in Bengal, is there at the present time the name for rupee.

3 The ninth month

4 Ferishta (Briggs ii. p. 211) says that ‘a nurse’s husband, and her male relations are called Atka [Blochmann <dAfgah]: the wet-nurse herself in ‘Tuki is called Anka [Calcutta Chaghatéi Dict. and Blochmann pronounce Anagah] : a foster-brother is called Koka [or with the affix of unity, Kokaltésh, which Ab-ul-Fazl writes Gokaltdsh].’ Whenever, then, a Persian Text, as here, has dtkah after the name of a woman, it must be read Ankah or Anagah. Akbar had three nurses, Maéhum Anagah mother of Adham Khan and Muhammad Baqi Khan; Pichah Jan Anagah, wife of Khwajah Muqgid ‘Ali a servant of ‘Akbar’s mother; and Jé¢ Anagah wife of Shams-ud-din Muhammad Atgah Khan (the Athah Khan, whose death is here recorded), Ab-ul-Fazl says, that after the fall of Bairam Khan, Méhum Anagah, by whose machinations that result was brought about, became de facto [if not de jure] prime-minister, while the ostensible minister was Mun‘im Khan.

® A Sayyid of Nisdpar, and a relative of Méhum Ankah.

[ 50 ]

inner apartments, Then the Emperor also seized a sword, and coming out, asked him, “ Why did you commit such an act?” He answered, “A disloyal! fellow (P. 53) has met with his deserts.’ Then they bound him hand and foot, and cast him down from the top of the terrace of the palace, and since he still breathed the Emperor commanded them to throw him down a second time. By chance it happened that the murderer was buried one day before his victim. And so that disturbance died down. And one date is Two violent deaths took place,’ and another, by way of a riddle, is :—

“ From his violence A‘zam Khan lost his head.’

The second is exactly correct, but the first is one too many. And some one else said as follows :—

“The army’s greatest* Khan, A‘zam Khan,

Whose equal none saw in this age,

Went to martyrdom in the month of fasting,

He drank fasting the draught of death.

Would that he had been martyred one year later,

For then the year of his death would have been Khan Shahid.’’®

And when she had presented the food of the fortieth® day of mourning for Adham Khan, Mahim Ankah, through grief, joined her son.

1 In the text read nd instead of td.

2 6+4+600+6+50 +4+300=970.

8 Zulm ‘violence’ gives 970. The ‘head’ of A‘am is A, t, & 1, subtract this from 970, and you get 969 the date.

4 Punning on the name 4‘zam, which means ‘ greatest.’

5 T.¢, ‘Martyr Khan’ = 970.

® On the 39th day after the death they cook, during the day, poldi, a dish made of rice, meat, stale butter clarified (gif), curdled milk, spices, &c.; and at night they prepare plenty of curries, twlun (fried food), poldu, &e. (4. ¢., such dishes as the deceased was in the habit of eating during his life), arrange them in plates, together with various aromatic spices &c., some of the clothes, and jewels of the deceased, which they deposit on the spot where the individual gave up the ghost, and over them suspend to the ceiling a flower-garland. Somé foolish women believe, that on the fortieth day the soul of the dead leaves the house, if it has not done so previously ; and if it has, it returns to it on that day, takes a survey of the above articles, partakes of such as he takes a fancy to, swings by the flower-wreath, and departs. These sayings and doings, however, are all innovations, and consequently unlawful. Qanoon-e-Isldm, 424,

“¢

[ 51 ]

In this year my late, lamented, father (may God have mercy on him !), the Shaikh Mulikshéh, on the 27th of Rajab in Agrah, through liver-complaint, transferred the baggage of existence from this transitory world to the eternal kingdom. I carried his corpse in a coffin to Bas4war and buried him there. I found the date as follows :—

“The Title-page of the Excellent of the world, Multkshah,

That Sea of Knowledge, that Source of Generosity, and Mine of Excellence,

Since in his time there proceeded from him a very World of Excellence,

The date of the year of his death comes out: a World of Excellence.’

And by a curious coincidence the Pir, who had been his patron, viz., Shaikh Panji Sambhali, who had a great following, and a few of whose excellencies will be mentioned, if God will, in the sequel to this work, in this same year attained union with the True Beloved, and the following was found to give the date :—(P. 54)

“The Perfection of Truth and Religion, Shaikh Panjé, Whose place the Garden of Paradise became,

By way of enigma the date of his death

Ts got out from his heart-attracting Name.’”?

And another mnemosynon for the date is Darwish ddanishmand “ the learned Dervish” (may God have mercy on him !).

In this year Mun‘im Khan, the Khan Khandn, and Muhammad Qasim Khan, the High Admiral, on account of their being accom- plices in the lawless and base act of Adham Khan, and for other reasons, passing the ford of Puéyah in a boat at the time of evening prayer, with the connivance of certain poor zaminddrs, in company with two or three horsemen, went towards Ropar? and Bajwdrah*

1 Jahdn-i fazl=3 + 6+1+50+80 +30 + 800 = 969.

2 By taking the numerical values of the letters in Shaykh Panyu, omitting P which is not included in Adjad, we get 969.

On the river Satlaj.

4 Pp. 10,

[ 52 ]

by the skirts of the mountains. Thence they continued their flight towards Kabul, where Ghani Khan, son of Mun‘im Khan, was governor, and eventually came to the pargana of Sarit, which is in the Ddab, the fier of Mir Muhammad Munshi. Qasim ‘Ali Khan, [and] Asp! Juldb Sistani, governor of that pargana, a donkey of a fellow, recognizing in their mode of action in the jungle signs of flight, with a number of ruffians and whole posse comitatus, came and seized both of them. Then he sent the news to the people of Sayyid Mahmiid Barha, who happened to be in the neighbourhood, The latter appointed a number of his sons, and friends, to accom- pany them, and sent them with every mark of honour and respect to Agra. The Emperor commanded a number of those about his person to meet them, and bring them to his presence. Then at his own request he reinstated the Khan Khadndn in his office of Premier under even better conditions than before. So the Khan Kh4nan, in conjunction with Shfhab Khan and Khwajah Jahan, continued to conduct public affairs.

In this year Mir Muhammad Khan Atkah,? surnamed Khan Kalan, went with a considerable force to the aid of Kamal Khan’ @hakkar into the territory of the G’hakkars, and after (P. 55) a battle took prisoner Sultan Adam the paternal uncle of Kamal Khan, who has been already mentioned. His son, Lashkari by name, fled to Kashmir, and was afterwards captured, and both father and son> died a natural death. ‘Then the whole district was en- trusted to Kamal Khan, and he hastened to do homage to the Emperor at Agra.

One day the Emperor made a great feast, and Khan Kalan wished to present a gagidah, which in his vanity he had called ghazed [splendid], in the presence of the Amirs and nobles and great poets. As soon as he had recited the first line of the first couplet as follows :—

1 4sp means ‘‘a horse,” hence the wit of calling him ‘a donkey.”

2 Hider brother of Atka Khan (A‘zam Khdn).

3 A farmdin had been issued that the territories of the G’hakkars should be divided between him and Sultén Adam. But the latter resisted this division of territory. Elliot, V. 279.

4 See above, p. 13.

The Akbar-namah says that the son was put to death Elliot, V. 280.

I ma

SS SS ee

[ 53 ]

“Thanks be to God that Z have returned After conquering the G’hakkar”—

suddenly ‘Abd-ul-Malik Khan, his relative, (while the Emperor was giving all his attention to the gagéduh, which was in fact the cause of the issue of the invitations, and in return for which Khan Kalan expected a great gift), came forward and shouted out ‘ My Khan you ought to have said we returned, for there were other expectants besides yourself.” At which the whole company fell on the back of their heads! with laughter. Then Khan Kalan threw his turban on the ground and exclaimed “ My Liege! satisfaction from this little incapable, who has marred the results of all my labour !” And one of the witticisms of the time is this verse which ‘Abd-ul-Malik made for his signet ring :—

‘When you increase ‘bd? by Malik You must put Alif Lam between.” 2

And Mulla Shiri, the well-known Hindi poet, has a gagédah of eulogy and satyr dedicated to him; and this is one of the couplets

in it :-—

“Tf a rustic? confront you, get out of his way, For you are a gentleman, and ought not to confront a rustic.”

In this year Maulana ‘Ala-’ud-din Lari, author of notes in explana- tion of the “‘Ag@idi (P. 56) nasafi,” came from the Khan Zamén’s to Agra, and applied himself to the study of the sciences, and founded a school of worthless persons, the date of the foundation of which is given by the words Mladrasah-e Khas* “ A school of the worthless.” Then he went on a pilgrimage, and from that journey he travelled to the other world (God’s mercy be upon him !).

In this year the affairs of Kabul fell into confusion, and several Governors, becoming marks for the arrows of promotion, and then

1 Anelicé “ split their sides.”

2 ‘4bd is ‘servant’ and ‘ Malik’ is ‘king,’ ‘Abd-ul-Malik means ‘servant of the king.’ But there is perhaps a further meaning of an unedifying nature.

3 The same word that is used in p. 10, 1.2; see note on that passage.

4 404+4+4+200+60+5+600+60=969,

[ 54 J

of disgrace, in a short space of time felt the effects of the ups and downs of fortune. Haidar Muhammad Khan, A’khtah-bég7,! on his coming to Hindustan from his own quarter, had been promoted to the government of Kabul. The Khan Khanan, Mun‘im Khan, on account of the bad disposition of Haidar Khan, now wrote for his own son Ghani Khan to come, and then appointed him to supersede Haidar Khan. But Ghani Khan, through his depravity, followed in the footsteps of Haidar Muhammad Khan, and committed many discreditable actions. For instance, without any cause he imprison- ed Tolak Khan Qichin,? who was one of the chief Amirs. But he in turn fell into his hands, and experienced the lash of the

hemistich :—

“The drink, that thou givest other, thou thyself shalt drink.”

When with a hundred strategems Ghani Khan effected his escape, and, breaking his “word, and oath, brought a considerable force to bear against Tolak Khan, who without waiting to fight made for Hindustén: then Mah Jijak Bégum, (mother of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, the son of the Emperor Humaytin, who was at that time ten vears of age), with the concurrence of Shah Wali Bég Atkah, and Fazé’il Bég the Blind, brother of Mun‘im Khan, whose eyes Mirz4 Kamran’ had put out, and his son Abu-l-Fath Bég, closed the fort of Kabul against Ghani Khan. So he was com- pelled to go to Hindustan, and, on account of his undutifulness towards his father, being unable to find road or way, fled, as an exile® and wanderer, to Jouuptr, until at last he escaped from the disgrace of existence. Now the afore-mentioned Faza’il Bég was

1 The officer in charge of the geldings, not to be confounded with the higher title Atbégi (from the Turkish d a horse). Blochmann, A%n-i Akbart, 432, n.

2 He began his career under Babar, joined Humayin on his return from Persia, accompanied him to India, and after the Emperor’s death became # supporter of Akbar. Compare p. 3, where he is called Qércht (comp. p. 13 n.) His correct appellation seems to be Qéchin. He is called Qulehin in the Tabagat « Akbari.

3 Humayun’s brother.

4 See Erskine ii, 336.

5 The reading of this word in the original is doubtful,

[ 55 ]

(P. 57) the Bégum’s lieutenant, and his son Abu-l-Fath Bég acted as his deputy, and they by combined tyranny helped themselves to good fiefs, and put off the Prince’s suite with inferior ones. Shah Wali Atkah not being able to stand this, with the assistance of ‘Ali Muhammad Asp (who is now on the list of the Emperor’s Courtiers), and by the Bégum’s orders, one night made an end of Abu-l-Fath while he was drunk. On which, as his father was making for Hazdrah! with his goods and chattels, suddenly the servants of the prince went after him and sent him to his son.? Then Shah Wali Bég with the Bégum’s permission assumed the management of affairs, and gave himself the title of ‘Adil Shah. On account of these things the Emperor sent Mun‘im Khan, with some Amirs, to undertake the guardianship of the Prince, and the government of Kabul. Then the Bégum Mah Jujak taking the Prince with her went with the whole of the forces of Kabul to Jalalabad? intending to offer resistance. Mun‘im Khan and all of the auxiliary Amirs, among whose number were Muhammad Quli Khan Barlés and Hasan Khan brother of Shihab Khan, on the first attack met with a severe repulse,‘ and giving his retinue to the wind turned his face towards the Court in such a plight as may no one see [again]! After this victory the Bégum on a suspicion of treachery sent Shah Wali to the world of non-existence :—

“A partridge eat an ant, a hawk came and asked satisfaction of the partridge,

Afterwards an eagle came, and did the same by the hawk,

A hunter shot an arrow at him, and took his life,

The rolling sphere one day brings down dust on the hunter.’”®

1 The northern portion of the tract which is included in the branches of the Hindé Xush.

2 T. e., killed him too.

3 Known of old by the name of Jusai. Tabagdt-i-Akbart.

4 According to Elliot’s translation of the Tubagdt-i’’Akbaré “ Mu‘nim Khan defeated and scattered her forces at tne first attack.’ He, or his MS., is evidently in error.

5 For a parallel instance of primitive notion of retribution, see Mishnah, Adbésth, ii: Hillel saw a scull floating on the water, and said to it ‘ Because thou madest others to float, thou hast been made to float : and, eventually, they, who made thee to float, shall themselves ficat..—The Persian idiom here is

[ 56 ]

When Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali returned from Mekka he went towards the Court. Suddenly near Jalwar, at the instigation of Mirz Sharaf-ud-din Husain, (P. 58) he tock to rebellion, and went about laying his hands on everything he came across. This Mirz4 Sharaf. ud-din Husain had at this time fled from Agra, and Husain Quli Khan, Gadik Muhammad Khan, and others had been sent in pursuit of him, as will be mentioned shortly, if God (He is exalted !) will. Then Ismail Quli Khan and Ahmad Bég and Iskandar Bég, relatives of Husain Quli Khan, went in pursuit of Abu-l-Ma‘Ali, who entered the fortress of Narnoul, and, seizing the treasures of that place, distributed them amongst his own party. And after that his brother Khanz&dah (whom they also called “king of libertines”)! was captured in the confines of Narnoul by Muhammad Cadik Khan and Ismail Quli Khan, who went in pursuit of him. So, being helpless, he turned from Hindtstén and went towards K4bul. And coming into the district of the Panjab by the jungle- side, with the concurrence? of their attendants, he killed Iskandar Bég and Ahmad Bég, who had got separated from the Amirs, and then wrote a petition and sent it to the Bégum Méh Jtjak Bégum, mother of Mirzé Muhammad Hakim. It contained professions of regard for the late Emperor, and of the sincerity of his own fidelity, and in the beginning of it the following couplet was written ;—

. . “ We are not come to this door, for the sake of pomp and grandeur, We are come here as a refuge from the evil of circumstances.”

The Bégum wrote in answer to him :— “Show kindness and alight, for the house is thy house.”

peculiar ; var-dwardan ‘to bring on’ when used of destruction takes the prep. az *‘ from” before the thing on which the destruction is brought. Z, g-) in the episode of Sohrdb we find :—

Ba-zakhm-i sar-i gurz-i sindén-shikan

Bar-drad damar az du gad anjuman.

“ With a stroke of the end of his anvil-smashing mace he brings destruction on two hundred battalions.” So too in p. 25, line 17 of our Text, see p. 18%.

1 Shah-e lawandan.

? Some of those under their command had been formerly in the service of Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain, and now had bound themselves by an oath to desert Ahmad Bég and Sikandar Bég whenever Abu-l-Ma‘éli should be met with. Tabagat-i-Akbart. See p, 60 of our Text,

[ 57 ]

He married the Bégum’s little daughter ; and then, assuming the management of affairs, at the instigation of some conspirators, such as Shuktin son of Qardéchah Khan and others, slew the helpless Bégum, and martyred Haidar Qasim Kéhbar, who for some time had been Shah Wali Bég’s successor as [the Mirzd’s] irresponsible lieutenant. (P. 59). His brother Muhammad Qasim Kéhbar he imprisoned. And when a considerable body of men bound on their girdles to avenge the Bégum, and punish him, a savage fight took place within the fortress of Kabul, in which he drove them out. And Muhammad Qasim, having effected his escape, went to Ba- dakhshan, and instigated Mirz&é Sulaiman to expel Shah Abu-l- Ma‘ali; Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, also, sent some of his people to urge him to come: as will appear later on.

In this year Mirzé Sharaf-ud-din Husain—who is. of the fourth generation from his Reverence :—

“ He, who is acquainted with the Freedom of God, Is the Lord of the Mee, (though) the Servant of God”! :—

after the return from Mekka of his illustrious father Khwdéjah Mu‘in-ud-din (son of Khwajah Khavind, son of Khwdjah Yahé, son of Khwajah Afra, God rest their souls!), and after his father’s

‘receiving all honours went from Nagdr to Agra the metropolis.

And through the baseness of some envious persons (may their names and marks be blotted out from the page of the world !), without any apparent reason conceiving a suspicion, he went off towards Nagér®. Then the Emperor sent Cadiq Muhammad Khan, and a body vf men, together with Husain Quali Kban® in pursuit of him, with instructions to try first conciliatory measures, and, if those failed, to extirpate him. Then he, handing over the empty fortress of Ajmir to Tir Khan Diwanah, hastened to Nagdr* But Diwdanah deserted the fortress, and went and followed his principal. Then Mirzi Sharaf-ud-din, having meet with Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali

1 ¢Ubaid-ullah means ‘little servant of God’. Ardy means ‘ the free’.

2 Ajmir and Nagér, which were his jagirs. Akbar-ndmah. Hlliott V, 282.

3 He had received a grant of Mira Sharaf’s jdgir.

4 The Tabagdt-i-Akbaré also has Nagér. But Adbu-l-Fual says Jalor which, as Elliot remarks, the context shows 40 be correct,

[ 58 ]

at Jaélor (who was passing by on his road from Mekka to the Court), they so arranged matters together, that Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali should go against the people! of Husain Quli Khan, who were at Hajipir, (P. 60) and passing that way, should bring Mirzi Muhammad Hakim from KA4bul, while Mirz4 Sharaf-ud-din should do what he could [to prevent rebellion] where he was. But Shah Abu-l-Ma‘ali, on hearing the news of the pursuit of Cadiq Muhammad Khan and the other Amirs, turned aside and betook himself to Narnoul, where Mir Gesii was governor. Him he made prisoner, but not meeting with any further success, except being able to seize some gold, since he saw the way to the Panjab and Kabul open to him, he pursued his original design. And Ahmad Bég and Iskander Bég?, separating from the army of Gadiq Muhammad Khan and Ismail Quli Khan,’ went after him without delay, and overtook him. And a body of the servants of Mirzé Sharaf-ud-din Husain, whom these two leaders had attached to their cause and perfectly trusted‘, sent a rascal named Zaminah Quli to Shah Abu-l-Ma‘dli in great haste, with a message to the effect that if he would remain at a certain place, they would make an end of these two leaders as soon as ever they arrived :—

“You may ascertain in one day the attainments of a man,

Up to what point on the ladder of sciences he has reached ;

But be not confident as to his heart, and be not deceived,

For the wickedness of the heart may remain unknown for years.’

When they drew near, Shah Abu-l-Ma‘Ali on the one side, and these domestic enemies on the other, sprang out of ambush, and brought both the Amirs under the pitiless sword. And their old retainers, when they saw what had taken place, fled like frightened deer or

} When he went in pursuit of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, he left his wives and family at Hajiptir. Akbar-ndmah.

2 Relatives of Husain Qali Khén. Elliot V, 284.

3 Brother of Husain Qili Khan,

4 They had formerly served under Mirzi Sharaf-ud-din, and were in reality devoted to him. Now they were serving under Ahmad Bég and Sikandar Bég, and had bound themselves by an oath to desert to Abu-l-Ma‘4lf, as soon as he should be attacked. Tabagati Akbari,

[ 59 Jj

wild animals. When news of this came to the Emperor, he happened to be enjoying himself hunting in the neighbourhood of Mat’hural. Nevertheless he marched at once towards Dihli with the intention of quelling the disturbance.

And it was at that place that his Majesty’s intention of connect- ing himself by marriage with the nobles of (P.61) Dihli was first broached, and Qawwails* and eunuchs were sent into the harems for the purpose of selecting daughters of the nobles, and of investi- gating their condition, And a great terror fell upon the city. Now it was the suggestions® of Shaikh Badah, and Lahrah, lords of Agra, which set in motion this train of events. The circumstances are as follows: A widowed daughter-in-law of Shaikh Badah, Fa- timah* by name (though unworthy of such an honourable appella- tion), through evil passions and pride of life, which bear the fruits of wantonness, by the intervention of her tire-women lived in adultery with Baqf Khan, brother of Buzurg Adham Khan, whose house was near hers. And this adultery was afterwards dragged into a mar- riage, She used to bring with her to festive gatherings, another daughter-in law of Shaikh Badah, who had a husband living, whose name was ‘Abd-ul-Wasi‘. And the story of the pious cat5, which is told in the beginning of the Anwar-i-Sohaili, came true. Now this woman, whose husband was still living, was wonderfully beauti- ful, and altogether a charming wife without a peer. One day it chanced tha the eyes of the Emperor fell upon her, and so he sent to the Shaikh a proposal of union, and held out hopes to the hus- band. For it is a law of the Moghul Emperors® that, if the Em- peror cast his eye with desire on any woman, the husband is bound

1 Near Agra.

2 A Qawwdl is a person sent to the father of a lady in the proposals of marriage. He praises his principal before the father of the lady.

8 See below. ‘The word /ahrah seems corrupt.

According to a saying of Mahomet four women attained perfection, v7z., Asia the wife of Pharaoh, Mary the daughter of Imrén, Khadijah the daughter of Khowailed (the prophet’s first wife), and Fatimah the prophet’s daughter.

5 See Anwari Sohaili (Ouseley) p. 275, 1.1. It does not occur in the beginn- ing of the book.

6 This was an article in the Code of Changiz Khan, See Prico II, p. 660.

{ 60 ]

to divorce her, as is shown in the story of Sultan Abd Sa‘id and Mir Choban and his son Damashq Khwajah. Then -Abd-ul- Wasi‘, reading the verse!: ‘‘ God’s earth is wide” :—

“To a master of the world the world is not narrow?” bound three divorces? in the corner of the skirt of his wife, and went to the city of Bidar in the kingdom of the Dakkan, and so was lost sight of; and that virtuous lady entered the Imperial Haram, Then Fatimah, at the instigation of her own father-in-law urged that the Emperor should become connected in marriage with other nobles also of Agra and Dihli, that the relation of equality [between the different families] being manifested, any necessity for unreasonable preference might be avoided.

At this time, when one day the Emperor was walking and came near the Madrasah-e Bégum, a slave named Fuldd, whom Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain, when he fled and went to Makka, had set free, shot an arrow at him from the top of the baleony of the Madrasah, which happily did no more than graze his skin. When the full significance of this incident was made known to the Em- peror by supernatural admonition and the miracles of the Pfrs of Dihli, he gave up his intention®. The Emperor ordered the wretched man to be brought to his deserts at once, although some of the Amirs wished him to delay a little until the affairs should be investigat- ed, with a view to discovering what persons were implicated in the conspiracy. His Majesty went on horseback to the fortress, and there the physicians applied themselves to his cure, so that in a

2 Al-Qor’an IV, 99. ‘The word used here for “ wide” is the fem, of his own name Wasi.

2 Omne solum forti patria est.

8 “Ye may divorce [your wives] twice, and then either retain them with humanity, or dismiss then with kindness,,.,….. Butif he divorce her [a third time], she shall not be lawful for him again, until she marry another husband, But if he [also] divorce her, it shall be no crime in them, if they return to each other.”’ Al Qor’dn II, 229. 230.

4 In this, as in most other events, the native historians, while agreeing in the main facts, are wonderfully at variance with regard to details. See Briggs» Ferishta Il, 215, and Elliot V, 285.

5 Viz. of marrying any other ladies of Agra and Dihli,

|

nh hihi athe eee

[ 61 ]

short time he was healed of his wound, and mounting his royal litter! went to Agra.

On the 15th of the month Jumada-s-sini? of the year 970 the Emperor returned to the metropolis. In this year also took place the death of Shah Abu-l-Ma‘éli in Kabul. The circumstances are as follows. After the tragic end of the Bégum,? the mother of Mirz& Muhammad Hakim, Muhammad Qédsim Kohbar* fled to Mirzé Sulaiman in Badakhshin. Then the Mirza,> with his wife, who is known as Wali Na‘mat,® brought a large force against Shah Abu-l- Ma‘ali, who,? in his turn taking with him Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim, kindled the flames of war on the banks of the river Ghorband. The right wing of the Kabulees was repulsed by the left wing of the Badakhshees, and Shah Abul-Ma‘ali, leaving Mirzi Muhammad Hakim to oppose Sulaiman Mirza, (P. 63) hastened to the support of his broken line. But while he was gone Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim, with the concurrence of his followers, crossed the river and went over to Mirz& Sulaiman. Then Abu-l-Ma‘dli, having now no further power of resistance, took to flight. Near the village of Jarikdran he fell into the hands of Sulaiman Mirz4’s men, who has gone in pursuit of him, and was made prisoner. They brought him to Sulaimén Mirz4 at Kabul. Sulaiman Mirza sent him at once bound, and with his hands tied behind his neck, to Muhammad Hakim Mirza, who ordered him to be strangled. This event took place on the evening of the 17th of the blessed month of Ramzan in the year nine hundred and seventy (970).

After this victory Mirz& Sulaiman sent for his daughter from Badakhshén and gave her in marriage to Mirz& Muhammad Hakim,

1 The word Singh-dsan is Sanskrit, and Hindi. It means lit. Zion-seat, then throne, royal-litter,

The sixth month.

3 Mah Chochak (Jtijak) Bégum, widow of the late Emperor. Abu-l-Ma‘Ali had stabbed her. Elliot V. 286. Mirz&é M. Hakim was Akbar’s brother.

4 Mirz4 M. Hakim’s lieutenant (vakil). He had been imprisoned by Abu-l- Ma ‘ali.

5 That is Mirz4 Sulaiman, sixth in descent from Taimir.

6 Comp. pp. 62, 88, 213 of Text. Her name was Khurram Bégum.

7 The w in the text seems to stand for va-6 ‘and he’ viz. Shah Abu-l- Ma ‘Ali.

[ 2 ]

And when he had appointed one Umméd ‘Ali, a trusty follower, as administrator of the Mirza’s affairs, he returned to Badakhshan.

In this year Jamal Khan, a follower of ‘Adali,! had given up the fort of Chunhar to Fatt? (another of ‘Adali’s followers), whose fame had reached the Imperial Court. When the latter had sent a peti- tion to Court (offering to surrender the fort), Shaikh Muhammad Ghous (of whom Fattti was a devoted disciple), and Acaf Khan (who is the same as Khwajah ‘Abd-ul-Majid Haravi*) went and took peaceful possession of the place. They committed the fort to the guardianship of Hasam Khan Turkaman, and sent Fattti to do homage to the Emperor, by whom he was received with all honour.

About this time took place the death of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous. While at Gujrat he had by means of inducements and incitements brought the Emperor, at the beginning of his reign, entirely under his influence as a teacher, but when, the truth of matters was fully enquired into, he was obliged to flee with all speed. And Mulld Isma‘l ‘Atd-i Mu‘amma-i, one of the Shaik’s trusty friends and disciples (Be on him what may!) found the date in these words: Bandah-e Khudé Shud,* “The Lord’s servant is no more.’

While the compiler of this Muntakhab was at Agra occupied (P. 64) in acquiring the usual branches of knowledge, the Shaikh came in the dress of a Faqir, with great display and unutterable dignity, and his fame filled the universe. I wished to pay my respects to him, but when I found that he rose up to do honour to Hindis, I felt obliged to forego the pleasure. But one day I saw him riding through the bazaar in Agra. A great crowd accom= panied him, before and behind, and to return their salutations, and humble gestures, he was obliged continually to bow on every side, so that he had not a moment’s leisure to sit upright in his saddle. Al- though he was 80 years of age a wonderful freshness, and remarkably fine colour, were observable in his complexion (God be merciful unto

him !).

1 Comp. p. [5] note.

2 See Text p. 34: 1.10.

3 See Text, p, 48: 1. 2.

424 50+4+45+4600+4+1 + 300 + 4 = 970,

eS SOO

[ 68 ]

On the 26th of the blessed month of Ramzan of this year my most venerable maternal grandfather died at Basdwar. I received this news at Sansawdn, a dependency of Sambhal. Gzil-i Jehan} ‘“ Hixcellent one of the world” gives the date. Since I was indebted to him for instructiou in several things, besides some of the Arab sciences, and he deserved greatly the respect of men of science, I experienced much distress and sorrow from this event, and it reopened the wound occasioned by the recent death of my valued father. This verve of Amir Khusri (Upon him be merey !) occurred to my mind :—

‘A sword passed on my head, my heart remained two halves, A sea of blood flowed, a unique pearl? remained.”

In the course of the year succeeding these events utter confusion seized my [usually] placid mind, and mundane grief, from which it was fleeing, suddenly came on me with grim mirth, and compassed my path. ‘Then the inner meaning of the words “ Cast thyself in it upon me’ became evident and the words of my late father, which he used often to repeat, were verified, viz., ‘‘This thy clamour and confusion endures as long as I am in the bonds of life; but, when I am no more, they will see how unshackled thou (P. 65) wilt live, and trample upon the world and all that therein is :”—

‘‘ The world is a house of mourning: what is hidden?

A sorrow-stricken one like myself: what is certain ?

Mourning became two, my sorrow became double :

O help! For my mourning is become double.

It is unjust that there should be two scars on such an one as me! One light is enough for one candle-stick,

One head cannot wear two veils,

One breast cannot bear two burdens.”

In this year I‘timad Khan‘, chief eunuch of Aslim Shah, obtained the highest consideration in the haram, and even in state matters

180+1+800+304+3+5+4+1+50=970,

2 A tear of heart-felt sorrow.

3 Compare Pss. xxii, 9, xxxvii, 5, &c. I do not know where this Arabic quotation comes from,

4 See Blochmann’s A7¢n-i Akbari, p. 13, n.

[ 64 ]

became the Sovereign’s confidant. He showed an enterprise, and economy, such as was never before exhibited, and the monetary matters of the Divan became more settled. He was in his turn succeeded by Todarmal. And during the time of the influence of Maham! Ankab, and the Bégum, and I‘tim4d Khan the chief eunuch (who was a man of sense and discretion), Mir ‘Abd-ul-Hayy aptly quoted the following tradition from the WVahj-ul-baldghat, which is attributed to Amir? (may God accept him!), but others attribute it to that noble paragon the late ‘Alam-ul-hada’ of Baghdaéd, “ He said (Peace be upon him !) “ A time will come on men, when none will become favourites but profligates, and none be thought witty but the obscene, and none thought weak but the just: when they shall account the alms a heavy imposition, and the bond of relationship a reproach, and the service of God shall be a weariness unto them, and then the government shall be by the counsel of women’, and the rule of boys, and the management of eunuchs.” From this event to the time of emancipation* a whole age passed !

“ Ah what a difference ’tis between What now is and what has been.”

In the year 971 Khwajah Muzaffar ‘Ali Turbati> received the title: of Khan, and was made Minister of Finance, and they found Zédim® “ oppressor” to give the date. Meanwhile day by day a rivalry in matters general and particular went on between the Raja and him. And a certain wit adapted the old verse, (P. 66) :—

“ A dog of a Cashi is better than a Cifthani, Although a dog is a hundred times better than a Cashi:”

in the following manner :—

“A dog of a Raja is better than Muzaffar Khan Although a dog is a hundred times better than a Raja.”

1 Comp. p. 86 of Text.

? Khusrt (?)

3 Of. Is. iii. 4,

4 From having a Hindi in office.

5 Turbat is the name of a tribe in Khurésin, Blochm., 348. 900 + 1 + 30 + 40 = 971.

[ 65 J

When the Amirs complained of the Raja to the Emperor, and re- quested his dismissal, he returned answer “ Hvery one of you has a Hindi! to manage his private affairs. Suppose we too have a Hindu, why should harm come of it ?” And a foolish fellow in- vented the following jewellers-posie concerning the Raja :—

“ He who of Indian affairs made a mull Was the Raja of Rajas Todarmal.”’

In this year Qazi Lal, the wittiest of all good fellows and boon- companions, was sent for from the town of Baran under some pretext or other, and delivered up to punishment, The words Qéz¢ Lail* give the date.

In this year Ghézi Khan Tanntri3, one of the great Amirs of ‘Adali, who had been for some time at the Court, once more took to flight and went to Hatiyah. In the neighbourhood of Gadha he brought a considerable force to bear against Acaf Khan and gave battle. He was slain on the battle-field, and Acaf Khan, having it now all his own way, marched against the district of Gadha-Katan- gah*, This district at that time contained 70,000 inhabited villages, . and its metropolis was the fortress of Chourdé-gadh®, But in former times the metropolis had been the fortress of Hoshang-Abad, which was built by Sultén Hoshang Ghori king of Malwa. Rani Durga- vati by name, a lady of great loveliness and grace, and in the prime of beauty, who held the government of the place, came against him with 20,000 horse and foot, and 700 powerful elephants, and fought an obstinately contested battle. Many valiant souls on either side, after striving and struggling beyond all limit or measure, at a message from some arrow or pitiless sword, vacated their bodies. An arrow (P. 67) hit the queen in a mortal part, and when she was

1 When Babar arrived in India the officers of revenue, merchants, and work- people were all Hindtis. Erskine’s Babar, p. 232.

2700 + 1+ 800 + 10 + 30 + 1 + 30=972, which seems to be one too many.

3 So called, also in the ‘4én i Akbart, Bloch. p. 367. But in the Tabagdt-t- Akbart he is called Str. Elliot V, 288. A Ghazi Khén Stir was killed in the time of Humayiin, Blochmann, p. 384.

4 Comp. p. 77, lines 7 and 11, of Text.

5 A place about 70 miles west of Jabalpur. Blochm, 367,

[ 66 ]

on the point of death, she signed to her elephant-driver to put an end to her agony. Nevertheless the tricks of her bad luck did not deliver her from ruffians. Ah yes !—

“ Every foul fetid beast Finds his foul fetid feast :”

and again] : fo}

“ A Christian’s well may not be pure, it’s true : ’*T will do to wash the carcass of a Jew!”

Acaf Khan marched against Chouré-gadh, and the son of the afore- said queen, after fighting for his life, joined! the queen. So much treasure fell into the hands of Acaf Khén and his soldiery, that the Creator alone is competent to compute its amount. On the strength of this wealth Acaf Khan set up the pretensions of a Qartn? and a Shadad, until eventually he went under-ground® :-—

“Though thy corn and wealth be ne’er so great, All thy coffers full, thy barns be sate ;

Boast not! on the Judgment-day thou’llt find, Poisonous serpents round thy wealth entwined.”

On the 12th of the month Zi-qa‘dah‘ of this year, the Emperor went on an elephant-hunt towards Narwar, and after taking many elephants by means of wonderful contrivances, even in the midst of the rainy season, passing by Sarang-ptr in the country of Mandu, at the end of the month Zi-hijjah® he encamped in that district. And ‘Abd-ullh Khan Uzbek, by reason of some defaleations of which he had been guilty, withdrew his family from Mandt, and took the road for Gujrat. And, for all that Muqim Khan (who on that march received the title of Shuja‘at Khan) went to him,

1 Or to retain the cold irony of our author, (a Moslem speaking of a Hind&), we may say that, “ he rejoined the ladies’’.

2 Hquivalent to those of a Midas and a Croesus.

3 Of course with reference to the story of Corah who is called Qéran in the Qor’én.

4 The eleventh month of the Muhammadan year,

5 The twelfth month.

[ 67 ]

_ and offered conciliatory measures seasoned with good advice, ‘Abd-

ullah Khan would not accept them :-—

“Tf a place to take it thou canst find, Thy counsel, may be, it will take.

But what mark, if the ear of the mind Be dull, can eloquence then make ?”

‘Abd-ullih Khan for a short time made a stand at Hardwal, but when news of the approach of the Imperial cavalcade (P. 68) reached him, he surrendered to the force of circumstances the greater part of his followers and family and children and goods and chattels, and sending before him only what was absolutely ne- cessary, by a hundred stratagems managed to reach Gujrat. There he tock refuge with Chingiz Khan, a dependent of Sultén Mah. mtd of Gujrat, who had succeeded Sultén Mahmiid in the go- vernment of that province, and had become possessed of great pomp and power. The Imperial army went in pursuit of him as far as the confines of Gujrdt, and threw his haram and renowned elephants into confusion!, and made them prisoners, and brought them to the Emperor. The remainder became a prey to their enemies, viz, the countrymen and landowners. Now the state of civilization in Gujrat in the time of Chingiz Khan, they describe as such, as it had not® been during the reign of former kings; and the demand for men of learning and excellence was such, as to exceed all imagina- tion; and any soldier or traveller or stranger. who came and sought an interview or chose to enter his service, had no further need of any- thing, nor of the patronage of any one else. And they say that he used daily to give away among his people five or six dresses of honour from his private wardrobe, each single dress being never worth less than 70 or 80, or at any rate 50 ashrafi, And one of his Hatim- isms* was this, that one day he went out with his courtiers, ‘Abd- ull4h Khan Uzbek being of the number, and on this occasion two or three vessels full of fine stuffs and precious jewels were presented

2 Text pp. 41, 13 and 51, 6.

2 Sanscrit bidpdi.

8 Supply za.

Hatim Tai was famous for his liberality.

[ 68 ]

to him: no sooner had he seen them, than he gave them up to ‘Abd- ulléh Khdén Uzbek. And another instance of Chingiz Khan’s liberality is the following ; Shah ‘Arif Gafavi Husaini (who is now at Léhor, and renowned for the gift of dominion over Jinns) possessed great treasures, which he used to give away to people. Now it is said, that he had received all these treasures and hoards from Chingiz Khan, and that all the money he gave away bore the stamp of Chingiz Khan (but God knows !).

At this time Miran Mubarak Shah of Burhamptr sent ambassa- dors to the Emperor who accepted his homage. And I‘timad (p.69) Khan! the chief eunuch accompanied them, and brought the daughter of Miran, with suitable gifts and presents, to the Court. And Mugarrab Khan one of the Amirs of the Dakkan came and did homage to the Emperor. And in the month Muharram? of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972) the Emperor went from Mandi to the district of Nalchah®. He appointed Qara Bahadur Khan to the Government of the district, and himself went on a hunting

expedition by away of Ujain, Sarang-ptr, Barddah, and Gwalyar, and on the 3rd of the month Rabi‘ul-awwal* returned to his capital. Twins, Hasan and Husain by name, were in this year born of one of his wives, and in the course of one month went to the other world,

In this year the building of the city of Nagarchin took place. On this subject one of the nobles, at the time of the composition of the Akbar-ndmah, ordered me to compose some lines, which I here insert without alteration :—

world, and especially the artificer of the shrine of Hind, that, in accordance with [the verse]:

7 See p. 63, supra. ? The first month.

A town in the territory of Dhar in Malwa, on the route from Mow to Mandt.,
The third month.
Our author here gives us a specimen of his stilted style which, happily for

us, he does not usually adopt. (In 1. 12 read Bal for 561)

{ 69 ]

“The world-upholder, the world to hold, doth know, One place to uproot, and then another sow :”

he should make resting places for the glorious imperial cavalcade, by graciously building at every stage, and on every clod of soil, where the air of the place was temperate, its fields extensive, its water sweet, and its plains were level—and what choice was there ! for cool spots, and pleasant dwellings, and fragrant resting places, and sweet waters, with a view to preservation of the gift of bodily health, and with a view to the possibility of an evenly-balanced condition of the soul, all of which may possibly be conducive to the knowledge and service of God, are of the number of the six necessa- ries of existence ; and especially at a time when some of the royal occupations (P. 70), such as exercise and hunting, were therein in- volved—for these reasons, in this year of happy augury, after his return from his journey to Malwah, when the friends of the empire were victorious, and the enemies of the kingdom had been disap= pointed, before the eyes of a genius lofty in its aims, and the deci- sion of a mind world-adorning, it befell, that, when he had made a place called G’hrawali (which is one farsang distant from Agra, and in respect of the excellence of its water, and the pleasantness of its air, has over a host of places a superiority and a perfect excellence) the camping-place of his imperial host, and the encampment of his ever-enduring prosperity, and when he had gained repose for his heaven-inspired mind from the annoyances incidental to city-life, he spent his felicity-marked moments, sometimes in chouwgdén-playing, sometimes in racing Arabian dogs, and sometimes in flying birds of various kinds; and, accepting the building of that city of deep. foundations as an omen of the duration of the edifice of the palace of his undecaying Sultanate, and as a presage of the increase of his pomp and state, his all-penetrating firman was so gloriously executed, that all who obtained the favour of being near to his resting-place, and were deemed worthy of the sight of his benevolence, one and all built for themselves in that happy place lofty dwellings and spacious habitations, and in a short time the plain of that pleasant valley under the ray of the favour of his Highness, the adumbra- tion of the divinity, became the mole on the cheek of the new bride

of the world, and received the name of Wagarechin, which is the Hindustani for the Persian Aman-abdd, “ Security’s-abode”’ :—

“ Praise be to God ! that picture, which the heart desired, Issued forth from the invisible behind the curtain of felicity.”

It is one of the traditional wonders of the world, that of that city and edifice not a trace now is left, so that its site is become a level plain—“ Profit then by this example ye who are men of insight !””} as the author of the Qdmdés has said: “Of seven or eight cities, ealled Mangirah, or Mangtriyyah, built by a mighty king,? or mon- arch of pomp (P. 7:) in their time, at this time not one is inhabit- ed :” “ Will they not journey through the land, and observe what has been the end of those who were before them’.”

In this year, or in the year preceding which is perhaps more cor- rect, the Emperor sent to the town of Andari-Karnaél for Shaikh ‘Abd-ul-nabi, the traditionist, grandson of Shaikh ‘Abd-ul-Qudis of Gangoh, who is one of the greatest Shaikhs of Hind, aud made him chief Gadr‘, in order that in conjunction with Muzaffar Khan, he might pay the pensions®, Soon after he acquired such absolute powers, that he conferred on deserving people whole worlds of sub- sistance allowances, lands, and pensions, so much so that if the bounty of all the former kings of Hind were thrown into one scale, and the liberality of this age into the other, yet this would pre~

1 “He it is who caused the unbelievers … to quit their homes…. They thought that their fortresses would protect them against God. But God came upon them .. and cast such fear into their hearts that by their own hands .., they demolished their houses. Profit then by this example ye who are men of insight!” Al Qur’dn LIX, 2.

2 For Shahr-hdt read Shahrydari.

3 Al Qur’4n XII, 109

4 During Akbar’s reign the Qadr ranked as the fourth officer of the empire, He was the highest law-officer, and had the powers which Administrators- General have among us; was in charge of all lands devoted to ecclesiastical and benevolent purposes, and possessed an almost unlimited power of conferring such lands independently of the king. He was also the highest ecclesiastical law-officer, and might exercise the powers of High-Inquisitor. Blochm, p, 270. The four officers referred to are Vakil, Vaztr, Bakhsht, and Cadr,

5 Comp. p. 23.

ponderate. But gradually, little by little, it regained its former position, till eventually things became reversed, as will be related further on, (if God, He is exalted ! will).

In this year Khwaéjah Mu‘azzam, maternal uncle of the Emperor, who bore the mark of relatives, like scorpions, on the forehead of his destiny :—

“ Relatives are like scorpions in the harm they do;

Therefore be not deceived by father’s or mother’s brother.

For verily sorrow! is increased by the father’s brother,

And as for the mother’s brother he is destitute of all good qualities’.

One day, when they came to his house to counsel him, and prevent his committing some unworthy actions, which he meditated, he having learnt their intentions, through malevolence and that innate insanity, which had before manifested itself in him, killed his wife. And since he was deserving of punishment, the Emperor first had him mauled with kicks and sticks, and then gave him several duckings, and packed him off to Gwalyar. In that prison he was released from the prison of his natural temperament and went to his deserts :—

“ Leave to Destiny the man who does you a wrong, For Destiny is a servant, who will avenge you,”

And in this year Mirz4 Sulaiman for the third time came to Kabul. And the reason for his coming was (P. 72) this: when Shah Abu- 1.Ma‘ali was defeated, and Mirzi Muhammad Hakim had married?, just before he went away again Mirza [Sulaiman] gave the greater part of the district of Kabul in jagir to his own soldiers, and so [by this diminution of his revenue] the affairs of Mirz4 [Hakim] and his people became embarrassed. So they on some pretext or other turned [Mirza Sulaiman’s] Badakhshis out of Kabul. So

1 There is of course a play on the words. @hamm means ‘sorrow’, and ‘amm ‘father’s brother’. hadi means ‘mother’s brother’, and %Adlé (in rhyme for khdlin) means ‘ destitute’. The last half verse can scarcely be correct, since amma requires fa after it; read, therefore, wa’inna-l-khdla. Moreover the tanwtn of khairdtin must be dropped,

2 See p. 63 Text.

Mirza Sulaiman, with a large force, came to take vengeance, and Mirzi Muhammad Hakim being unable to withstand him left Baqi Qaqshaél with a number of trusty vassels in Kabul, and himself went to Jallal-abid. Mirzié Sulaiman pursued him. But when Mirzé Muhammad Hakim reached the banks of the Niléb he wrote a letter to the Court, and Mirzd Sulaiman leaving Qambar, one of his followers, with a body of men at Jallal-abad, went from Pasha- war to Kabul. In accordance with a command [received] all the Amirs of the Panjab (such as Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, and Atkah Khan, with the whole Atkah-clan!, and Mahdi Qasim Khan,

and Kamal Khan Gah’kar) joined Mirzi Muhammad Hakim; and

having given Qambar with 200 or 800 persons (who were holding

Jalal-Abid) as prey to the sword, sent Qambar’s head, tegether with news of the victory, to Baqi Qaqshaél at Kabul. Mirzi Sulaimdn turned the face of flight towards Badakhshin. Mirz&i Hakim came to Kabul, and Khan-i-Kalin? remained in office as guardian of Mirzé Muhammad Hakim, and the remaing Amirs returned to their own jagirs. After some time Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, without the permission of the Khan-i-Kalin, gave his own sister®, the widow of Shah ’Abu-l-Ma‘ali, in marriage to Khwaéjah Hasan Naqshbandi, one of the sons of Khwajah Naqshbandit (may God sanctify his glorious tomb !), And Khwajah Hasan Nagqshbandi, becoming absolute Prime-minister®, managed the affairs with absolute power, and some wits of the period used to say :—

“Tf our Master be Master Hasan, We shall have neither sack, nor rope left’.

(P. 73) The Khan-i-Kalan, who had supported the authority of the deposed minister, being unable to endure the present state of affairs, without the Mirzaé’s leave went to Laihér, and sent a true account of matters to Court.

1 See above, p. 49.

2 Mir Muhammad, elder brother of Atkah Khan.

3 Fakhrunnisé Bégum, daughter of the late emperor Humayiin by Jéjak Bégum. Blochm. 322.

4 Called Khwdjah Bahd-ud-din in the Tabagat-i Akbart. Elliot V, 294.

5 Presuming on the importance he had acquired by his marriage. did.

[ 73 J

In this year Shaikh-ul-Islim Fath-piri Chishti, who in the year nine hundred and seventy-one (971), on his return from Mekkah and Madinah honoured Baddtin with his presence, and wrote from that place a letter in Arabic to the Author of this history (as will be related in its proper places, if God, He is exalted! will), laid the foundation of the building of a new monastry, the like of which cannot be shown in the whole of the inhabited world. The follow- ing is a mnemosynon for the date :—

‘“‘Shaikh-ul-Islam, the leader of mankind,

(May God exalt his sublime power !)

When he came from Madinah to Hind,

That renowned Depository of Spiritual-direction, From his auspicious advent Hind

Found anew a happy fortune.

Take a certain letter and subtract it

From Shaikh-ul-Islém, to find the date.’’

And another like unto it :—

‘ Shaikh-ul-Islam, the perfect saint,

That breath of Messias, that footstep of Elias,

A flash from whose forehead was a glimpse of Eternity, A beam from whose face was the light of Eternity, When from Madinah he turned to Hind,

That breath of Messias, that footstep of Elias,

Reckon a letter and reckon not a letter

From Khair-ul-magdam’, to find the date”.

This monastry, having taken 7 years to complete, vaunted itself above the seven heavens®.

1300 + 10 + 600 +1 + 60+ 30+1+ 40+ 10 = 1052. If you take ldmf, which means ‘an 2’, and is numerically equivalent to 81, from this you get 971.

2 600 + 10 + 200 + 1 + 80 + 40+ 100 + 4 + 40 = 1025. Subtract min = 90, and you get 935; then add da] = 36, and you get 970. But I am afraid that this is not the correct solution of the riddle.

3 The Seven Heavens (Bihisht) are: (1) Dar ul julldl (Mansion of Glory), composed eae (2) Dar us suldém (The Mansion of Rest), of ruby and

[ae

And about this time the Mahall-i-Bengali in Agrah, and another lofty palace, were completed ; and Qasim Arsalan made this mnemo- synon :—

““ When, for his pleasure, the king of fair countenance Ordered the building of the two palaces of auspicious mark, The date of the one came out from “shrat},

Khanah-e Pddashih? was the date of the other.”

During the first part of the month Rajab? of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972)4 the Emperor went towards (P. 74) Narwar and Karah with a view to elephant-hunting; and having appointed certain people of that district to secure the elephants, he went himself to Gwalydr. For some days, through the heat of the weather, he suffered from a fever; but, when he recovered, he re- turned to his metropolis.

In this year the project of building the fortress of Agrah was conceived ; and its citadel, which had before been of bricks, he had built of hewn-stone. And he ordered a tax of the value of three sérs of corn on every jarzb of land in the district, and appointed collectors and officers? from the Amirs who held jagirs to collect _ it. In the course of five years it was completed. [The dimen- sions of the fortress are as follows:] breadth of wall, 10 OLED

garnet; (3) Jannat ul mdwa (The Garden of Mirrors), of yellow pewter; (4) Jannat ul Khild (The Garden of Eternity), of yellow coral; (5) Jannat un WNu’im (The Garden of Delights), of white diamond; (6) Jannat ul Firdis (The Garden of Paradise), of red gold; (7) Ddér ul gardr (The Everlasting Abode), of pure musk. ‘The eighth, or Crystalline Heaven, called Kvirsi, supposed to be the judgment seat of God; the ninth Heaven, called ‘drsh, the Empyrean Throne of the Divine Glory and Majesty; and Jannat ul ‘adan The Garden of Eden, or Terrrestrial Paradise, are not termed Bihisht. Qanoone Islam, p. 149.

1 ‘Tshrat means ‘‘ pleasure’, and = 70 + 800 + 200 + 400 = 970.

2 That is ‘The King’s palace’, 600 +1+50+5+2+4+1+4+4 300 + 1+ 5 = 969.

3 The seventh month of the Muhammadan year.

4 The Text has by mistake (982).

5 Tawdcht is a Turki word denoting haut commissaire. See De Courteille, Dictionary p. 219, The word recurs at p, 216, 1. 8 infra of Text,

[ 73 ] height 40 guz; with a deep trench both sides of which were built up with stone and lime, its width 20 guz, its depth to the surface of the water 10 guz, and it was filled with water from the river Jamna. And the like of that fortress can scarcely be shown in any other district. And the date of the gate! thereof was found by Shaikh Faizi to be Bind-¢ dar-i Bihisht®, “The building of the gate of Paradise.” And cost of the building of the fortress was about three krors. After it was completed it became the depository and store house of all the gold of Hindistan, and this mnemosynon was found for the date: Shud bind-i gil‘ah bahr zar, ‘The fortress was built for the sake of gold.” And in truth it is not known to any how to convert that dead gold into live-stock, except to him who applies the verse: “‘ And the Narth hath cast forth her burdens*’, so that it should say impromptu “ God, who giveth a voice to all things, giveth us a voice®” :—

“ Gold in the hand of a worldly man,

O brother, is still in the ore.

Gold, my son, is meant to be enjoyed ; For hording, gold is no better than stone’’.

In this year the rebellion of the Khan Zaman, and Ibrahim Khan’ and Iskandar Khan Uzbek took place. And this is how it arose. After the rebellion of ‘Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek®, suspicion of the whole Uzbek tribe found access to the Emperor’s mind, and he sent Ashraf (P. 75) Khan the MW7r-Munshi from Narwar to seek Iskandar Khan on propitiatory terms. This man held a jagir in Oudh’?, and by means of seductive artifices he managed to carry off

1 The date of the completion of it, cf. Joshua vi. 26, ‘* At the price of his first- born shall he lay its foundations, and at the price of his youngest shall he set up the gates thereof.”

2 T can only make 974 out of this,

3300 +4 +24 51 +10 + 100+ 30+ 70+4+5+24+5+4+ 200474 200 = 986.

4 Al Qur’an xcix. 2.

5 Al Qur’dn xii. 20.

6 See above p. 67.

7 Anglice Oude, Sansk, Ayodhya,

Gs Bare

to his jd4gir, which was Sarharptr!, Ashraf Khan, on the pretence of accompanying Ibréhim Khan Uzbek, who was senior to the others. Thence they went to Jounpir to the Khan Zaman? with the intention of asking his advice. These came to the determina- tion to rebel, which they proceeded to do unanimously, and most unjustifiably detained Ashraf Khan. Sikandar Khan and Ibrahim Khan raising the head of rebellion in Lak’hnou, and Khan Zaman, and Bahardur Khan at Karah and Manikptir, The Amirs of those districts, such as Shaham Khan Jaldir, Shah Budiégh Khan and others were defeated in battle before the Khan Zaman. In that battle Muhammed Amin Divani was made prisoner, and the Amirs then shut themselves up in the fortress of Nim Kahar, and Majnin Khan Qaqsh4l in Manikpay, Then Agaf Khan leaving a body of men to hold the district of Garha Katangah, went himself with considerable treasure, and a fresh army, to the relief of Majnan Khan. He unlocked his treasury and satisfied the greed of his army, and also supplied Majniin Khan plentifully from the public treasury (which was the means of his being able to recruit his army), and then encamped opposite to the Khan Zamadn. ‘Thence they sent reports to the Court. And Sani Khan wrote this verse in his dispatch :—

When, on his return from his journey to Mdlwah, the Emperor received this news, he sent off Mun‘im Khan the Khaén-Khandn, to cross the Ganges at the ford of Kanouj, and himself in the month Shavval8 of the year nine hundred and seventy-two (972) set his royal foot in the stirrup. .And to Qiyaé Khan Gung (who had been one of the rebels), at the intercession of the Khan-Khanan, (P. 76) the Emperor, on his arrival, granted an audience, and graciously condoned his offences. ‘Thence by forced marches his Imperial Highness came to Lak’hnou. Sikandar Khan did not give

1 That is, Ibrahim Khin’s sagt, 3 ‘Ali Quli Khan Uzbek. 3 The tenth month,

Lee mw

battle, but joining the Khan Zaman and Bahddur Khan, these all ceased to confront Acaf Khan and Majnin Khan, and, retreating towards Jounptr with all their people and families, crossed the river Narhan, and went down country. Then Yisif Muhammad Khan, son of Atkah Khan, was appointed to go against them. The Emperor also pursued in person, and encamped outside Jounpir. At that halting-place Acaf Khan with 5000 veteran horse, in com- pany with Majnain Khan, came and paid his respects, and brought his gifts, and was graciously received. On Friday the 12th of the month Zi Hijjah of the aforesaid year the Emperor alighted at the fort of Jounpir, And Acaf Khan being made generalissimo of the army crossed the ford of Narhan and went down country to oppose the Khan Zaman. In those days the Emperor appointed Hajji Muhammad Khan Sistani to go on an embassy to Sulaiman Kara- rani,! Governor of Bengal (who had a strong friendship for the Khan Zaman), in order to prevent his giving any aid or assistance to the Khén Zamén. When he arrived at the fortress of Rhotas, some Afghans seized him, and sent him to the Khan Zaman, with whom they had a kind of union. And the Khan Zam4n, on account of the time-honoured friendship which had existed between Hajji Muhammad Khan and himself, treating him with punctilious honour and respect, settled to send his own mother with him to the Court, to intercede for himself, and entreat forgiveness for his faults.

In these days, the Emperor sent Hasan Khan Khazdnchi®, and Maha-patra? Bad-fardsh* (who had been of the favoured courtiers of Shir Shah, and Islim Shah, and was without a rival in the science of music and Hind& poetry) oh an embassy to the Raja of Orissa (who was distinguished above the other Rajas for his army and military pomp), to dissuade him from reaching the hand of aid and assistance to the Khan Zaman, and to prevent his giving him refuge in his dominions, and that, by preventing Sulaiman also from

1 Called also Kardni, and Karzdni. He reigned in Bengal from 971 to 981, or A. D. 1563 01573. Blochm, 171.

3 That is ‘ Treasurer’.

3 This name is Sanskrit, from pial great, and patra vessel,

4 Means ‘ Seller of wind’,

[ 78 ]

helping him he might utterly frustrate the (P. 77) plans of thé Khan Zaman. The Raja agreed willingly enough to act on the part of the Emperor, and declared his loyalty by sending elephants and valuable gifts and presents. Then the two ambassadors returned to the Court at Agrah.

About the same time Muzaffar Khan, and others of the courtiers, through the violence of their nature and their avarice, assailed the ear of Acaf Khan with open and covert suggestions, hoping to get from him presents, valuables and further advantages, [but afterwards] they followed the beaten track of detraction, and suggested to some people to find out the truth about the booty of Choura-gadh}, and broached the matter to Acaf Khan himself. When Agaf Khan was conducting hostilities against the Khan Zaman and was encamp- ed at the fort of Narhan, he had been much wounded and annoyed by these matters, so that one midnight, seizing the opportunity, he together with his brother Vazir Khan, and such troops as he had, fled towards the district of Garha Katangah?, and arrived at Garha. On the receipt of news of this circumstance the Emperor appointed Mun‘im Khan, Khan-Khanan, in his place as generalissimo of that army, and appointed Shuja‘at Khan to go in pursuit of Acaf Khan. Shuji‘at Khan embarked from Manikptir, and endeavoured to cross the Ganges, but Acaf Khan (who had retreated for some distance), as soon as he heard this returned, and came to the river-bank to hinder his passage. There he fought a severe battle, and prevented the flotilla of Shuja‘at Khan from crossing, so that the latter, when night came on, was obliged to retnrn to the side from which he started. ‘Then Acaf Khan on the other bank of the river, with his

1 Compare p. 67, 1. 6—10 of Text. 2 In the vast territories of Hindustan there is a country called Gondwana,

that is, the land inhabited by the tribe of Gonds…,… To the east of this country lies Katanpir, a dependency of the country of Jhdrkand ; and on the west it borders on Kéisin, belonging to the province of Mdlwah. The length of this district is 150 cosses. On the north lies Panna, and on the south the Dekkan, and the breadth is 80 cosses, ‘This country is called Garha Katangah. Garha is the name of the chief city, and Katangah is the name of a place [near it]. The seat of government was the fort of Chouragarh. Akbarndmah, Elliot,

vi, p. 30,

[ 79 J whole army went off to his own jagir. At this juncture Shuja‘at Khan, finding the field open, proceeded by another road to Karah, and went some distance in pursuit of an enemy, the skirt of whose gare ments he could not reach even in thought; and, when he found that there was a great distance between them, he returned to Joun- pur and came of the Court.

Also in these days Hasan Khan came as ambassador, bringing fitting presents, on behalf of his brother Fath Khan! Afghan Tibati, governor of the fortress of Rohtas, where in the year (P. 78) 972 he had been beseiged by Sulaiman Karardni, but, on hearing news of the approach of the Emperor, Sulaiman had raised the seige. His prayer was that he might be confirmed in his government, while he should deliver up the fortress, On this account Qulij Khan was appointed to accompany him from Jounptir. Then Fath Khan, having repented of sending his brother, and having provi- sioned the fortress well, wrote a letter to his brother as follows: “ Convey thyself to us as quickly as possible, for our mind is at rest with regard to the stores.” So Hasan Khan, cloaking his treachery under the garb of hypocrisy, managed to detain Qulij Khan for some time, and outwardly made show of submission. But eventually Qulij Khan became aware of his duplicity, and had to depart with- out attaining his object :—

“ Dastan i Sam? was champion of the world, Yet at play he was not always the winner.”

This Rohtds is a fortress in the neighbourhood of Bihar, in length it ist 14 cosses, in breadth 3 cosses, in height 5 cosses’, Outside the fortress there is cultivated land, and such abundance of water that if one drive a nail into the ground or set a trivet at any spot water comes up. Tver since Shir Shah seized the fortress it had

1 See Blochmann’s Atn-¢ Akbar?, p 502.

2 To Akbar rather than to Sulaiman Karardni.

Dastdn i Sém means ‘ Dastan son of Sém’, comp. the Greek 6 70d. Dase tdn is another name for Za/ the father of Rustam (see notes to page 51 T.)

4 Viz. the plateau on which it is built. Tabaqdt i Akbar?, Elliot V, 300. ’ 5 The Tabagdt i Akbaré says ‘halfacos’, bid. This seems nearer the mark.

[ 80 ]

been in the hands of the Afghans, till the turn came to Fath Khan, who would not bow the head to Sulaiman. And afterwards it came into the possession of the Emperor, as shall be related if God, (He is exalted!) will.

And when Jounptr became the halting-place of the imperial standards and the Emperor was very busy in the arrangement of important affairs, before he sent off Mun‘im Khan as leader of the army against the Khan Zaman, this latter, being encamped at the ford of Narhan, honoured Bahadir Khan with the com- mand, and sent him off together with Sikandar Khan towards Sardaér (?)!, with instructions to penetrate to the centre of the district, and create a disturbance, and with a considerable force to obtain any advantage they could in any direction they pleased, On this account (P. 79) several of the great Amirs with a great army (such as Shah Budigh Khan, and his son’;‘Abd-ul-Matlab Khan, and Qiyé Khan, and Sa‘id Khan, and Muhammad Ma‘cum Khan Farankhidi,? and others whom it would take too long to mention) were appointed, together with Mir Mu‘azz-ul Mulk Mash- hadi? (on the stature of whose capacity the dress of commander- in-chief sat badly and unbecomingly) to undertake to oppose and drive back Iskandar and Bahadur. These armies had not yet met, while Mun‘im Khan the Khan-Khanan (who had an excessively friendly regard for the Khan Zaman) for four or five months, after the manner of an old man, kept sending soldiers with messages by letter and by word of mouth to make negotiation for peace. When Khwajah Jahan and Darbar Khan arrived at the ford of Narhan from Jounputr, in order to examine into the matter of peace or war, and to settle whether haste or delay were preferable, on the one side the Khan Zaman with three or four people, and on the other the Khén-Khanan and Khwajah Jahan, also with three or four persons,

1 Sarwdr is the reading of the Tabagdt i Akbari. Elliot identifies the place with Sarharpir (V. 301). Blochmann considers (p. 381 ») that the district Sarwar got its name from the river Sarw. See p. 83, 1. 12 of our Text. Our editors, or printers, probably mistook waw for dat.

2 Or Faranjidt.

3 He belonged to the Musawi Sayyids of Mashhad, who trace their descont to ‘Ali Muisé Raza, the 8th Imam of the Shi‘ahs,

L 81 J

got into the same boat, and when they had had an interview, settled peace on the following terms: That the Khan Zaman should send his mother, with his uncle Ibrahim Khan Uzbek, and the famous elephants he possessed, to the Court. And that after that all his trans- gressions had been condoned, Sikandar and Bahadur should go themselves to the Court. Then Darban Khan brought this news to the royal ear; and the next day the Khan Khanan and Khwajah Jahan brought the mother of the Khan Zaman, aad Ibrahim Khan, together with the elephants, to the Court, and assumed the position of intercessors for the forgiveness of the faults of the Khan Zaman, When, suddenly, news came from Sardar! of the flight of the general Mir Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk. The Emperor was much enraged, and that peace was turned to rancour,

The explanation of this circumstance is briefly as follows: When the imperial army drew near to Sikandar and Bahadur, they remain« ing just where they were (P. 80) sent a message to Mir Mu‘izz-ul- Mulk: “Become thou the means of intercession, and obtain for us from the Court forgiveness of our faults, so that we may send to the Court whatever, of elephants and other things, we have taken possession of, and then when we are cleared of our transgressions, and our faults are forgiven, we may ourselves go and do homage.” Mir Mu‘izz-ul Mulk? in as much as he was continually boasting: “T, and there is none beside me’’, showed a Pharaoh-like, and harsh Shaddad-like character, which is one of the inheritances of the Sayyids of Mashhad; and on that topic it has been said:—

“© men of Mashhad, with the exception of your Imam?* May the curse of God rest on each one of you!”

And another poet saith :—.

“Though it is man that renders the face of the ground pleasant, A Mashhadi* on the face of the ground is not pleasant.”

So he established a character for crookedness of disposition, for which he became notorious, and said : “ Your being made clean can

! See preceding page, note 1.

2 He was a Shi‘ah of the Shi‘ahs, and therefore our author could not bear him, 3 Muzé Raza.

Mashhad: means both “an inhabitant of Mashhad”, and “a cemetery”.

[ 82 J

only be imagined by the water! of the sword”. Meanwhile Lashkar Khan, Wr Bakhshi, and Raja Todar Mal came from the Court to hasten the decision of the Amirs, whether for peace or war. So that, if they thought it best, they might fight; but if not, they might hold out hopes to Sikandar and Bahadur. So Bahadur Khan came again to the outposts of the imperial camp alone, and sending for Mir Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk and some of the Amirs, he made proposals of peace, saying: “Since the Khan Zamdan is sending his mother, and Ibrahim Khan to the Court, or rather by this time will have sent them, we have hopes of the forgiveness of our transgressions, and indeed this is the most probable contingency. Meanwhile we are awaiting the answer, and until the affair be settled we will not put our hand to war. Do you too, until the answer arrive, wait a few days.’ Mir Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk was a very fire, and Todar Mal played the part of oil of naphtha, (P. 81) and made that fire burn fiercer than ever, so that nothing but words of sternness passed on their tongue, So Bahadur Khan and Iskandar Khan, becoming desperate, did what they thought best for their own interests, and drew up their army :—

“In the time of necessity, when there is no escape, The hand seizes the hilt of the sharp sword”.

On the one side Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk, putting Muhammad Amin Divanah in the van, himself took up his position in the centre, and kept by his side ‘Abd-ul-Matlab Khan, and Salim Khan, and Kaékar ‘Ali Khan, and Bég Nurin Khan, and other tried warriors, and appointed the other Amirs to the right and left wings. And on the other side [were] Sikandar Khan, and his relative? Muhammad Yar Harawal ; and Bahadur Khan was in the centre’, ‘Then the two armies joined battle, and like two mountains they clashed together. Much valour was displayed on either side, Muhammad Ya4r was slain, and Iskan- dar Khan fleeing, threw himself into the River Siyah*, which was in

1 4b means “water” Sanskrit dp, also “ brightness,” Sansk, ddd. There is, of course, a play on these two meanings of the word,

2 He was his brother’s son. Blochin.

3 The word gol is Turki, it recurs on p. 281, 1, 1 of Text,

4 Sai or Sye, which falls into the Gimti near Jounptr,

—

[ 88 ]

his rear. He himself got out again, but many of his men were drowned, and others came under the db! of the sword. ‘Then the imperial troops gave themselves up to plundering. And Mir Mu‘izz- ul-Mulk, with a few men, was the only officer who kept his place. For to tell the truth the body of tried warriors, especially Husain Khan the relative of Mahdi Khan and Baqi Muhammad Khan, &c., being sick of the command of Mir Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk and of the rule of Raja Todar Mal, in accordance with the [Arabic] saying: “There is no fidelity towards kings”, did not make that resistance they should have done. At this moment Bahadur Khan, who still held his ground, seized the opportunity, and moved forward to the attack. Directly he came up, he swept Mir Mut‘izz-ul-Mulk before him. And Shah Budagh Khan was thrown from his horse, but not before he had given substantial proof of his valour, and his son ‘Abd-ul- Matlab, putting forth as much strength as he could, seized him by the hand (P. 82), butin vain. Eventually the son escaped and the father fell into the hands of Uzbeks :—

“ When he was free from sorrow, he reckoned him a dear friend, When he came to grief, he deserted him.”

And Raja Todar Mal, and Lashkar Khan, who at the beginning had remained inactive, began now to fight vigorously, until evening, but without success. They became separated, but the next day they rejoined one another, and came to Sher-gadh, and reported the state of affairs to the Court,

And now we come to the point where we left off? about the Khan Zaman. When the Khan Khanan brought to the Court the mother of the Khan Zaman, and Ibraéhim Khan, together with Mir Hadi Sadr and Nizam Agha, who were trusty friends of the Khan Zaman, and presented the war-elephants to His Majesty, then Ibrahim Khan, with head bare, and a sword and a shroud? round his neck in the place of a cloak, delivered himself up, and said in an impromptu :—

“ Wilt thou spare me, or wilt thou slay me, The option lies with thee.”

1 See above p. 82, note 1. ? See p. 81. 3 As a sign that he was ready to suffer death,

[ 8% J

Moreover the Khan Khéndn, taking up the position of intercessor, reminded the Emperor of the past services of their party, so that their offences received pardon. The Emperor commanded that they should be left in possession of their jdgérs as heretofore, but tha6, as long as the Imperial camp remained in that place, they should not cross the river. So their representatives came to Agrah, and the Emperor issued the necessary farmdis, in accordance with which they took possession. The mother of the Khan Zaman sent this good news to her sons!, and Bahadur Khan and Sikandar Khan sent the elephants, Koh-pdrah, and Cuaff-shikan®, two very quarrelsome females, together with other presents, to the Court.

Meanwhile the report from Raja Todar Mal and Lashkar Khén arrived, containing an account of the battle and the flight, and of the treachery® of the Amirs. Then the Emperor ordered: “ Since to please the Khan Khanan I have overlooked the fault of (P. 83) the Khan Zaman and the others, let the great Amirs come to the Court.” Mu‘izz-ul-Mulk and Raja Todar Mal were reprehended, and the perpetrators of the treachery were for a time debarred from the imperial presence; and then, were rebuked, and restored to their former favour.

In these days the Emperor made an expedition to the fortress of Chunar, and, being engaged in elephant-hunting in the jungles about that fortress, took to camp-life. While the Emperor’s camp was at Chunar, the Khan Zaman crossing the Ganges in haste, and breaking his word*, came to Muhammadabad, which is a dependency of the town of Mou’, and sent agents to seize Jounptir and Ghazi- pur. This affair highly displeased the Emperor, who sent Ashraf Khan Mir-munshi to Jounpir, to detain the Khén Zamén’s mother in the fortress, and to seize any rebels there might be there; and, leaving the camp in charge of Khwajah Jahan, and Muzaffar Khan,

1 “Ali Quli Khan Shaibéni [Zidn Zamdn], and Muhammad Sa‘id Shaibéni [Bahddur Khan]. Their father was Haidar Sultan Uzbek i Shaibdénf. Con- cerning their achievements, see p. 18,

These names mean respectively “Piece of a Mountain”, and “Rank- breaker’’.

3 See above p. 83.

4 See above.

Or Mhow (properly Mahu), about lat. 26° N, long. 79° E,

Ce ST

[ 85 ]

himself hurried off by forced marches with the intention of exter- pating the Khan Zamén, and arrived at the bank of the river Sarwar. There some boats laden with goods and effects, which were equal to one! of the seven treasures of Khusrou, fell into the hands of the loyal party. The imperial army occupied the bank of the river, and had traversed a considerable tract of jungle, when it became known that the Khan Zaman had retired to the skirts of the mountains of Sawalik. So they gave up the pursuit of him and returned. Mean- while Bahadur Khan with a body of tried warriors came to Jounpitr, and throwing up a noose, climbed into the fortress, and released his mother; and, seizing Asraf Khan, was fully determined to loot and spill, when he received intelligence of the return of the imperial standards. So he fled, and with Sikandar Khan crossed the Ganges at the ford of Narhan.

And on the 15th of the month Rajab,? which is the auspicious birthday of the Emperor, (P. 84) outside the Parganna of Nazim- abad, one of the dependencies of Jounptir, the weighing® of the Emperor took place; for, in accordance with established custom, he is weighed twice a year, on his solar and lunar* birthdays, against gold, silver, and other precious things, which are given to the Brah- mins of Hind, and to others. And the poets, recited, and still do recite, heart-ravishing poems on this topic. Then his Majesty de- termined to remain for some time in the citadel of Jounptr. Then the Khan Zaman on hearing of his remaining there, sent Mirza Mirak (who afterwards became Razawi Khan) to intercede on his behalf with the Khin Khaindn, He went along with Khan Zaman’s mother, and brought the message to the Court. So the Khan Khandn, in conjunction with Mir ‘Abd-ul Latif Qazwini, and Mulla Abd-u-lla4h Makhdim-ul-Mulk, and Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi> Sadr a second time prayed for the pardon of the offences of the Khan Zaman, and was graciously accepted. And they sent Khwajah Jahén, and Mir Murtaz& Sharifi, who is of the family of that

1 This treasure was called Béddwar, because the wind carried a vessel laden therewith to the camp of the said king,

2 The seventh month.

3 This is an old Hindé custom. On the whole subject see Blochmann, AZ, 18,

4 This latter would be his Muhammadan birthday.

5 He was Shaikh-ul-Isldm of Hind,

[ 86 ]

paragon of the human race, the very eleventh! Intelligence, Mir Sayyid Sharif Jurjini (sanctified be his grave!), and Mukhdim- ul-Mulk to bring the Khan Zaman to repent of his rebellion, and to convey the glad tidings of his pardon to the ear of his soul. The Khan Zaman came to meet them, and, as was required took an oath of allegiance, and then dismissed their Excellencies with every mark of honour and respect.

The Emperor towards the end of the year nine hundred and seventy-three (973), returned, and set his face towards the capital, and on Friday the 7th of the month Ramzan? of the aforesaid year he came to Agrah and spent his time in festivities. Thence he went to his new palace Nagar-Chin, and occupied himself in Chougdn- playing, and dog-racing, and hawk-flying. And they contrived a a fiery ball with which one could play on a dark night.

And in this year died Muhammad Yusuf Khan, son of Atkah Khan, through continual wine-bibbing :—

“Three things are fatal to men, And bring the healthy to sickness :

(P. 85) Continual indulgence in wine and women, And the cramming of food upon food.”

In this year the Emperor appointed Mahdi Qasim Khan, and some of the Amirs such as Husain Khan, his relative, and Khalid Khan and others, with 3000, or 4000 horsemen to act against Agaf Khan in the district of Garha Katangah’, Then Acaf Khan left the fortress of Chourdgarh, and sent a petition to Court asking for the pardon of his offences. But, when this was not accepted, he wrote a letter to Khan Zaman, and in concert with Wazir Khan his own brother went to Jounptr to the Khan Zaman. The Khan Zaman at the first meeting bore himself so haughtily towards him, that Acaf Khan repented of having come :—

“ Alas that he came out of the well, And fell into the snare!”

1 They count ten Intelligences ; this man was, as it were, az eleventh, 2 The 9th month. 3 See p. 78, note 2.

= ee ee 7

ey aie

And Mahdi Qasim Khan, having got the district of Garha into his power, gave it to the Jégirddrs, and then giving up his pursuit of Agaf Khan went by way of Hindia towards the sacred Mekka, which he had the happiness to reach. And Husain Khan with his own men went after him as far as the fortress of Satwds near the kingdom of Dekkan.

Then all of a sudden Ibrahim Husain Mirz4 and Shah Mirza and Muhammad Husain Mirzé, sons of Sultin Muhammad Mirzé (who was descended on his father’s side from Taimtir, the Fortunatel, and on his mother’s side from Sultén Husain Mfrzd?), an old man and full of years, to whom the Hmperor had given the Parganna of A‘zamptr as his jagér, raised the standard of revolt in the district of Sambhal®. And, after the subjugation of the Khan Zaman, and the Emperor had turned towards the Panjib against Mirza Muham- mad Hakim, they fleeing before Mun‘im Khan, the Khan Khdndn, plunged into the midst of the district and came to Dihli, and eventually raised the standard of rebellion in the kingdom of Malwah, [P. 86]. From this place two of the brothers, Shah Mirza, and Muhammad Husain Mirzd, went and laid seige to Hindia. But Ibrahim Husain Mirza went towards Satwds, which was 10 cosses distant, and Husain Khan together with one named Mugarrab Khan, a chief of the Amirs of the Dekkan, shut himself up in Satwas. Of stores there were none in the fort, so that they were reduced to eating the flesh of horses, camels, and cows, and the matter touched the life, and the knife reached the bone, and yet no assistance came from any side; still, however much Mirza Ibrahim Husain might bring forward proposals of peace, the garrison would not give in. Till, one morning, they put the head‘ of Qadam Khan (Muqarrab Khan’s brother, who had been killed at Hindia), upon the point of a lance, and showed

1 The title is Cahib-i-Qirdn, 7. e., Lord of conjunction, viz., of Jupiter and Venus, the two beneficent planets, called Sa‘dain. He was descended from the second son of T’aimtir, ‘Umar Shaikh Méred, father of Mirza Bdigrd, father of Wirzd Mangir, father of Uérzd Bdigrd, father of Wais Méred, father of Muham- mad Sultén Mérzd. The sons of Muhammad Sultdn Uérzd were (1) Ulugh Mirza (2) Shah Mérzd, (3) Ibrahim Husain Mirzd, (4) Muhammad Husain Mirza, (5) Ma‘id Husain Mtred, (6) ‘Aqil Husain Mirza.

2 She was daughter of Sultan Husain Mirzi, hing of Khurdsan.

3 The Jdgirddrs of the vicinity treated them as mere marauders and expelled them from Sambhal, whence they proceeded to Malwah, Briggs’ Ferishta, Il, 226,

4 Instead of bar read sar.

[ 88 J]

it to Muqarrab Khan, and let him know that Hindia was taken, and that his kith and kin and the inhabitants of the place were all prisoners. Moreover they brought his mother, and setting her where he could see her, said: “Since the family and dependants of Muqar- rab Khan are in this condition, with what confidence do you go on fighting ?”” Then Mugqarrab Khan, being helpless, and rather a Mugarrab-ghuldm! than a Muqarrab-Khdn, went and saw the Mirzas. Then, having granted Husain Khan quarter, and got him out under treaty, they at first tried to press him into their service, but when he did not seem to see it, they let him go unharmed, Eventually in the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), at the time when the Emperor had gone from Lahdér to Agra, he went, and did homage to him, and was favourably received, and the Emperor gave him in addition to Patiyali, which was his jag, the Purganna of Shamsabad.

The composer of this epitome, one year before thus, having had the good fortune to go from Badatin to Patiydli, became acquainted with the aforesaid Khan, And, since he was a teacher of polite learning, and condescending, and dervish-like, and brave, and muni- ficent, [P. 87] and of blameless life, and a sunni, and an attendant at the mosque, and a patron of science, and a friend of virtue, and easy of access, I had no desire to leave his presence, and to go and pay my respects elsewhere. Accordingly I spent the space of 10 years in his society, in these unknown corners and dark recesses, engaged with him in suitable occupations. At last Fortune played me a trick, and struck a fatal blow to this companionship. A strange matter was at the bottom of this separation, and however much I begged his pardon, and employed mediation and intercessions, and, going to Badaétn, got even my, now deceased, mother to act as my advocate, it availed nothing ; so I hasted to pay my respects to the Khalif of the age” :—

“The heart, which is grieved by any one, It is difficult to make happy.

A vase%, that has been broken,

It is difficult to piece together again.”

1 Khdn is a “Noble”, ghulam a ‘slave’; and Mugarrab-ghuldmé possibly means a “confidential servant” like Mugarrab-ul-khidmat,

® That is the Emperor Akbar,

3 Compare above p, 28 of Text.

a ee ee ies sie,

[ 89 J

Finally’ the Khan Zaman appointed Acaf Khan together with Bahadur Khan to reduce some of the districts of the Afghans, and fearing lest Wazir Khan should act treacherously towards himself he kept his eye on him. The two brothers,? having by means of messages sent backwards and forwards between them determined on flight, and fixed a time, on the night appointed the one fled from the Khan Zaman, and the other parted company with Bahadur Khan, and went 3 cosses distance going in the direction of Agra and Manikptr. Then Bahadur Khan pursued after Acaf Khan, and between Jounptir and Manikptr a sharp fight took place between the two parties. Acaf Khan was taken prisoner and Bahadur Khan had him put into the houda of an elephant, and set off. Meanwhile Wazir Khan from Jounputr arrived at the place whither they were taking his brother, and Bahadur Khan’s men being scattered in quest of booty, he could not withstand him, so Bahadur Khan gave orders for Acaf Khan to be put to death, as he was, in the houda. He received a sword-cut on his nose, and two or three of his fingers (P. 88) were cut off, but Wazir Khan managed to release him before he had received further injury, and the two brothers made for Garha, and Bahadur Khan returned foiled. Wazir Khan arrived at the confines of Lahdr, just at the time that the Emperor, having gone in pursuit of Muhammad Hakim, had turned aside to enjoy a gamurgha-hunt,® and at the intercession of Muzaffar Khan he was allowed to do homage, and a farmdn gracious in its wording was issued to Acaf Khan.

In this year Mirza Muhammad Hakim came to Lahdér. The cause of it was that, when Mirza Sulaiman returned the third time from Kabul, and Mirzi Muhammad Hakim had got possession of Kabul, and had dismissed the imperial Amirs to Hinddstan, and Khwajah Hasan Naqshabandi had become absolute Prime-minister,* and the Khan Kalén was enraged thereat, then Mirzd Sulaiman, finding the field for the fourth time clear, in company with his wife Wali Ni‘mat Bégum, hastened to Kabul, and laid seige toit. And Mirza

1 Continued from p. 85. 2 Wazir Khan, and Agaf Khan. 3 Compare p. 93 note 3. 4 See page 72, 1, 18. 12

[ 90 ]

Muhammad Hakim entrusting KAbul to Ma‘c¢tun Kokah (who after- wards raised rebellion, and was the mover of sedition in Hindustan» and was a man of great courage), himself with Khwajah Hasan Naqshbandi went to the river Ghorband.1 And Mirz4 Sulaiman, when he found that he could not take Kabul by force of arms, by many artifices contrived to convey Wali Ni‘mat Bégum to Qara- bagh (which is 10 cosses distant from Kabul, and in the neighbourhood of the Ghorband). There she brought forward proposals of peace, and took solemn and awful oaths: and Mirz4 [Muhammad Hakim] set out to meet her with a small escort. Khwajah Hasan also approved of this conciliatory interview, but Baqi Qaqshal was not pleased with the matter and said: “This woman is a thorough deceiver, and is not fit to be trusted :’—

“ Go not out of the way for any blandishments of Fortune For this old woman As a deceiver she sits down, and asa traitress She moves about.”

Then Mirza Sulaiman before Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim arrived at Qarabéch came by forced marches (P. 89) from Kabul with a consider- able force, and lay in ambush in that neighbourhood. It happened that some of the soldiers of Mirz4é Sulaiman met with the men of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, and gave him information of this. So Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim fled, and when he got to Ghorband he became bewildered and fell by mistake into the road to the Hindikash? mountain. Khwajah Hasan wished to bring him to Pir Muhammad Khan Uzbek, governor of Balkh, in order to ask his assistance. But Baqi Qaqshdl prevented this, and brought the Mirza in the direction of the Capital by way of Panjhar* to Jalal. Abad and thence to the bank of the river Nilab, till eventually he crossed the river Sind,® and sent a despatch to the Court. Khwajah Hasan with his party arrived at Balkh, and after some time he be- came lost, and his life became bitter (Za/kh) to him :—

1 To the north of Kabul.

2 That she was acting in good faith.

8 Means ‘ Hindu-slayer,’ and is so called because slaves brought thither from India die from the intensity of the cold. Lee’s Jén Batuta, p. 97.

4 Panshar.

5 The Indus,

0 af

—

LT ee

ie) a

“ My heart is gone, my soul is fled, my religion lost, O Hasan! worse than this what can I become!”

Mirzi Sulaimin pursued Mirzi Muhammad Hakim as far as K6tal-sanjad-darra, and took prisoners some stragglers of his army, and having plundered! his baggage, still remained on that spot.

Meanwhile during his prolonged absence Muhammad Ma‘cim of Kabul attacked Sulaimain’s camp, and spoiled it, and defeated his general Quli Shaghali, and after this decisive victory proceeded to lay seige to Chaharbigh. Then Mirza Sulaiman sent Qazi Khan Badakshi as ambassador to incite Muhammad Ma‘¢im to terms of peace. This Muhammad Ma‘etim at first refused, but he could not withstand the persuasions of Qazi Khan, because he had been his tutor, and so Mirza [Sulaiman] received from him a small bribe, for mere form’s sake, and returned to Badakhshan,.

Now, before Mirzi Muhammad Hakim’s messenger could arrive at the Court, the Emperor had received news of the disturbances at Kabul, and had sent by the hand of a state-messenger Kltishkhabar Khan a saddle, a bridle adorned with jewels, and precious things of Hindustan, and a substantial sum of money to Mirzd,? (P. 90) together with a reassuring farmdn, promising him the assistance of the Amirs of the Panjab. Mirza’ [Muhammad Hakim] hastened to meet the envoy, and fully intended to come [to Court], when Faridin Khan, his maternal uncle whom the Emperor had sent from Nagarchin to bring the disturbance to an end, suddenly arrived, and immediately on his arrival tried to seduce the Mirz& into rebel- lion, and so changed the aspect of affairs :—

‘ When the medicine is the cause of the disease, what hope is é there Of the cure of the disease, or of the recovery of the sick man P””

And Hasan Khan, brother of Shahab Khan, who was at Kabul and one Sultan ‘Ali, a scribe who had fled from Hindtstan and was waiting for something to turn up, joined with Faridin Khan in representing to the Mirza that it would be very easy to capture Lalor.

1 Yor taj read tard).

3? Muhammad Hakim,

[ 92 ]

Then, when he agreed to their rebellious proposals, they tried to in - duce him to seize the person of Khishkhabar Khan. But the Mirza through that generosity, which was inherent in his nature, sent privately for him, and dismissed him. But eventually this very year, when the Emperor was gamurgha-hunting in the neighbour- hood of Lahér, Khishkhabar Khan was drowned in the river Rawi and a clever fellow extemporised this verse :—

Khushkhabar? is bad news, for never was there In the world such an ugly fellow as he, He died in the water, although they say: And from the water all things live.”’

But Mirzé Muhammad Hakim with rebellious intentions went into the neighbourhood of Behra, and set his hand (which was never ready for political affairs) to spoiling and plundering the district. Then, setting out for Lahdr, he came by forced marches, and en- camped in the garden of Mahdi Qasim Khan, which was situate outside the city on the banks of the river Rawi. And Fate in an improptu of his, said :—

(P. 91) “Since at this point I leave you as you are, It hardly matters that we came so far.”

And Mir Muhammad Khan, and all the Atkah-khans* with their posse comitatus came into the fortress, and however much Mirza attacked it, they so repulsed him that they gave him no opportunity to formally invest it. Now, when the reports from the Amirs reached the Emperor, he, leaving Agrah in charge of the Khan- kh4n4n,> and Muzaffar Khan, on the 8rd of Jamdadi-l-awwal® of the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974) marched on the Panjab by way of Dibli and Sirhind. And Mirzé4 Muhammad Hakim on the mere hearing of this news, without effecting anything, went back to Kabul by the way by which he had come :—

? Compare next page, and text, pp. 354, 421.

2 Means ‘ good-news.’

3 Al Qur’4n XLI, 31 “ And we made from the water every living thing.” 4 That is, to relatives of Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Atkah.

5 Munim Khan,

6 The fifth month of the Muhammadan year.

[ \

ee,

[ 9 ]

“ He that cannot seize the skirt of Fortune by might, His bootless effort is like dyeing the eyebrows of the blind.”

And Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan, and Kamal Khan G’hakkar were appointed to go from Lahdér in pursuit of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim. They went a certain distance and then turned back to Behra.

At this time a letter came from Muhammad Baqi Tarkhan bin Mirzi Muhammad ‘Is4,! ruler of the district of Sindh, containing assurance of his own loyalty, and complaints of the attacks of Sultan Mahmud, the governor of Bakkar, on the province of Sindh and Lahdor. Accordingly a farmdn was sent to Sultén Mahmud touching the complaints of Muhammad Baqi.

During the stay at Labdr a letter came from the Khankhdndn saying that Ulugh Mirz4 and Shah Mirza, in whose jdgir were the parganna of Nahtnur (?) a dependency of Sambhal, and A‘zampur, had, in conjunction with their uncles Ibrahim Husain Mirz4 and Muhammad Husain Mirz4,? with rebellious designs seized some of the government pargannas ; but that, on his going in pursuit of them, (P. 92) they had fled to Malwa,

At this time the Emperor held a Qamurgha-hunt’ at about five cosses from Lahér. For a space of 40 cosses in every direction they drove the wild game together in a circle, and day by day they con- tracted the circle, till it became as narrow as the mouth of the fair :—

“ The compass drew so narrow the figure of that mouth, That the circumference of the circle coincided with thie centre.”

About 15,000 wild animals of various kinds were counted in that arena, ‘The nobles, and afterwards the people generally, were per- mitted to join in the sport. Afterwards the whole party gave rein to their horses, and dashed into the river Réwi to swim across, and all the courtiers, with the exception of one or two, of which number

1 A direct descendant of Chingiz Khan. See Bloch. 361. 2 See above, p. 85 T. note; and Elliot V. 315.

A Turki word denoting a great dattwe; De Courteille merely calls it Ziex de chasse.

[ 94 ]

was Khiiskhabar Khan (as has been already mentioned),! got safely across. Now, while the Qemurgha-hunt was going on, Muzaffar Khan arrived with Vazir Khan from Agra, and the Emperor wrote a farmdn entrusting to Agaf Khan and Majntin Khan the joint guardianship of the districts of Karrah and Manikptr—on which subject? many a poem was composed.

Meanwhile news arrived that the Khan Zaman, Bahadur Khan, and Sikandar Khan had broken faith and were in open rebellion: and that they had sent persons to fetch Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim, and had had the audacity to read the khutbah, and to strike coin in his name in the district of Jounpir. And Mul& Ghazali, a poet

of Mashhid, composed this verse :—

“Tn the name of the gracious and merciful God, Muhammad Hakim is the heir of a kingdom.”

On hearing this news the Emperor confided Mirza Mirak Razawi, the Khan Zaman’s lieutenant, to the custody of Jan Baqi Khan, and entrusting the charge of the affairs of the Panjab to (P. 95) Khani Kalan, and the whole Afgah family,? on the 12th of the blessed month of Ramzan in the year 974 started for Agra, and went to the fort of T’hanésar,* which has been from time immemo- rial a haunt of infidels. At the lake [called] Kurk’hét,> which is an assembly place of Kurus and Pandus,® (curse on them!) more than 4,000 years ago, according to the opinion of the Hindus, seven or eight hundred millions of persons were killed in a tumult (and they went by way of water to hell-fire). And now every year there is a great assembly there, and the Hindu people, at that place of worship, give away both privately and publicly, gold and silver, and

aloe 2 Viz. Akbar’s clemeucy towards Acgaf Khan and Vazir Khan.

3 See p. 49, note 4.

4 Sanscrit Sthanegwara, meaning ‘Lord of the place.’ It is a town about 100 miles from Dihli, where there is a temple of Mahadeo.

5 Sanscrit Kurukshetra, i. e., Kuru-battlefield

6 Abu-l-Fazl, according to Sir H. Elliot, V. 318 note, calls the sects ‘ Gurs

and Puris,’

jewels, and linen, and valuable goods: and in accordance with that which has been said, [viz.] :—

Do a good action, and cast into the water :”

they secretly cast gold coins into the water. And bodies of Jogi-s and Sannyasi-s, who are the Hindu devotees, are in the habit of fighting there in their bigotry. On this occasion their fight made a grand show. A number of the imperial soldiers, in accordance with a command from the Hmperor, having rubbed their bodies well with ashes,! went and fought on the side of the Sannydsi-s (who were scarcely 300 men, while the Jogi-s were more than 500). But for all that many were slain on either side. At last the SannyAsi-s came off victorious.

When the imperial camp was pitiched at Dihli, Mirz4 Mirak Razawi escaping from Khan Bagi Khan, in whose charge he was imprisoned, fled and joined his employer.? Then Khan Baqi Khan went in pursuit of him for some distance, but eventually, through fear of punishment, attached himself to the insurgents :—

As for him who became a tale, His tale never came back again.’

While the Emperor was still at Dihli, Shah Fakhr-ud-din Mash. hadi,3 upon information received from Tatar Khan, commandant of Dihli, and in accordance with the Emperor’s orders, brought Shahab Khan Turkoman (who held the parganna of Bhdjpir in fief, and with whom Amin Diwana,* having escaped from Lahr, had taken refuge, and, having been supplied by him with a horse and pecuniary assistance, had gone off (P. 94) to join the rebels) to Couft, where he

was executed.

1 Tn order to disguise themselves, and look like SannyA4si-s.

2 In the 10th year he came to Court to obtain pardon for Ali Quli Khén, Khan Zamén. When the latter rebelled again, in the 12th year, Mirza Mirak Razawi was imprisoned.

3 Son of Mir Qasim, a Misawi Sayyid of Mashhad. He came in 961, with Humayiin, to India. Blochm. 406,

4 He had been imprisoned for attempting the life of one of the Imperial Generals. Elliot, V. 319.

[ 96 ]

When the Emperor arrived at Agra, news came that Khan Zaman, was beseiging Mirzi Yusuf Khan Mashhadi,! who had shut himself up in Shergarh (which is generally known by the name of Qannou}). Upon the receipt of the intelligence, leaving the Khan-khanan in charge of Agra, the Emperor on the 26th? of Shavval,? in the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), marched towards Jounpir. And the weather was so hot that the marrow of creatures melted in their bones :—

‘The air again was so hot that, even in running water, The crab through heat laid its breast on the ground, Even the moist river, from the mouth of which water ever flows, Through fever became dry-lipped, like a bilious person.’

And when the town of Sakit had became the camping-place of the imperial army, news came in that Khan Zaman had raised the siege [of Shergarh], and fled towards Manikptr, where was his brother Bahadur Khan. Accordingly, from the town of Bhojptr the Emperor detached a body of 6,000 veteran troopers under the command of Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, Muzaffar Khan, Raja Todar Mal, Shah Budagh Khan, and his son ‘ Abd-ul-Matlab Khan and Husain Khan (who at that time had arrived from Satwas) to march towards Oudh to oppose Sikandar. At first Mungar Khan was appointed to lead the vanguard of this division of the im- perial army; but, since he had arrived in a most deplorable and poverty-stricken state, on account of the protracted seige he had sustained in the fortress [of Satwas],* he went to the parganna of Shamsdbad to obtain supplies for his army, and found it so refreshing that some little delay took place in his rejoining the army: conse- quently Qiy& Khan was appointed in his place.

The author was with the aforesaid Khan on this occasion. And when he passed on from Shamsabad, I remained in that town. (P. 95) The following is one of the marvels, which took place there, to which a number of trustworthy inhabitants of that city

1 Son of Mir Ahmad i Razawi. He was a great favourite with Akbar. 2 The Tabagét i Akbari has ‘ Monday the 23rd.’ Elliot, V. 319,

3 The 10th month.

4 See above, p. 87.

Pp: p. . 24, note 8. Instead of “Probably the Dévin-i-Hdfiz, for”

p- p. . 68, 1]. 2—6. ead And another instance of Chingiz Khan’s

ERRATA.

4, 1. 12 dele [2. e. Mecca]. 10, note 8. For b. II read 1. 11.

vead Our author means the Divdn-i-Héfiz. Ouseley in his Lives of the Persian Poets says that the terms /isdn- i-ghaib, and tarjumdn-ul-asrar were first applied to Hafiz by Jami.

82, note 1, Hor Najad read Naja.

58, 1. 17. or satyr read satire.

liberality is the following: Shah ‘Arif Cafavi Husaini (who is now at Lahor, and renowned for the gift of domi- nion over Jinms) possessed great treasures, which he used to give away to people. Now it is said, that he had received all these treasures and hoards from Chingiz Khan, and that all the money he gave away bore the stamp of Chingiz Khan (but God knows !).

[ 979 J

niatreo a no ,taht ,beneppah ti siht erofed syab wef A .ssentiw erod night, a boy of tender age, belonging to a washerman, fell asleep on a couch on the banks of the river Ganges. Suddenly he fell into the river, and the strong stream carried him as far as the town of Bhojptr (which is 10 cosses distant), and landed him safely on the bank. A relative of the washerman took out the child, and recog- nizing it, brought it back in the morning to its mother and father ;—

‘He is the Absolute Omnipotent, Who ruleth as He wills, He is, in truth, the Judge, Who acteth, as it pleaseth Him.’

And, when the imperial camp was pitched at the town of Rai Baréli, news arrived that Khan Zamaén and Bahadur Khan had crossed the river Ganges and fled towards Kalpi. Consequently the Mmperor, directing that the camp, under Khwajah Jahan, should be moved on towards Karah, set off with all speed for Manikptir. Mounted upon an elephant he crossed the stream, and at that time there were not with him more than fifteen or sixteen! persons. And Majnain Khan, and Agaf Khan, who were in the vanguard, kept from time to time sending back information concerning the whereabouts of the enemy.

It so happened that Khan Zaman and Bahadur Khan, over whose eyes Fate had drawn the blinding iron of negligence, in accordance with the following :— ,

‘When Fate? lets down its wings from the sky, All the prudent become blind and deaf ’—

had spent the whole night at a wine-party, and in watching an exhibition of PAtar-dancing,’ and, their cup being full, they looked on the intelligence of the enemy’s advance, which the scouts kept bringing in, as merely an act of rashness on the part of Majnin4

1 The Tabaqét i Akbari, according to Elliot, p. 320, says 1,000 to 1,500 men. 2 Viz., The Decree of Death: Dtra Necessitas. With these lines compure the well-known saying: Quos deus vult perdere prius dementat. 3 Pétar, in Hindistini means a dancing girl. 4 He was the fief-holder (saminddr) of Manikpar. 13

Bayerische Steatsbibliothe® | \ Miinchen

[ 8 J

Khan (for which they cared no more, than for a measure stuffed with straw); but, as for the Emperor’s approach, they had no inti- mation of it, and indeed never dreamt of such a thing.

On this day the Emperor was mounted on an elephant named Sundar} and (P. 96) he placed Mirz& Kokah, surnamed A’zam Khan in the howda with him. He took up his station in the centre, and placed Agat Khan, and all the Atkas,? on the right, and Majnin Khan, and others, on the left. Now the Khin Zaman had given orders for his army to march in the morning. But sunk, as he was, in sleep and the wine, which he had drunk, he was wakened only by the Messenger of Fate. Then, by the exhibition of standards and paraphernalia of majesty, and the glory of the cavalcade, and the pom- pous beating of kettle-drums, he became certain that the Emperor in person was with the army. Accordingly, he ordered his troops to fall in, and began to draw up his lines. First he dispatched a body of renowned heroes, veterans in service, to oppose the advance of the vanguard of the imperial army. But Baébé Khan QAqshal, who was leader of the van, with a well-directed shower of arrows repulsed them, and drove them back on the Khan Zaman. At this moment one of the horses of the fugitives rushed with terrific force against the horse of the Khan Zaman, so that through the concussion his turban became loosened from his head, and caught him round the neck like a lasso. At the sight of this occurrence [his brother] Bahadur Khan, planting firmly the foot of desperation, charged Babé Khan with such fury, that he compelled him to retreat, and sweeping him before him, bore him back on the ranks of Majniin Khan. Then Majnin Khan, and Bahddur Khan, who had returned to the thick of the fray from the pursuit of fugitives, fell upon one another, and showed great courage. But an arrow struck the horse of Bahadur Khan, which reared and threw him to the ground, so that he was taken prisoner :—

‘ When the key of victory is not in the hand, One cannot open the door of victory by force.’

1 From Sanscrit swndara, beautiful.

See above, p. 92, note 4.

~“«

[ 99 ]

At this juncture the Emperor dismounted from his elephant, and got on horse-back, and ordered that the troop of mountain-formed ele- phants should charge the ranks of the Khan Zaman: and then the fortune of the day began to waver, and the signs of victory began to decide in the Emperor’s favour :—

‘The sword of kings doth show such marks,

The great do such deeds as beseem them,

Look at a king’s sword, read not the annals of the past, For, more sooth-saying is his sword—much !’

(P. 97). And an elephant, Hiranand by name, on the side of the imperial army, charged an elephant, named Oudyd, on the enemy’s side, and came with such force against the head of that animal, that it felled it to the ground. And midst this hubbub and confusion, an arrow struck the horse of the Khan Zaman; and, while he was in the act of pulling it out, another arrow struck it, and it reared up and the Khan Zaman fell to the ground. At this moment an elephant-driver, riding on an elephant named Narsingh, came up; and, although the Khan Zaman kept saying to him: ‘I am a great leader, take me alive to the king, and you will get a great reward,’ the elephant-driver would not listen, but drove on his elephant, which crushed him with its trunk and feet, and ground his bones to powder, and made his body like a bag full of chess-pieces :—

‘The huge-form of elephants dashed [him] crushed to the ground, An earthquake threw [him] on the surface of the earth: Through all these tusks, which were weighers-out of evil, The face of the ground became a [strewed] chess-board.’

After that the turmoil of battle had subsided, Nazar Bahadur made Babadur Khan ride behind him on the same horse, and brought him to the Imperial Presence.1 The Emperor did not wish to put him to death, but asked him: ‘Bahadur how are you.’ He replied, ‘ Praise is due to God in all circumstances.’ And when he asked for

1 The word for ‘Presence’ is Nazar, with a play on the name Nazar Bahddur.

[ 100 ]

water, the Emperor gave him some out of his own canteen! But the Amirs did not deem it advisable to spare his life, so they brought about his execution.

And after a time the head of the Khan Zaman was also brought in, And for some time there was a dispute, as to whether it were the Khan Zamdn’s or no. At this juncture a petty Hindi Ray, Khan Zamin’s wakil, who was of the number of the prisoners, took up the head, and, putting it upon his own, began to lament: ‘ Alas! alas!’ And Khwajah Daulat a eunuch, who had once been in Khan Zaman’s service, and had afterwards given in his adhesion to the Emperor, and had attained the titie of Daulat Khan, said: ‘‘ The way to find out whether the head is really that of Khan Zaman (P. 98) is this. He used always to chew betel-leaf on the right side [of his mouth], consequently his teeth on the right side will be black.’ And so they found them. ‘These affairs took place in the twelfth year of the reign, on the Monday in the first week of the month Zi-hijjah? of the year nine hundred and seventy-four (974), in the neighbourhood of the village of Maakarwaél, one of the dependencies of Pairag$ now known as Alahabds. And some, who had formerly thought good to accept service under Khan Zaman, and had therefrom sucked no small advantage, found this mnemosynon for the date of his death :—

“When Khan Zaman from the world went to the winds, The pillar of the sky fell down head over heels, The date of his death I asked of Wisdom; he said: Heaven having lost its support, raised a cry of despair.’’4

1 This word, which is not found in our Dictionaries, recurs at p. 238, 1. 8 infra of the Text It may be connected with the Hindustani Karii’d (Sanscrit Karaka) ‘an earthen pipkin.’ Or it may have been borrowed, by some means or other, from the Mahratti, in which there is a word Karoti ‘a vessel made of cocoa-nut shell.’

2 The twelfth month.

3 Praydga was a holy place on the /eft bank of the Ganges, the ruins of which are still to be seen at Jhusi. It wasnever a city until Akbar made it such, and then not on the left, but on the right bank, under the name A/déh- dbds or abdd.

4 The numerical values of the letters of this line are 80 + 200 + 10 + 1 + 4+7+ 4+ 60 + 400 + 80 + 30 + 20+ 12+ 2+ 50 + 11 + 4 = 975, which is one too many.

El S| And some others with reference to the rebellion of that party said :— “ The slaughter of two traitors to the salt, without religion.’

And this date falls short of the correct number by one. And Qasim Arslén was the author of it. And another was said :—

‘The slaughter of ‘ Ali Quli and Bahadur.’ O my Soul! ask not me, helpless, how it came about ! I asked of the Old-man Intellect “* What was the year of their death P” He heaved a sigh from his heart, and said: ‘ Zwo became blood.” *

And of the number of the captives? slain [after] that battle was Mirza Khishhal Bég, whom I myself had seen at an assembly in the army of Malwah, in company with Adham Khan and Pir Mu- hammad Khan. And, verily, the appearance of the beauty of his person and disposition was by way of being perfection, and the impression of it will never pass away from my heart. The date of his death was found as follows :—

“ Khiishhal, who was the eye of the men of wisdom, Through the baneful influence of his star revolted from the King, When he was slain in company with Khan Zaman, The date came out: Rose-cheeked, fair-formed.’’*

(P. 99). In this year that paragon of the age Mir Murtaza Sharif Shirazi left this deceitful caravansarai.® And at first he was buried at Dihli, in the neighbourhood of the tomb of Mir Khusrau®

1 This line gives 100 + 400 + 30 + 8 + 50 + 40 + 20 + 8 + 200 + 41 +12 + 14 + 50 = 973.

2 This gives 10 + 600 + 56 + 300 + 4 + 5 = 975, which is one too many.

3 See Text, p. 100, and Elliot, V. 322.

420 + 80 + 200 + 600 + 7 + 10 + 3 + 104 = 974,

5 The world.

[ 102 ]

(merey upon him!) But afterwards, when the Qadr,! and Qazi, and Shaikh-ul-Islam represented to His Majesty that Mir Khusrou was a native of India, and a Sunni, while Mir Murtaz4 was a native of “Iraq and a heretic,? and that consequently Mir Khusrou would be very much annoyed by his company ; for there can be no doubt, but that :—

“To the spirit the presence of the base is a fearful torment”—

the Emperor gave orders, that they should take him up from that place, and bury him elsewhere. And this was a great act of injustice to both of them, as cannot be denied And some one found out the date of the Mir to be contained in the following :—Know/ledge has deserted the knowing. And another combined exactly the same letters into the following :—The paragon has left the world}

And in this year one of the friends of the Author, Shaikh Abue-l- Fath by name, brother of Shaikh Sa’d u-llah, son of Shaikh Badah, who was one of the most powerful nobles of the Court, passed from the world. And his date was found to be :—

“ Ab-ul-Fath, that eye of mankind, behold him!

For in this revolving sphere you will never see his like,

When he went from the world, the date of his death

Seek in the words: Repository of excellencies.’”4 And among the circumstances of this time is the following: Mirza Niz4m-ud-Din Ahmad (merey on him!) who was an intimate com- panion of the Author, and who had a boundless and extreme predi- lection for myself, said to me personally (and it is written, moreover, in the Zarikhi Nizdmt),® that when, during the time of the rebellion and hostility of Khan Zaman, news-mongers, and especially drug and opium takers, used every day in Dihli to spread gloomy reports, one

1 Apparently Shaikh ‘ Abd-un-nabt ; See p. 71, Text.’

2 That is a SAé’ah, or follower of ’ Ali.

370 + 80 + 40 +1+ 7+ 70+ 30 + 40 + 1+200+4+ 8 + 400 + 5 = 974.

480 + 800 + 11 + 30 + 40 + 1 + 2 + 10 = 974,

5 That isthe Tabagdt i Akbart. See Elliot, V 321,

[ 108 ]

day, when they were sitting three or four friends together, it came into his mind to say ‘ What (P. 100) think you, if we were with one consent to spread a report, that they are now bringing in the heads of Khan Zaman, and Bahddur Khan ?’ Accordingly they told this news to several persons, so that it became a common rumour. And on that very day, on which this news was spread abroad in Agra, Khan Zamén and Bahadur Khan were actually slain, and the third day one named ’Abd-u-llih, the son of Murad Bég, brought their heads to Agra, and thence carried them to Dibli, Lahor, and Ka- bul :—

“* Many an omen that’s uttered in play, When Fate so decrees, comes true on that day.”

And the Emperor, after this victory, would not at first trust any of those who had been led into rebellion by that fellow. He proceeded to Alléhabas, and seizing some who had fled from the Court and joined themselves to the rebellious party, he delivered them over to keepers. And Mirza Mirak Razawi! who had fled from Dihli, he had thrown under the feet of an elephant, but the elephant only gave him a few rubs with his trunk, so the Nmperor, with a view to pleasing the Sayyids,? pardoned him. But some others of the inciters of rebellion he brought to execution, and ‘ What bloodshed took place !’? was found to give the date. And to some of the people of the Khan Zaman, who had advanced far on the road to despair, he granted their lives.

After two days he went to Banaras, and thence to Jounptr, and remained three days in that city. ‘Then in the course of three or four days, with four or five persons accompanying him, he arrived with great expedition at the banks of the river Ganges, at the ford of Karah and Manikptr, where was the camp of the imperial army.4 He crossed over the river in a boat, and alighted at the fort of Karah.

1 The Khan Zaman’s Wakil, Text, p. 92.

2 He was a Sayyid of Mashhad.

$3+5 + 600+ 6+ 50+ 6+ 300 + 4 = 974. 4 P95, Text.

[ 104 ]

And with regard to killing those of Khan Zamian’s party, who have been taken prisoners, when Qazi Tawaisi (the camp-Qazi, who was endued with the qualities of honesty, truth-speaxing, and trust- worthiness) represented to His Majesty that to kill these people, after the battle was over, and to confiscate their goods and chattels, would not be in accordance with the Holy Law, the Emperor was displeased with him, and (P. 101) chose and appointed in his stead Qazi Y Vqub, an inhabitant of Dihli (who was renowned for his pro- found knowledge of legal matters, and was son-in-law of Qazi Fazilat! Shérshdhi, whom they used to term Qazi Fazthat, and who, for all that, was never at a loss for good sayings, and jokes). He held this office for ten years, when he was superseded, and Qazi Jalal-ud-din Multani was appointed in his stead, as will be narrated in its place, if God, (He is exalted!) will:—

“ Put not thy foot into any office, lest thou Become the butt of placing, and displacing.”

Meanwhile the Khan Khanan, who before this had received a farman summoning him from Agrah, arrived at Court and did homage. The Emperor gave himallthe jaégérs of Bahadur Khan and Khan Zaman, from Jounptr and Bandres as far as Ghaziptr and the fortress of Chunar and Zananiyah to the ford of the river Jusah, and having presented him with a robe of honour and a horse, dismissed him to his jagirs. In Zi-hijjah? of the aforesaid year in the midst of the rainy season the Emperor set out, and in Muharram’ in the year nine hundred and seventy-five (975) his Majesty alighted at the Capital.

In this year Muhammad Quli Khan Bartas, and Muzaffar Khan, and the force which had been sent against Sikandar Uzbek in Oudh, blockaded him in that fort, and every day skirmishes took place. When news of the death of Khan Zaman and Bahadur Khan came to his ears, he utterly lost heart. First he laid before the Amir’s proposals of peace, and having engaged them in negotiations, he

1 Fazilat means ‘excellence, by the change of one letter it becomes Fusthat infamy.’

2 The twelfth month.

3 The first month,

f 105 J

embarked in a boat and crossed over to the other side of the river Sarw. Then, still treating for peace, he requested that some of the Amirs would put off alone from their side, and he himself with three or four persons put off from the other side in a boat, and the treaty and oath was confirmed on both sides, and it was agreed that they should bring him to the Court; but afterwards (P. 102) he would not abide by the terms, but went off to among the Afghans. The Amirs pursued him as far as Gordk’hpir, and then wrote a state- ment of the case to Court: and, when they received a farmdn ordering them to repair to the Court, they hastened thither, leaving Muhammad Quli Barlds in Oudh.

And in this year the intention was formed of reducing the fortress of Chitor. Accordingly the Emperor took away Biydna from Haji Muhammad Khan Sistani, and gave it as jdgir to Acaf Khdn; and Basawar and Wazirpir Mandalgarh he also gave to hii, on the understanding that he should proceed thither, and collect provisions and materials for the army. The Emperor set out after him, and travelling by way of Bari and hunting in Mou-maidanah, proceeded thence towards Stpar. ‘he subjects of Rai Sargtin evacuated the fort of Sipar, and Nazar Bahadur was appointed commandant of that fort, and Shah Muhammad Khan Qandah4ri to hold the fort of Kotah Balayah. When the Emperor arrived at the fort of Kakartin, having given to Shahdb-ud-din Ahmad Khan and Shah Bidagh Khan jdgirs in the district of Malwah, he appointed them to quell the disturbances caused by the sons of Muhammad Sultan, viz. Mirz& Ulugh and Shah Mirza, who had fled thither from Sam- bhal. When the Amirs reached Ujjain, the Mirzds hearing the said news left that country, and went to Gujrat to Changiz Khan a follower of Sultén Mahmfid. Thus Maélwah fell into the hands of the Amirs without their striking a blow. And Rana Udai Sing, committing the keeping of the fortress of Chitor to one Rai Jaimal by name (a brave and chivalrous commander, who had been beseiged by Mirzd Sharfuddin Husain in the fortress of Mirt’hah and had eut his way out), himself took refuge in the high mountain ground and impassable jungles in the neighbourhood of Udaiptr Komal- mair. Acaf Khan marched to Ramptr, which is an inhabited district in that region, (P. 103) and took the fortress by storm,

{ 106 j

and ravaged the district. And Husain Quli Khan marched towards Udaipur, and ravaged the environs; but the Rand left that place for some other maze-like mousehole.

The Emperor ordered Sdbdts! and trenches to be constructed, and gradually brought close to the walls of the fortress. The width of the Sabat was such that ten horsemen could easily ride abreast in it, and its height was so great that a man on an elephant with spear in hand could pass under it. Many of the men of our army were killed by musket and cannon balls, and the bodies of the dead were made use of instead of bricks and stones. After a length of time the Sdbdt and trenches were brought up to the foot of the fortress, and they undermined two towers which were close together, and filled the mines with gunpowder. A party of men of well-known bravery fully armed and accoutred approached the towers, and waited till the towers should fall, and then they would enter the fortress. By accident, though the two mines were fired at one and the same moment, the fuze of one, which was shorter than the other took effect soonest, and the fuze of the latter, which was longer, hung fire, so that one of the two towers was blown up from its foundations and heaved into the air, and a great breach was made in the castle. Then the forlorn hope in their impetuosity forgetting the second mine stormed the breach at once, and soon effected a lodging. While the hand-to-hand struggle was going on, suddenly the second fuze went off and blew the other tower, which was full, both of friends and foes, from its place and lifted it into the air. The soldiers of Islam were buried under stones, some of 100, and some of 200 man in weight, and the stony-hearted infidels in like manner flew about like moths in that flood of fire. Those stones were blown as far as three or four cosses, and a cry of horror arose from the people of Islam and from the infidels :—

(P. 104) “This stream flowed to Paradise, that to Hell, Though the blood of Guebre and of an unbeliever both flowed in one place.”

1 A Sabat is a kind of wall which is begun at musket-shot distance from the fort, and under the shelter of its planks, strongly fastened together and covered

with raw hides, a kind of way is conducted to the fortress. Tabagdt ¢ Akbar?. Elliot V, 326.

{ 107 }

And a happy day was it for the vultures and crows (Glory to Him who multiplieth food for his creatures !)

Nearly five hundred warriors, most of them personally known to the Emperor, were slain, and drank the draught of martyrdom: and of the Hindés who can say how many! Night by night the infidels mustering in force kept building up the wall of the fortress from the ruins of these towers.

After waiting a considerable time, six months more or less, at last on the night of Tuesday 25th of Sha‘bin! in the aforesaid year the Imperial troops advancing from all sides, made a breach in the wall of the fortress, and stormed it. The fierce face of Jaimal became visible through the flashing of the fire of the cannon and guns, which was directed against the soldiers of Islam. At this juncture a bullet struck the forehead of Jaimal, who was distinctly recognizable, and he fell dead. It was as though a stone had fallen among a flock of sparrows, for, when the garrison of the fortress saw that their leader was dead, they fled every one to their own houses. Then they collected their families and goods together and burnt them, which is called in the language of Hind jowkar. Most of those that re. mained became food for the crocodile of the blood-drinking sword, and a few of those who remained, who escaped the sword and the fire, were caught in the noose of tribulation. The whole night long the swords of the combatants desisted not from the slaughter of the base, and returned not to the scabbard, till the time for the afternoon siesta arrived. Hight thousand valorous Rajpits were slain. The following line was found to give the date ;—

“My heart said: He quickly took Ohitér.’?

After midday the Emperor ordered the sacking to cease, and re- turned to the camp. He remained there three days, and wrote letters announcing the victory, and despatched them in all directions. Then, having appointed Agaf Khan to the command of that district, on the morning of Tuesday 25th? of the (P. 105) aforesaid month

1 The eighth month. 224204830041 + 44+24+74+6+4+10+3 +10+4004+6+4200=975. 3 So too the Tabagdt t Akbart; but there is evidently some mistake,

{ 108

the victorious standards moved towards Agrah. And by way of performing a vow the Emperor walked the whole way on foot, and on Sunday 7th of the month Ramzan! he arrived at Ajmir. There he paid a visit to the holy mausoleum of the blessed bestower of blessings the Saint Khwadjah Mu‘in-ud-din Chishti (God sanctify his tomb!), and having occupied himself in alms, and good and pious works, after ten days he rode off towards the capital. And Mir ‘Ala’uddoulah?, author of the “ Biography of the Poets’’, made this mnemosynon :—

“The Shab cherishing the Faith, enthroned like Jamshid, The Ihusrou of his age, Muhammad Akbar,

Made, without doubt, for the conquest of Chitér

A mortar brazen-bodied, dragon-faced.

For the date there came from the unseen world [the voice] :

It was altogether a Ohitér taking mortar>’.”

When the Emperor arrived in the neighbourhood of Alwar* he took to lion-hunting. And ‘Adil Muhammad Khan, son of Shah Mu- hammad Khan Qandahari, who was himself as brave as a lion, went to face the animal [which was rushing upon the Emperor], and both he and the beast were killed. Then the Hmperor separated himself from the camp, and went to Narnoul. There he visited Shaikh Nizim Narnouli (who was one of the greatest Shaikhs), and in the fulness of his faith granted him a subsidy, and then continued his journey to\the capital. In this year the second marriage of the Author took place at Badadén, and in accordance with: ‘ And verily the latter is better for thee than the former*” it turned out

1 The ninth month.

2 Qazwini, with the om de plume Kami. This book contains notices of about 850 poets most of them flourishing in India during the reign of Akbar. It was begun in 973 A. H., and completed according to a Postcript in 979. But there occur much later dates in it. Sprenger, Catalogue §c., 1, 46. Perhaps the Author originally completed his work in 979, but continued to add to it from time to time.

836 +10 + 20+38+10 + 400 + 6 + 200 + 20 + 801 = 975.

4 Compare p. 6 note 5.

§ Al Qur’én XCIII, 4, where however the meaning is: “And verily the Future shall be better for thee than the Present.”

[ 109 ]

most happily, thanks to God !, and ¥ composed the following mne- mosynon :—

“ When to me, through the eternal bounty, There was union with a moon-faced one,

My intellect uttered the date of the marriage, The Moon is in conjunction with the sun}.”

And in this year that model of men of thought, and beau ideal of the Shaikhs who practice perfection, Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘aziz of Dihli (God sanctify his spirit!) departed to the other world, and the fol- lowing mnemosynon was recited :—

(P. 106) “ The glorious one of the world Shaikh ‘Abdul-‘aziz, Whom all the world calls the Pole-star of Dihli, Turned his cheek towards the plain of eternity, And from this narrow defile mounted the steed of his am- bition. I enquired of my heart, what was the day, It replied, The Pole-star of Religion is no more*.”

And since the Shaikh used constantly to sign himself “The worth- less atom ‘Abdul-‘aziz”’, a clever fellow discovered the mnemosynon: Worthless atom’.

In the year nine hundred and seventy-six (976) the Emperor sent for the whole Atgah clan and Kamal Khan G’hakkar from the Panjab, and gave their jagzs to Husain Quli Khan and his brother Ismail Quli Khan, and appointed them to that district. Then Husain Quli Khan and his brother, having come from Nagor, after the taking of Rintambhor obtained permission to go to the Panjab; and the district of Sambhal and Bareli was confirmed to Khani Kalan*.

140+1+65 +10 +100 + 200+ 10 + 50+ 40+5 + 200 + 10 + 800+ 4 = 975. There seems to be a play on the words mahr, “marriage gift”, and mihr “Bun”’.

7100+9+2+9 + 200+ 10+ 100 + 400 + 60+ 40+ 1+ 50+ 4=975.

3700 + 200+5+50+1+3+410+ 7=976. The clever fellow was evi- dently ‘‘one too many for him”? !

4 Muhammad Khan Atgah.

[ 110 }

In this year the Mirzds, the sons of Muhammad Sult4n Mirza, who had gone to Gujrat, and taken refuge with Chingiz Khan, having behaved badly and laid hands of spoliation on the jdgirs, fled from Chingiz Khan, and came to Malwah, and beseiged Mu- hammad Murad Khan and Mirza ‘Aziz-ullih of Mashhad in the fort of Ujjain. Then Ashraf Khan, Ir Munsht and Gadiq Muhammad Khan, who with a considerable number of the Imperial army had been appointed to act against Rintambhor, when they heard this news, represented the matter at Court, and received orders to turn aside to Ujjain and undertake the repression of the revolt in cons junction with Qulij Khan, who had been sent after them to join in the reduction of Rintambhor. And at Sarouj Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan, and at Sarangptr Shah Bidagh Khan formed a junction with the aforesaid Airs, and so a very considerable force was gathered together. Then the Mirzis (P. 107) on hearing this news raised the seige of Ujjain, and went to Mandt, and the great Amirs pursued them. When the Mirzds had crossed the river Narbaddah, they received news that Jahjar Khan the Abyssinian had surprised Chingiz Khan when off his guard at the open space by the gate of Ahmad- abad, and had slain him, so that Gujrat was now free to them. So the Mirzas hastened to Gujrat, and took the fort of Champanir at the first assault. And laying seige to the fort of Bhroj, after some time they managed by a ruse to capture Rastam Khan Rimi, who was shut up in that fortress, and put him to death, and also took possession of the fortress. Qulij Khan, and Cadiq Muhammad Khan, and the other great Amirs, returned from the banks of the Narbaddah and came to Court; but the jdgzr-holders of Mandi remained where they were.

At the beginning of the month Rajab! of this year the Emperor arrived at Dibli, and occupied himself for some days in Qamorghah?® hunting in the neighbourhood of the Parganna of Pélam, and after- wards in the latter part of the month Sha‘ban® he came by successive days marching, and invested the fort of Itintambhor. In a short

1 The seventh month. 2 Compare p. 93, note 3. 3 The eighth month,

fees

time Sabats! were constructed and brought close up to the castle. And the Kahars?, of whom there were some seven or eight hundred, drew fifteen pieces of ordnance, carrying balls of five to seven man in weight, by main force to the top of the hill Ran, which commands the fortress, and is mounted by so steep a path that even the foot of an ant would slip in climbing it. The first day they reducod the houses within the fort to ruins. Then Rai Surjan, when he con- templated the disastrous loss of the fort of Chitor, and the worthless- ness of its garrison, foresaw his own fate, and sent his sons Doda and Bhoj, by the intervention of some of the zamindérs, to do homage to the Hmperor, and himself asked for quarter. Then Husain (P. 108), Quli Khan Khdn Jahan, came and gave assurances to Radi Surjan and brought him to Court. He delivered up the key of the fortress, and on Wednesday the 8rd of Shawwal® of the aforesaid year the fortress was taken. And ‘ Victory ’’4 repeated was found to give the date. Next day the Emperor with a small escort inspected the fortress in person. The fortress he gave in charge to Mihtar Khan Sulténi. Then leaving the camp under the command of Khwajah Amina (who is entitled Khwdjah Jahan), and Muzaffar Khan, he gave the word to march towards Agrah. He himself went forward alone by forced marches with the intention of performing a pilgrim- mage to the tomb of that dispenser of splendours Khwajah Ajmiri®. On Wednesday the 24th of the month Zi-lqa‘dah® of the year nine hundred and seventy-six (976) he alighted at the Imperial Capital. And Mir Farighi, brother of Shah Fathullah Shirazi, composed the following mnemosynon for the date of the taking of that fortress :—

‘When the Rose of Victory blossomed in the garden of the king’s conquest, The announcer of the date said: They took the fort quickly’.”

1 See p. 106.

2A Hindistdné word denoting ‘palanquin-bearers’’, and so used here for “porters” in general, Itis a contraction of the Sanskrit karmakdra ‘a hired- labourer ”’.

The tenth month.

4 Fath = 80 + 400 + 8 = 488. Now 488 x 2 = 976.

® Mu‘inuddin Chishti.

§ The eleventh month,

7100 + 30+ 70 + 5 + 20+ 200 + 80+ 400 + 504+447+6+4= 976.

[ 112 ] And Mildna Shiri! composed the following :—

“6 When by the fortune of the king the stronghold of infidelity was taken, Shiri found its year to be: The infidel-breaking king?.”

And in this year the Hatiyapuil® gate, which is a new gate of Agrah, was completed, and the date of it is :—

“The pen of Shiri wrote as the mnemosynon :— The Elephant-gate is without compare*.”

Now the Emperor had had several children in succession born to him, and they had all passed away at a tender age. In this year one of the Imperial wives became with child, and he went to beg the intercession of Shaikh-ul Islam Chishti living at Sikri, and he left his Empress at the monastry-(P. 109) of the Shaikh. Some time before this the Shaikh had foretold to him the happy birth of a son, and after some days he had gone to visit the Shaikh in expectation of the fulfilment of his promise. On account of this bond of union between them the Emperor built a lofty palace on the top of the hill of Sikri near the monastry and ancient chapel of the Shaikh. And he laid the foundation of a new chapel, and of a high and spacious mosque of stone, so large that you would say it was a part of a mountain, and the like of which can scarce be seen in any in- habited quarter. In the space of about five years the building was finished, and he called the place Fathpir, and he built a bazaar and baths and a gate, &e. And the Amirs, one and all, built themselves towers and keeps and lofty palaces. And the Author found the date of the commencement of the whole palace, mosque, chapel, &c. to be as follows :—

This chapel is the dome of Islam, May God exalt the glory of its builder !

1 See Sprenger, Cat. p. 59.

2 300 + 5 + 20 + 80 + 1 + 200 + 300 + 20 + 50 = 976.

3 Elephant-bridge.

424 10 + 40 + 600+ 1+ 30+1+40+4+56+4+4+200+16+14+7 +5 4 80 + 10 + 30 = 976,

ff as 9

The Spirit Gabriel gave its date : Its like is not seen in the lands}.

Another :— “The heavenly Ka‘bah® came down from heaven ”’.

And Ashraf Khan found this mnemosynon :— “ It is second only to the Mosque at Mecca’”’.

And such was the disposition of that paragon of excellence, his Grace the Shaikh, that he allowed the Emperor to have the entrée of all his most private apartments, and however much his sons and nephews kept saying, “ Our wives are becoming estranged from us”’, the Hmperor would answer “There is no dearth of women in the world, since I have made you Amirs, seek other wives, what does

it matter Pp ”

“ Hither make no friendship with an elephant-driver, Or make a house fit for an elephant ”.

And among the remarkable events of this year is the story of the death of Sayyid Misa (P. 110) of Garmsir, son of Sayyid Mikri, one of the chief Sayyids of Kalpi in the land of India. It is con- cisely as follows. Sayyid Musa had come to do homage to the Emperor, and by chance he became infatuated with the Hindi wife of a goldsmith, named Mohini‘, whose beauty was like gold of purest standard, and the lasso of her pure glance attracted him as her lover, and the bond of love and attachment grew strong on both sides.

“Who is the lover, that the loved one regards not his state ? O Khwajah it is not pain, or if it is there is a cure”.

1304+1+4+10+200+10+80+10+1+30+2+30+1+4+500+1 +50+10+5+1=976.

724 10+ 400 + 40 + 70 + 46 + 200+ 41+4+5+8+1+4 60+ 41

50 = 978.

3501+ 50+ 10+1+ 30+ 40+60+3+4+ 1+ 30+ 8 + 200 + 41 = 979.

4 Meaning in Sanskrit ‘ Infatuating ”’.

{ 114 j

When the expedition set out to Rintambhor, Sayyid Masa contrived to remain behind. He took a house within the fortress of Agra in the vicinity of his beloved on the banks of the river Jumna, near to Mir Sayyid Jalal Mutawakkil, and his affairs tended to madness. Once or twice accompanied by trusty persons of his own he had gone outside his own house, and had fallen either into the hands of the watchman, or into the hands of some goldsmiths of her caste :—

“There is an angel on the battlement of yon round cupola, Which draws a wall before the desire of the unfortunate.”

A period of two years and four months passed, during which they were content with a glance now and then from afar, till one night Sayyid Musa, at a hint from that fascinating lady, threw a lasso, strong as the covenant of the just, and straight as the promise of the liberal, over the cupola of Mohini’s house, and climbed up like a rope-dancer, and so they spent the night together in chaste affection. A poem called Dilfarib, which Sayyid Shahi, brother of Sayyid Musa, composed, has some verses on that subject :—(P. 111).

“ However much the desire of the heart was boiling, Modesty made a proclamation: Be silent!

Before his eyes the water of lite,

But not for a moment the power to drink it.

Their hearts from extreme of thirstiness fevered, But their lips were sealed through modesty.

One place of retirement, and two persons in love, Their hearts united, their bodies apart.

They remained two heart-inflaming wounded ones, In the game of “ united yet apart” till morning. This is true love in my opinion,

Which has driven out of the heart all thought of desire. When the heart is once dead through desire,

How can love take up its abode therein ?

There is not in this bewildered world

A place for love, save in the purest heart.

Love is the confidant of the pure in heart,

Love is the friend of the sorrowful.

{agony

In short, with a hundred caresses and blandishments They opened a thousand volumes of mysteries,

And when they saw the dawn draw near,

They bade each other adieu.”

But at the time of saying adieu it so happened, that the beloved rising from the pillow of sleep, bade farewell to house and home, and despising fair fame and reputation, went with her lover, as the moonlight with the moon, or the shadow with the substance, and said ;—

“OQ thou true and faithful lover,

I am at one with thee, doubt not !

The covenant, that first I made with thee, That covenant is the same as long as I live. Rise that we may show a care for ourselves, And may descend again from the roof. That, while it is not yet known,

We may steal away before morning.”

So they made off from that spot, borrowing swiftness from the wind, and speed from the water, and remained concealed for three days in the house of a trustworthy friend, Meanwhile the relatives of the lady surrounded the house of Sayyid Misa like a ring, and brought claims and litigation, And Sayyid Shahi, the younger brother of the aforesaid Sayyid (P. 112), who has a sincere friend- ship for the writer of these pages, and put this story from beginning to end into verse, some of which verses have been quoted above, returned answer to them, and spent the time in ‘ Perhapses’ and “ Wouldthats.” The lady was informed of that concourse, and her heart being alarmed for Sayyid Misa, lest he should come to any harm at the hands of the Governor, through stress of circumstances parted from that lover, and cheered him with the promise of meeting him again. She herself, through fear of the stain of dishonour, which might cleave to her cheek, returned to her house, and made the following excuse. She said: ‘On such and such a night, when sleep was firmly settled on my eyes, a person of such heart-ravishing form, that none ever sees the like of it in his dreams, took me by

[ 116 ]

the hand, and I passed from dream-land to the land of imagination, and that sleep was changed into wakefulness. And I saw distinctly that glorious form, with a crown encircled with jewels upon his head, and two wings of light upon his breast. And over me like one bewildered, confounded, he reciting a charm caused his form to pass, and caught me up on his wings and pinions, and bore me to a certain city, the description of which may perchance have been heard in some fairy-tale, and took and seb me down in a high and inaccessible tower full of wonders and strange things of every kind, and in every corner of it were troops of beings of Peri-birth :—

However much that heart-ravishing place Was, by God! a place of highest joy, And all that troop of Huri-born beauties Was standing to do me service ; Yet on account of absence from my friends My soul could take no rest. I was dying with longing for my mother, I was burning with sorrow for my brother. Every moment in this sorrow-suffering body Separation from my father kindled fire. When I had spent three days in that place In melancholy weeping and soul-burning sighs, (P. 118) They all saw that I was very much afflicted, Much broken down through sorrow, They became aware of my suffering, And they took pity on my condition. In the same way that they brought me to that place, And having brought me gave me over to such sorrow, So they brought me to my own house, And delivered me from this suffering and pain.”

The silly Hindus believed this beautiful deception. But, although it would have been better to have concealed the matter, yet through spite they kept that Treasure! in a ring of iron serpents, and shut her up under lock and key in an upper room, Sayyid Musa through

1 “Treasure ” means ‘ beautiful woman”, ‘Treasures are always represent- ed as guarded by serpents. “ Tron serpents’? mean ‘‘ chains ”,

[ 17 ]

separation was overcome by the catastrophe, and taking the title of ‘ Disgraced ’ suddenly took leave of the bride of his senses too :—

“ Alas! that love has again tended to madness,

And drawn the line of insanity over the book of wisdom.

The first quill, which the beloved has drawn over the page of blandishment,

Has drawn the line of madness over the letter of her friend.’

And, when this fact became as well-known as the sun at midday heat, and stories about it were told in every assembly, and a description of it was in every mouth, that heart-ravisher sent a message by her tire-woman, saying: I myself in the midst of a thousand troubles and annoyances, have altogether escaped from the hands and tongues of my traducers by means of such explanations and excuses, as women know how to make : —

“Brom the reproach of the people of my time I have escaped, Free from such a trouble I have sat.

Thou hast set thy foot in the street of madness, And my trouble thou hast thrown to the winds. Now, if thou canst find any remedy,

I hope that thou wilt not turn thy face from it. Act in such a way that this story

Become not notorious in their age.

Viz., thou shouldest go away from my city,

And withdraw thyself from my dwelling-place. ’ But, with the idea of friendship,

One confidential friend thou shouldst leave ; Then, when he knows my condition,

Hach day he may send thee news.”

(P. 114). Then Sayyid Masé in accordance with her request, start- ing in the morning took leave of her, as she was, with every de- monstration of grief on both sides, He left a confidential friend there to serve him, and himself set off towards Rintambhor with the fixed purpose of paying his respects to the Emperor :—

“When I go towards thy street, I make one stage of two hundred steps, When I go out from thence, I make a stage at every step.”

[ ls ]

But that fair one could not bear the pain of separation, so after some days she came to an understanding with that confidential friend, and said: “ Do you to-night, and in the guise of a beggar, raise a cry for alms, and I on the pretext of giving you something will come out of the house, and will go out of this city with you.” So at the appointed time, under the pretext she had suggested, she left the house of her father and mother, and trusting her affairs to her modesty, which was her safeguard, she turned her face to flight :—

“ As soon as grief for him became my friend,

I turned my face towards the road to non-existence. Sweet is wandering to one,

Who has such a companion.”

The preparations had been made beforehand. For three days they remained hidden in the city, and then with joyful hearts set off towards Fathptr and Biyanah. As luck would have it, inasmuch as God (He is glorious!) willed it not, suddenly in the midst of the road some of the relatives of that Beauty appeared, like an unexpect- ed misfortune, and recognizing her by her charms, which were as evident as the light of day though she herself was veiled, took hold of her firmly by the skirt :—

“ Who brought news of sorrow ? who gave a warning of misfortune ?”

The patrols of Pahluwan Jamal, who at that time was police-ma- gistrate, came up, and a great hubbub ensued. The fugitive fair- one was handed over to her relatives, and her companion in flight was sent to prison. (P. 115) When he had from the close confine- ment suffered long in misery and hardships, he managed somehow or other to effect his escape. News of these events was brought to the camp to the hapless and wandering Sayyid. Then he, who through sickness caused by separation had become as thin as a new moon, or a ghost, on hearing this news became desperate, and turned his thoughts to death, and even made preparation for self-destruction ; but he came to the conclusion that Death could not at any time be very pleasant, so rending the collar of patience he desired to go to Agrah.

[ 119 ]

His affectionate brothers, and sincere friends kept an eye on him, whether he would or no, restraining him sometimes by good advice, sometimes by force and threats and reproaches and abuse. At last, when the Imperial camp arrived at the Capital, and Sayyid Masé4, who had before been merely wounded, was now consumed [by love], and however much he strove was unable to catch a sight of his beloved, because they kept her guarded in a strong place, one Qazi Jamal by name, a Hindi poet of Sivakanpur, one of the dependencies of Kalpi, between whom and the Sayyid there existed a bond of the closest friendship, took his case very much to heart. So one evening at the hour of prayer he extricated that sitter in a corner of the hall of chastity! from the dark cell, and set her beside him on a charger head-tossing like the piebald steed of Fate, and wind-footed and prancing like the racer of the inconstant World, and along the bank of the river Jumna galloped as hard as he could up stream. The relatives of the woman came after him, and the inhabitants of the city who were spectators of the scene shouted in front of him, The horse stuck fast, like an ass in the mud, in the pits and canals, which had been made for purposes of irrigation, and like a chess-man he knew not how to move in stale-mate. Then the beautiful lady fell into despair, and throwing herself out of the saddle on the ground said to Qazi: “Save your own life by flight, and take my greeting to my lover, and say to him this impromptu :—(P. 116).

I have made every effort ; but Fate says : The business, which is another’s, is out of thy power.”

When Sayyid Musa received this message, he shut himself up in a place which he had within the fortress of Agrah, and his spirit melted by vexation and despair, and his soul, like a heavenly bird, went forth in flight, and escaped from the four-walled prison of temperament, and was freed from the bond of friend and of enemy, while with his tongue he uttered thrice the following :—

“From the Beloved my heart has found a thousand lives, A friend better than that it is impossible to find.

1 That is Mohint,

[ 120 }

O God! turn this sorrow to the profit of my broken and desolate heart.

Strike the dagger on my breast,

Cast also my head far from the body. Throw open the door of this dark house, Throw open the window also.”

When he had despatched his baggage from the temporary lodging to the permanent habitation, they carried his empty corpse with its empty hands to its resting place in order to commit it to the earth. Both men and women made great lamentation: and it so happened that they bore his bier under the very window of that fair one. She, since at this time she was kept a prisoner, with a chain like her tangled tresses on her foot, remained bewildered and stricken on the roof of the house from morning till evening, and setting the seal of silence on her ruby lip, gazed on the bier of that martyr to love. Afterwards being powerless and restless, she uttered a cry, and threw herself just as she was from the lofty roof, and the chain broke from her foot. Like a mad person, with arms and feet naked she ran direct to the resting place of that traveller, who never tasted the joy of union. Her demeanour changed from time to time, sometimes silent, at others crazy, she dropped the head of bewilderment on the collar of sadness, and symptoms of decline became manifest in her :—(P. 117).

“ Awake! with a view to the last sleep,

Like a camel at ‘ I’d,’ or a butcher’s bullock. The apple of her chin became through destiny Withered like an apple of last year.”’

Her father and mother seeing her in this case at once despaired of her life, and forgave her delinquencies :—

“No one takes tribute from a ruined village”.

And after that a total derangement, such as takes place in the pulse of persons on the point of death, became apparent in her whether

1 The festival at Mecca, at which camels were sacrificed.

[ 121 J

in motion or at rest, every moment like one mad, and at war with herself, she would sit in a corner disconsolate, and beat her breast with a stone. Then making the pronunciation of the name of Sayyid Misa the practice of her lips and the amulet of her life, in the pre- sence of the pious Mir Sayyid Jalal, who was the religious leader of the day, she recited the confession of Islim, and cast herself on the dust of her pure lover, and surrendered her soul to her beloyed?, as Sayyid Shahi the author of that poem points out :—

“ When the moon heard of this event,

She came suddenly towards us in her wandering:

She took upon her lips the confession of faith,

She became a Musalman before a congregation.

When she obtained dignity from tke religion of Islam, She put on the Jhram? for the pilgrimage of eternity. When love became conjoined with her beauty,

It burnt that taper as though it were a moth.

She uttered a cry through affection and love,

She took ‘ Musa’ on her lips, and gave up her life. In one moment those two princes of love

Became martyrs of the dagger of love.

So that in the midst of the garden of paradise

They might be hidden from all mankind.

Those two spiritual companions

Went away from this transitory world.

From the pain and grief of separation they were freed, Concealed from all they sat together.

O Sayyid why dost thou weep P

Why dost give up thy heart to mourning P

Forget all this misadventure,

Strive after fortitnde, and be still.”

(P. 118) Praise be to God for the gift of Doctrine, and Faith ! The author begs leave to observe, that although in strict accordance with his promise of conciseness, there was no room in this story for

1 The Creator. 2 he pilgrim-dress, see Burton’s E/-Medinah and Meceah iii, 123.

[ 122 J

indulgence in high-flown language, still what could he do! For the language of love carried the reins of my pen irresistibly out of the grasp of my control, and prolixity has been the result. For- give me !

“ Listen O ear to the story of love,

The melody of love from the scratching of the pen. My business is love, and my friend is love,

The sum-total of my days is love.

What can I do ? this is in my temperament, From eternity my Destiny is this.

For this purpose have they created me,

For this purpose have they drawn me forth.”

My hope from Court of the Creator, who pities his creatures, is that he will not make me a liar in this my boast; but that he will make me live in the pain of love, and in that same pain make me to die :—

“The man, who but for one day has his heart-pain, To him and to me alike may there be good fortune ! ”

A somewhat similar event had taken place prior to this. It was as follows: One of the sons of a Shaikh of Gwalydr, who was related to Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, and was renowned for his remarkable equity and purity, became enamoured of a singing girl in Agra :-—

“In the darkling west of her tresses she mustered A hundred caravans of moons, and of planets.

In the skirt of union and separation she bound The ill-fated and the happy-starred alike.

In the circle of her tresses she hid

The turban of the circling sphere.”

This came to the ears of the Emperor, and he gave that singing girl to Muqbil Khan, who was one of his courtiers. Then the son of the Shaikh having lost the desire of his heart, went one night to the guarded castle, whither his rival had carried his beloved and imprisoned her, and throwing the lasso of determination, climbed

f 128 ]

up and carried her off. The Emperor commanded Shaikh (P. 119) Ziyé’uddin, son of Shaikh Muhammaud Ghous, who now has suc- ceeded to his father on the pathway of spiritual direction and guidance, to bring back that relative of his and that house-devastat- ing woman by means of persuasive advice and friendly counsel. When they came into his presence, the Emperor requested that they would unite them in marriage, but Shaikh Ziyd’uddin and the others forbade. So the disconsolate lover, being unable to endure his grief, killed himself with a stroke of the dagger, and obliterated his name from the register of existence, And a great dispute arose among the learned men with respect to his interment and burial. Shaikh Ziy#’uddin said that in accordance with the tradition : “He who loves and is chaste, and conceals his love and dies, dies a martyr”, he was a martyr to love, and he ought to be committed to the dust just as he was :—

“Tam a martyr to the dagger of love, With the blood of my eyelids besmeared. Commit me to the dust just as I am, Full of blood, and wash me not.’’

But Shaikh ‘Abdunnabi, the chief Cadr, and other Ulam4s and Qazis, who were controllers of the ¢adr court, said that having died unclean and stained with adultery, he was not resting in love; but God knows best! And on account of the fate of her lover that singing girl went into mourning, and tearing the skirt of patience, clothing herself with a winding-sheet upon his grave, elected to sweep his tomb, till after some days having gone to the unveiling in the house of non-existence, they two were perfectly united :—

“ When the Fair-ones lift up the veil, The Lovers expire at the sight of such majesty’.

2 Or as Falconer has well rendered the lines of Hakim Sanai: “Ah! when the Fair, adored through life, lifts up at length, he cried The veil that sought from mortal eyes immortal charms to hide *Tis thus true lovers fevered long, with that sweet mystic fire, Exulting meet the Loyed-one’s gaze, and in the glance expire.”

[ 124 |

And in this year Shaikh Gaddéi Kamboi of Dihli, who was a retired financier, and through the foolish flattery of the knaves of the day had become a very idol in self-conceit and pride, departed this life. And ‘ You are dead you great hog’ was found to give the date.

And in the year nine hundred and seventy-seven (977), when the news of the taking of Chitor and Rintambhor became spread abroad on all sides (P. 120) and in all directions, and Ram Chand the raler of Bhat’h found that his fortresses could no longer hold out, and that they were short of water, he began to consider seriously what would be the result of continued opposition, and before matters came to such a pitch that he would be obliged to capitulate, sent the key of the fortress of Kalinjar with valuable presents to Court. This fortress he had bought for a considerable sum of money from Bijli Khan, the reputed son of Bahadur Khan Sarwani. The Em- peror committed this fortress to the charge of Majnin Khan Qagqshal, who had a jagzr in that neighbourhood. He also sent a conciliatory farman to Rajah Ram Chand, and gave him the pargan- na of Arail (which is near to Jhosi, and Piyag known as Ilhabds) together with its dependencies as faz.

On the seventeenth of the month Rabi‘ulawwal? of this year, when seven hours of the day had passed, the auspicious birth of the Im- perial Prince Sultan Salim took place at the abode of Shaikh Islem Chishti at Fathpur :—

“ You would say that a star had come to the earth, That Joseph had come a second time to the world. On the crown of his head through wisdom

There shone a star of eminence.”

The Emperor set out with all expedition from Agrah, and in the excess of his joy ordered all prisoners to be released, and for seven days held high festival. The poets presented him with congratula- tory gagidahs, Of that number was Khwajah Husain Marwi, who recited a gagtidah, of which each first hemistich contains the date of the Emperor’s accession, and each second hemistich the date of happy birth of the Imperial Prince, the refuge of the world. He received two lacs of tankahs in money, ‘The Qacidah is as follows :—

140 + 200+ 4+5 + 600 + 6 + 20 + 20+ 80+1 + 50=977. 8 ‘The third month,

[ 125 ]

Praise to God for the pomp and glory of our king !

(P. 121) A pure pearl from the ocean of justice is come to the shore :

A bird from the nest of pomp and bounty has alighted :

A star from the pinnacle of glory and beauty is manifested :

A rose of this sort they have not shown on the ground of the garden.

A tulip of this sort has not opened in the tulip-bed.

The nurse of the spring-cloud, through the tenderness of excellence, Made the grass the companion of the rose, the pearl that of the

jewel.}

The Sun? said: ‘It is right that for that Piece-of-moon It should make an ear-ring of Zohrah for the adorning of beauty : 5

The coming of a son adds to the adornment of a king, perhaps The incomparable Luli? would add to the adornment of the

royal Pearl.

All hearts were glad that again from the heaven of justice and equity The world once more revived, through the Sun of the days of spring.

That new-moon of the mansion of power and bounty and pomp came down,

And that shoot of the desire of the soul of the king bore fruit.

The king of the realm of fidelity, the Sultan of the palace of purity,

The taper of the assembly of the heart-broken, the desire of the heart of the hopeful,

The noble the perfect Muhammad Akbar, Lord of conjunction, The renowned king, seeking and attaining his desire, 10

The perfectly capable sage, the most just of the kings of the world, Noble, loftiest, a sage without a rival in the world.

1 The Rose and the Jewel represent the Emperor, the Grass and the Pearl his wife.

2 The Sun is the Emperor, the Piece-of-moon is his wife. Zohrah: Venus. The Empress was to be adorned by having a child, which is represented by the ear-ring.

3 The royal Pearlis the Emperor. Lé/« also means Pearl, it is used figura- tively for the baby.

[> 226.5}

From his speech the meaning of the eestatie state is understood : (P. 122) And from his perfection the building of religion and of the world is firm. Shadow of God’s bounty is he, worthy of crown and seal, A religion-protesting king is he, noble pivot of the world. At times from onslaught of fury he takes pardon on his tongue, At times with the tongue of the spear he says to the enemy, Flee ! Know that the fourth heaven is the censer in his assembly, Know that Arcturus is the spearman of his cavalcade. 15 Whenever his victorious cavaleade passes, the whole world Cries out “ Happiness” on the right hand, “ Wealth”’ on the left. O the power of the pen, which like running water Goes over black and white day and night ! O thou like the work of the Hternal, thou Sun of kingdom and religion, Thou who glorifiest the step of eminence, Shadow of God. O prince of the lofty standard, wise of heart, and Saturn-throned, O prince of lofty centre, just-one of exalted family. Lord of the wealth of the world, king of sea and land, To thy friends thou art kind, mindful of the generous. 20 King of the dawn of justice and truth, moon of the evening of pomp and dignity, Quick as lightning in decision, strong as mountain to bear burdens. O mine of justice and bounty, fountain of grace and liberality, Precious and beauteous, nourisher of religion, and chaste. Protector of the religion of the Prophet, O eraser of marks of evil. (P. 123) Prince of the lofty standard, a mine of bounty, and mountain of weight. Illumination of the mansion of existence, pearl of the sea of bounty, From the desire of the pinnacle of hearts a falcon hunting lives. At thy bounty how can a single drop remain before the cloud for shame, Compared with thy nature “ Bounty ”’ is not applicable to the spring-cloud. 25 O King I have brought a string of precious pearls, A present which is become precious, seek it out and listen.

[ 127 ]

None has a present better than this, if any have one at all, If any have any, tell him “Come”, anything he has tell him “ Bring”. Each verse of the poem of Marwi, it is sufficient if it be without mistakel, Whichever [verse] you try you will find the purpose twice : The first half gives the year of the king’s Accession, From the second bring out the Birth of the Light of the Hye of the world.? That the reckoning of the days and months and year may last, And that that number may be illustrious on account of the year and month and day : 30 When our king comes to an end, may our prince endure Days without number, and years without count.”

And that Shaikh of nations, Shaikh Ya‘qib Cirfi of Kashmir com- posed a gagidah of the same kind. But what was the good! Another person carried off the reward. And some one else made the follow-

ing mnenosynon: “ The royal pearl of the sea of Akbar’’® and another :—

“ Prom the rising of good-fortune a prosperous king appeared.’4

On Friday the 12th of the month Sha‘ban® the Emperor set out to pay a vow of thanks for the rising of (P. 124) this star of prosperity, and went on foot from Agra to Ajmir, travelling six or seven cosses each day. After fulfilling the rites of the pilgrimage he returned, and in the blessed month of Ramzan® he encamped outside Dihli,

1 They are correct, only sometimes a waw or a y¢ must be struck out.

2 The 4 half of line 12 gives 8 + 20 + 30 + 40+ 7+ 13 + 50 +89 + 40 +70 + 50 + 10 + 40 + 60 + 400 + 80 + 5 = 963. The second half of line 6 (omitting y¢) gives 36 + 36 + 31+ 31+ 80+7+6+4+10+174+2

4+ 200 + 800+1+65+6+1+4 200 = 977. Hx uno disce omnia.

34+4 200+ 3800 +6+7+ 200+ 30+3+5+1+ 20+ 2 + 200 =978, But read shah, instead of shh, and we get the correct date 977.

4 316 + 271 + 380 = 987. But read rz, instead of réd, as the metre requires, and we get the correct date 977.

5 The 8th month.

® The 9th month,

[ 128 ]

and spent some days in visiting the tombs of the saints of God, and then crossing the river Jumna he returned to the metropolis hunting as he went.

In this year the Emperor had Mirzé Muqim of I¢fahan together with a certain person named Mir Ya‘qtb of Kashmir put to death on the charge of being Shc‘ahs. ‘The facts are as follows. This Mirzé Muqim had been several times to Lak’hnou to pay his respects to Husain Khan, and the Khan (who is now deceased) had received him with kindness and favour, on account of the great respect he had for the Sayyids, and had made him administrator of his govern- ment. Afterwards the brothers and relatives of the Khan impressed upon him the idea, that this Mirz4 was a violent and zealous Shi‘ah, and utterly alienated his feelings from the Mirza, who now went to do homage to the Emperor and was favourably received and appointed Wakil at the court of Husain Khan governor of Kashmir. At that time a number of zealous Shé‘ahs had in their bigotry wounded Qazi Habib, who was a zealous Sunnt. It happened that the said Qazi was still living when Husain Khan of Kashmir on the decision of the Muftis ordered the assassin to be put to death. Mirza Muqim, on his own responsibility, handed over the Muftis on the charge of “ Why did they issue a mandate for the execution of that person, though he might be deserving of punishment ?” to a certain person, who wasa violent and furious bigot, and he put to death three or four of them. Now when Mirz&i Mugqim and Mir Ya‘qtb, the wakil of Husain Khan, brought the daughter of Husain Khan to Court as a sort of present, this story was represented to the Em- peror, and these two persons upon the decision of Shaikh ‘Abdunnabi and other Ulamds, who were his family, were brought to the just punishment of their wicked deeds in the plain of (P. 125) Fathpur. And a portion of this story has been inserted in the history of Kash- mir of which the author of these pages has written an epitome.

In this year on the dismissal of Husain Khan the Emperor gave the parganna of Lak’hnou as jagir to Mahdi Qasim Khan, who had come back from a pilgrimage to Mekkah, and had come to the fortress of Rintambhor, and had an interview with him there. Husain Khan was exceedingly indignant with Mahdi Qasim Khan on account of this, and reciting the verse “ This separation between mo

f 129 ]

and thee!”, began to look forward to the Day of the Resurrection”. And in spite of his being married to the daughter of Mahdi Qasim Khan, and in spite of her affection for him, he married a daughter of his own uncle Ghanazfar Beg. After a time he left her in help- lessness, and the daughter of Mahdi Qisim Beg at Khairabad with her brothers, and set off from Lak’hnou with the intention of carry- ing on a religious war, and of breaking the idols and destroying the idol-temples. He had heard that the bricks of these were of silver and gold, and conceiving a desire for this and all the other abundant and unguarded treasures, of which he had heard a lying report, he set out by way of Oudh to the Sawdlik mountains. The moun- taineers, as is their custom, immediately abandoned their positions, after a slight resistance, and took refuge in the high and dangerous mountains. When Husain Khan arrived at the place where Sultan Muhammad, nephew of Pir Muhammad Khan had been martyred, and which is a burial-place of martyrs, he read the Futihah® for those pure spirits, and built a guffwh4 over the dilapidated tombs of those martyrs. Then he ravaged the country as far as the district of Wajrail, which is part of the territory of Rajah Ranké, a powerful zaminddr. Thence he marched two days’ journey as far as Ajmir, which is his capital, and is a very mine of gold and silver, and silk and musk, and all the productions of the country of Tibet, when on a sudden, as has been frequently observed in those mountains, from the effect of the neighing of the horses, the beating of the drums and the shouts (P. 126) of the men the clouds collected and so much rain fell that neither corn nor fodder was to be procured, and famine stared the army in the face. Although Husain Khan, with the most undaunted intrepidity encouraged his men, and excited their cupidity by representing the wealth of the city in gold, jewels and treasure, they were too much disheartened to support him, and so, whether he would or no, he was obliged to retreat. As soon as they

1 Al Qur’dn xviii. 77.

? Viz., to right him.

3 Al Qur’én I,

4 A raised bench of wood, earth or stone, upon which people might recreate themselves with conversation and quoting poetry. Barton, Zl-Medinah and Meceah ii, 143. ;

[ 130 ]

began to retreat, the unbelievers seized the passes and showered down on them stones and arrows tipped with poisoned bones, so that most of the bravest and most experienced of his warriors drank the draught of martyrdom. And the rest, who had been wounded, five or six months later through the effect of that pernicious poison obtained their desired release from this dwelling of pleasure which leaves a bitter taste behind it. And the date of their death is given in a riddle, viz. :—‘ Zusteless bitterness! ””’.

Husain Khan returned to Court and requested that Kant and Golah in the skirts of the mountains might be conferred upon him as jagir, in lieu of the one he had held before. This he did with a view to taking vengeance on the mountaineers. His request was graciously acceded to. Several times he made incursions into the skirts of the hills, but he was never able to penetrate into the interior. Many fine fellows, who had escaped half-dead from his first expedition, in this expedition were poisoned by the bad water of the country and departed from the world without fighting. After some years Husain Khan, contrary to the advice and remonstrance of his friends, made another attempt against the hill-country, and gave the chattels of existence to the wind, as will be narrated in its proper place, if God, He is exalted, will.

About this time the author, after taking leave of Husain Khan?, went from Lak’hnou to Badétin, where I formed a suitable nuptial alliance for my brother, Shaikh Muhammad, whom I loved from my very soul; nay I valued him more than my own life, for he had acquired many excellent qualities, and angelic dispositions had become his moral habit (P. 127). Three months hardly had elapsed before that mandate of good, which includes a hundred evils, by consecutive moves of the pieces, carried off both him and the pupil of my eye ‘Abdu-l-Latif, who was the earliest first-fruits of the garden of my life and existence,’ from the bed to the grave, and changed me from a very prince of happiness to a monster in my own city: “ Verily we belong to God, and verily we return to Him*”’;—

1 Talkh “bitter” gives 1030, take mazah “ taste,” = 52, away from it, and you get 978.

2 He was a great friend of his. See above.

3 His first-born.

4 Al Qur’an II, 151.

(Tete H

How long will Fate put the scar of grief on my heart ! Before one scar is healed It put on another.

Every wound which inclines a little to amelioration,

It leaves that wound and makes a worse wound

If my grief puts its back under a thousand mountains, It puts a thousand fresh mountains upon it”’.

What can one do P “ This is not the first phial that has been broken! in Islam.” And this poem I wrote as an elegy on him, on account of the degree to which, through the wound of his loss, my heart has been, and is, and will be burnt until my appointed day. It is as follows :—

“OQ Lord! this day what a day it is has fallen on me,

And what a soul-wasting calamity it is that has shown itself fo men.

There is no one whom the cry of my despair has not reached,

Yet no one comes to my cry of despair.

My moon at the end of life went behind the veil of invisi- bility,

See from this pregnant-one of darkness what a woe has been born to me.

My star of joy and hope was dashed to the ground,

After this my heart with what hope shall it be glad P

Although my foundations were firm in patience, yet

The torrent of grief came and threw me from my foun- dations.

(P. 128) That person, whom I remember a hundred times in a day, Alas! that he does not remember me once in a year. Unjust heaven how many sorrows has it given me!

On whom shall I take vengeance, who will give me satis-

faction ?

I know not the state of my heart, what shall I say P what do P

The remedy for my heart-pain of whom shall I seek P what shall I do ?

Read kusirat, not kuthirat,

(P. 129)

{ 182 ]

O Fate! alas that thou hast made my heart wounded and desolate !

My content of heart thou hast utterly scattered.

O Jewel, that in my hand was hidden for others,

Thou hast openly carried it out of my sight and hidden it.

My Cypress thou hast carried from the garden to the prison of the tomb,

Thou hast made the garden a prison to me sorrow-stricken.

My Yusuf thou hast given to the paw of the wolf,

Ah! me thou hast made a recluse in the cell of care.

In the dark e/ay thou hast put my new-born 7osel,

Why hast thou made my day just like dark night ?

In a word that person, from whom was all my scope and aim,

Thou hast carried away, and left me without scope or aim.

That brother, who came to this strange city,

Thou hast made his grave in the desert beside strangers.

The season of the rose is come, and the place of Muhammad is in the dust,

It is my place that through vexation I should lay my hand in the dust.

Finally, O mine Eye! what hast thou seen that thou art gone from the world P

That with thine eye covered thou art gone from my moist eye?

To my dark eye there was light from thy face,

The light is gone from my heart since thou art gone from my eye.

Thou wast to my eye like the signet of a ring,

In the end thou hast dropped from the ring like a signet- stone.

My heart for no cause is glad in the world,

A pity, in thousand pities, thou art gone sorrowful from the world.

Thou pure spirit wast sore vexed at this halting- place,

Thou tookest up thy baggage, and departest from this halting-place of sorrow.

1 Playing on the words gi/ ‘clay’ and gu/ ‘rose’.

(P. 180)

ates 4]

On thy heart from worldly matters there was no burden,

All at once from worldly matters joyful and glad-hearted thou departest.

From the cradle I was to thee, companion and friend, every moment,

Why to the tomb art thou gone companionless and friendless ?

Thou art gone, and grief for thee will never go fron this bewildered heart

Sorrow for thee will never go from my heart, as long as my life goes not for sorrow for thee,

Who is there that will tell me any news of thee ?

Shall any give news of the departed soul to the body! P

News of the rose, that has dropped through the injury of autumn,

Who is there, in short, that will tell it to the bird of the garden P

Where is there a messenger who my sorrow and grief face to face

One by one before thee gracefully will tell ?

Who shall tell to you my words with his tongue, and then

For my consolation bring back the words from your tongue ?

I am strait -hearted, rosebud-like, and there is none present,

Who will repeat to mea single letter from thee, O thou rosebud-mouthed.

There are a hundred knots and tangles in this heart for love of thee,

Who will tell to thee of this heart full of knots and tangles,

Thou art gone afar, and there has come no one from thy country

Who should tell me anything of thy state,

I go, and on the top of thy tomb I take my station,

That I may hear an answer from thee, and salute thee,

I say, O thou unfound jewel what is thy state ?

With thy body wounded and helpless, what is thy state ?

1 He calls himself ‘ the body’, and his deceased son ‘ the soul ts

(P. 181)

[ 84 9

Thou art in the sleep of death, and without thee a con- fusion! hath arisen,

Awake, and lift up thy head from this sleep, what is thy state P

Through separation from thee thy friends are in a very bad condition,

O thou who remainest separate from thy friends, what is thy state P

Thy friends through distance from thee are near to death,

Far from company of companions what is thy state P

Thy place was once in the Prayer-niche?, and now I see

The niche left empty of thee, what is thy state P

Without thee I drink the blood of my liver, ask me for once

“ Tn this drinking of blood what is thy state P ”

Over thy clay a hundred fresh soses have blossomed from my tears,

Under the clay O thou fresh vose what is thy state P

In such a woeful habitation who is nigh thee ?

The solacer of thy day, and friend of thy dark night who is he ?

O I am fallen far away from thy fair cheek,

And I am fallen through thy absence into a hundred kinds of calamity.

Thou art in the desert, while I remain in this strange city,

O God! where art thou, and I am to what place have I fallen ?

Thou hast not gathered thy whole weight of roses, and I know not now.

Why upon thee hath fallen a hundred hillocks of thorns and briars.

I knew not the worth of thy presence, and this is the requital,

That the day of retribution hath met with thee.

I would have spent my soul in thy behalf, but what can I do P

For thy busines hath fallen under God’s absolute decree.

1 Qiydmat means ‘‘ Resurrection”, also “‘ Confusion ”’, 2 See Burton’s El-Medinah and Meceah, ii, 64.

(P. 132)

[ 185 ]

Thy date was: He said, When the cypress fell,

‘ That erect cypress how suddenly it fell from its place!’

O Qadir wailing and crying doth not profit,

Strive after prayer, for the turn is come for prayer,

Ask of God, that his affairs be all laudable,

And that God may be satisfied equally with him and thee.

O Lord! may his passage be into thy garden of Paradise,

May the tower of the highest Paradise be his resting-place.

When into the garden of Paradise he passes unveiling his beauty,

May Houris and boys be on his right hand and his left.

In the dark night, when he purposed the journey to the other world,

May the light of Islam be the lamp of his dark night,

If there is no one who lights a lamp on his tomb,

May the light of the mercy of God be the taper on his tomb.

Since he has taken away his bosom from the bride the old women of Fate,

May the fresh heavenly brides be in his bosom.

Since after death no friend was with him,

May the mercy of God moment by moment be his friend.

The drops of tears, which men shed over him,

May each drop become a pure pearl, and be devoted to him.

To all eternity may his abode be the pinnacle of heaven,

This prayer from me, and may from Gabriel come: Amen!

And in this year the building of the tomb of the late Emperor, which is heart-delighting, paradise-like, was completed. It is at Dihli on the banks of the river Jumna and took Mirak Mirza Ghiyds eight or nine years to build. Its magnificent proportions are such that the eye of the spectator gazing on it admits it only with

wonder.

On Thursday the 8rd of the month of Muharram? in the year nine

hundred

and seventy-eight (978) there took place in the house of

151+60+15+ 60+ 200+64+84+5+504+1+4+20+4+54+74241

+1+ 80

+400+1+4+5 = 978,

2 The 1st month.

fe 86s 4

Shaikh Salim the rising of the star of prosperity and happiness, the Prince Murad. And a royal feast just like the former one was pre- pared. And Mulén4 Qdsim Arsalén composed a git‘ah, of which the first hemistich of each verse gives the date of the birth of those two princes, the first that of the first, and the second that of the second :—

“ The first prince, that shining moon’,

Rose like a moon from the pinnacle of glory.

That second son of king Akbar*

Came down like a descending constellation from heaven.”

Also there is another mnemosynon of the same kind :—

“From the pure light, like Sultan Salim there descended, The standard of Shah Murad bin Akbar the just®.”

And Khwajah Husain Marwi composed a git‘ah of seven verses, in which each first hemistich (P. 183) gives the date of the birth of the first prince, and each second hemistich the date of the birth of the second :—

“This sky gave two princes to the king4,

The face of both was better than the sun.

The first of them was second to the king of the world, The second of them was a heart-stealer of lofty power. The one through good luck to the king on the throne Brought the news of a hundred open doors,

The other was cause of peace and security,

The sun gave him from the moon a sleeping-cradle. The news that a king is born arises from the first, And of that the first hemistich gives the answer. From the second hemistich of each verse

Find thou the birth of the second prince.

17+ 30+10+ 50+ 300+5+7+5+ 10+ 51 + 400+ 3 +50 + 4 +5+ 40+ 6 = 983.

2 51 + 10 + 40 + 80 + 200 + 57 + 5 + 20 + 202 + 5 + 300 + 6 = 978,

3 Hach of these lines gives 977.

4 This line gives 977.

5 This line gives 976,

[ 187 ]

May there be to that king, and to that prince, The pomp of Alexander, and the glory of Afrashyab.”

On the 20th of Rabi’lakhir of this year the Emperor departed from Fathpuir, where he had remained twelve days, and then went towards Ajmir with the intention of paying his vows. He laid the founda- tions of a fortress in the environs of that pure city, and ordered a lofty palace to be built by the great Amirs. On Friday the 4th of Jamadi’l Akhir marching thence he came in the course of twelve days to Nagor. And he ordered the great tank of that city to be dug out, and distributed the work among the Amirs, and he named it Shukr-taldo.»

In this year Chandarsin, son of Maldeo, ruler of Marvdr, came to do homage to the Emperor. And Rai Kalyan Mal, Rajah of Bikanir came together with his son Rai Singh, and brought his daughter as a gift, so that she was admitted into the Imperial Haram, The Emperor gave the father leave to return to Bikanir, but the son he took along with him. On the jonrney he hunted wild asses, animals which he had never before met with, and then, with a view to visiting the tomb of that Pole-star of Shaikhs, that mine of salt, treasury of sugar, and unique one of his age, the honoured Shaikh Farid (may God sanctify his glorious tomb !), he went towards Ajodhan, which is generally known as Pattan. There Mirz& ‘Aziz Kokah, surnamed A‘zam Khan, who was the jdgzr- holder of that place, made a great feast, and offered suitable gifts and presents (P. 134) : and indeed such profuse hospitality is record- ed of but few others. This is a mnemosynon for the date :—

“ The Shah and the Prince are honoured guests.?”

Thence he went to Lahor, where he was the guest of Husain Quli Khan. And then reciting “ Return is best ” he went back by way of Hisar Firozah to the city of Ajmir, and thence by successive marches he arrived at Fathptr.

1 ¢Thanks-tank.’ The Hindustani Zaldo is a corruption of Taldb. 240+10+5+4+40+2+ 50+ 50+ 70+ 17 + 574+4+ 30045464 3004+54+7+144 +5 =978. 18

f 138 J

Muhibb ‘Ali Khan, son of Mir Khalifah, who for a long time had given up military service and lived in retirement, through the intervention of his wife N&hid Bégum, whose mother was wife to Mirza ‘I’sé Tarkhén, ruler of Tattah, was at this time graciously received: and the Emperor having presented him with a standard and kettledrum, and given him a jégér in Multan, and having written to Sa‘id Khan Moghil, ruler of Multan, in his behalf, and having sent with him his nephew Mujahid Khan, who was a very brave and daring soldier, appointed him to take Tattah. He entered Multan, and keeping nearly 400 horsemen in his own jdgir, sent some to Sultén Muhammad, governor of Bakkar, with this message : “You have often said that if I came here, I should need no other help but yours, now I have promised to take Tattah and deliver it over to the Emperor. This was represented at Court, and in full reliance on your co-operation the Emperor had appointed me to this kingdom. And now the moment for rendering assistance is come.” He wrote in answer: “If you come by way of Jaisalmir to reduce Sind, I will send you assistance ; but I will not let you pass by way of Bakkar, for I have no confidence in you.” Muhibb ‘Ali Khan and Mujahid Khan set off by the other route, and Sultan Mahmud collected his army and sent it to oppose them. Muhibb ‘Ali Khan came off victorious in the engagement which ensued, and after the defeat besieged the Bakkar-ites in the fortress of Ménélah. That fortress (P. 185) he took on terms of capitulation and quarter. Then Sultén Mahmitd sent the remnant of his army, consisting of gunners and archers, from the fortress of Bakkar to engage Muhibb ‘Ali Khan, They met with the same fate as before, and then retreated to the fortress and there made a resolute stand. But, since the crowding of people within the fortress was very great, the air be- came fearfully contaminated, and a terrible pestilence came on, so that 1,000 persons, more or less, died every day. At last in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) Sulttn Mahmud, who was an aged decrepit and imbecile old-man, himself succumbed, and the fortress fell into the hands of the Emperor. Then he sent Mir Gest from Fathptr to examine the stores and treasures of the place.

In this year Mun‘im Khan, Khan Khandn, came from Jounpitr, and brought with him Iskandar Khan Uzbek, who had escaped from

{ 139 9

the Afghans, and obtained pardon for him. Both of them the Emperor presented with a jewelled sword-belt, and a robe of honour, and a horse with a gilded saddle, and to Iskandar Khan he gave Lak’hnou as jagir. Iskandar being appointed to help the Khan Khandn re-

ceived permission to return to Jounpur. He arrived at Lak’hnou, and after some timeon the 10th of Jumadi-lawwal* of the year nine hundred and eighty (980) he laid his head on the pillow of mortal sickness, and departed this life :—

rd eae ae

“ What need of joy or sorrow, for happiness or misery, For while you wink your eye you see neither one nor the other ?”

And in this year Jamal Khan, son of Shaikh Mangan of Badatn, who was a person of decided beanty, and one of my old bosom friends, being at Sambhal with Khan Kalan on the feast of Qurbin,? was attacked with bowel-complaint, and having been administered a mouthful of areca-nué by an ignorant hand fell sick and died. And | this is the mnemosynon which was found for the date :—(P. 136)

“Ta a”

“ A hundred sighs for the youth and beauty of Kamal Khan.>”’

And the Shaikh of nations Shaikh Yagtib Carfi of Kashmir invented this mnemosynon :—

h “ He gave up life on the Feast of Qurban.*”: And in the year nine hundred and seventy-nine (979) the royal palace; at Agra, and another palace in the new town of Fathptr were finished. And Qjisim Arsalan composed the mnemosynon :

Two buildings like the highest heavens have been completed

In the time of the reign of the Lord of Conjunction of the seven climes.

One is in the city of the metropolis Agra,

The other in the district of Sikri abode of Shaikh Salfm.

1 The fifth month.

2 The 10th of Zi-l-hajjah. See Burton III, p. 280 seq. 8 Gives 928 (!).

Gives 977 (!).

[ 140 ]

Heaven for the sake of the date of these two lofty palaces — Has written with its ancient pen: Zwo highest paradises>.”

And towards the end of the blessed month of Ramzan? of this year Shaikh Salim Chishti of Fathpfr {who was one of the greatest Shaikhs of Hind, and a high master of the different stages of ad- vancement in the knowledge of God, a little of whose history will be written in the sequel to this epitome, if God, He is exalted!’ will) passed from the abode of transient pride to the abode of lasting glory. And one mnemosynon for his death is “ Shaikh « Hindi? ;” and another :—

“The date of the death of Shaikh Islém [is] The Shaikh of sages,-and the Shaikh of princes*.”

In this year a dreadful event happened to the compiler of this epitome. It is briefly as follows: When Kant and Golah became the jagir of Muhammad Husain Khan, and I, in accordance with the decree of fate, remained some time in his service, and became Qudr of that province, and had the responsibility of ministering to the faqirs, on the occasion of a pilgrimage to the shrine of that illustrious luminary, that Shaikh of nobles, that marvel of truth and religion, Shah Madar (God sanctify his glorious tomb!) at Makanptir one of the dependencies of Qannouj, I, this son of man who have imbibed my mother’s crude milk, through the nature of my disposition which is compounded of innate carelessness (which is the cause of (P. 187) wrong-doing and repentance) and of radical ignorance (which con. duces to presumption and damage, and has descended to me from the father of all flesh) wilfully closed the eyes of my intellect, and gave it the name of love. So I was captured in the net of desire and lust, and the secret contained in the ancient writing of fate was revealed, and suddenly in that shrine I committed a terrible piece of impropriety. But since the chastisement as well as the mercy of

144+6+2+45 + 300 + 400 + 2+ 200+ 10+ 50=979.

2 The ninth month.

3300 + 10 + 600+ 5 + 50+4+10=979.

4 Both expressions Shaikh i hukamd, and Shaikh i hukkdm, contain the same letters ; and in each case the sum of the numerical values of them is 979.

or. as . -

( 141 ]

God (praise to Him, and glorious is His Majesty!) was upon me, I received punishment for that transgression, and chastisement for that sin even in this world, for God granted to some of the relatives of the beloved to overcome me, from whom I receive nine sword- wounds in succession on my head and hand and back. They all merely grazed the skin except one on my head which penetrated the bone of my skull, and reached the brain, exposing me as a brainless fellow, and another partially severed the sinews of the little finger of my left hand. I became unconscious and took a journey to the other world and came back again. I hope that at the Resurrection the future may also turn out well!

“ Whatever calamity fortune hath inflicted,

I must say the truth, it was less than my deserts.

I never paid Him thanks for His goodness,

Until He certainly threw me into sorrow and woe”’.

I met with a skilful surgeon in the town of Bangarmou, and in the course of a single week my wounds were healed. In the midst of that pain and sickness I made a vow, that if I should recover from that accident, I would perform the pilgrimage of Islam. And to this moment I am still waiting to perform this vow, if God (He is exalted!) will, and I hope that He will prosper me to attain this felicity before I pay the debt of death and a breach is made in the building of hope: ‘‘ And this would not be too difficult for God?.””— “Some there are who have made good their promise, and others are

inte gik= waiting :

“ Tn this turquoise palace of ancient foundation, The son of man is wonderfully apt to err: Gratitude is not his habit,

His business is only neglect of worship.

Although he passes his whole life amid mercies, He never knows their value until they be lost.”

1 Al Qur’én XIV 23, AXXY, 18, 2 Al Qur’dn XXXII, 23,

[ 142]

(P. 138). Thence I went to Kant u Golah. ‘There after perform. ing the ablutiont I was again thrown on a bed of sickness, And Husain Khan, may God (praise to Him! He is exalted) grant him to attain to the eternal paradise! treated me with the kindness of a father or a brother beyond all mortal capacity; and when through the excessive cold the wound became ulcerous, he made me a plaster of pungent wood of the tamarisk-tree?, and made me eat a tamarisk sweet-meat, Thence I came to Badatin, where another surgeon re- opened the wound in my head, and I was near to death’s door. One day between sleep and wakefulness :—

** It was not sleep, but if was unconsciousness ”

I saw, that a number of apparitors carried me up to the heavens, And in that place there was a book and a tribunal, and the writers were busy, and a number of constables were present (as in a king’s court on earth), and staff in hand kept hurrying about. And one of the writers taking a leaf in his hand looked at it, and said : “ This is not he”, At that moment hunger opened my eyes, and so I became conscious of my wandering, and a saying, which I used to hear from the mouths of people in the days of my youth came true: “Yea the world of possibilities is wide, but the power of the First Cause is predominant, and God is predominant over his works.” During this year a dreadful fire broke out at Badain, and so many Hinds and Musalmans perished in the flames as to exceed all com- putation. Carts filled with the charred remains were driven down to the river, and none could tell who was a Moslem and who an infidel. Many to escape being burnt rushed to the ramparts of the fortress, and men and women on account of the heat of the flaming fire threw themselves down from the top of the wall. Others escaped with burns and scars. Water on that fire (P. 139) acted like oil of naphtha. All this I witnessed with my own eyes, and heard the noise of the flames with my own ears. Some it warned, others it destroyed. Before this catastrophe a half-witted fellow came from the Doab, and I took him into my house, and associated

1 T. e. ghusul-t gahhat, the first bathing after sickness. 2 Chob i gaz

=) ) sae

{ q

[ 148 J

with him. He said to me in private: “Flee out of this city.” I said: “Why?” He said: “A terrible visitation is about to happen to it.” But since he was a frequenter of taverns I did not credit him :—

“ Why do you ask about Badain and its distracted state, For it is a revelation of the verses about ‘ Lhe punishment of Jjire* +} P ”?

In the year nine hundred and eighty (980) the conquest of Gujrat took place. ‘The substance of the affair is as follows. Gujrat had fallen into the greatest confusion, and had been broken up into different petty governments, so the Emperor issued an order for the assembling of the army and made a firm determination to reduce that country to subjection. On the 20th of Qafar? he set out from the Capital, and on the 15th of Raby lawwal® the city of Ajmir became the abode of the imperial cavalcade. After visiting the sacred mausoleum of that Summary of the line of Chistis, the saint Ma‘inuddin Chisti (God sanctify his tomb, and their tombs !), the next day he proceeded to circumambuiate the tomb of Mir Sayyid Husain Khang-sawar, and this verse was composed in his honour :—

“Thanks to God that a clear light hath shone into the heart From Husain bin ‘Ali bin Husain bin ‘Ali.”

And he went up to the top of that hill, Then he sent forward Mir Muhammad, Khan Kalan, with 10,000 horse as vanguard, and hin- self by consecutive days marching arrived on the 9th of the month Jamadilawwalt at Nagor. During the night of Wednesday the second of this month the birth of the prosperous Prince Daniyal took place at Ajmir in the house of one Shaikh Daniyal by name, a holy sojourner, This good news was brought to the Hmperor at two days’ journey from Nagor. (P. 140). The Emperor named ~

1 Al Qur’én II, 120, &e, 2 The second month,

3’ The third month,

4 The fifth mouth.

[ 144 ]

him Daniyal after the said Shaikh Daniydl. The following is the mnemosynon for the date :—

“One said, May he be a keeper of the Law of the Prophet.” And the word Shari‘at? “The Law”? will do just as well.

When the Emperor arrived in the neighbourhood of Mirt’ha, news came that a Rajptit at Sarohi having come as an ambassador had struck Khdni Kalan with a jamd’har?, which is the name of a weapon well-known among the people of Hind. The weapon pierced his breast and came out at the shoulder-blade, but the wound was not mortal, The Rajptit was sent to Hell. The wound in the course of ten or fifteen days healed over, and continued to do well. When the Emperor arrived at Sarohia body of 100 or 50 Rajpiits, as is their hereditary custom, some in idol-temples and some in the palace of the Rajah of Sarohi bound themselves to die, and went forth to fight, and were slain toa man. In this engagement Dost Muham- mad, son of the late Tatar Khan governor of Dihli, whom they call TAtarcheh, became a martyr. While the Emperor was at this place he appointed Rai Singh of Bikanir governor of Joudhptr, in order that he might go by way of Gujrat and prevent any harm being done to any one by Rénd& Kiké ruler of Gogandah and Kumalmair*, And Man Singh, son of Rajah Bhagawan Das he sent with a well appointed army in the direction of [dar in pursuit of the sons of Sher Khan Fuladi®, who had gone in that direction with all his family and relatives. In the beginning of the month Rajab® the Emperor encamped outside Pattan, and gave that place as jagir to Sayyid Ahmad Khan Barha, brother of Sayyid Mahmtid. Man Singh having spoiled the remnant of the army of the Afghans re- joined the Emperor bringing much booty.

When Sher Khan obtained news of the Emperor’s approach (P. 141), he raised the siege of Ahmadabad, in which he had for the

1 51 + 90 + 200 + 800 + 200+ 70+ 50+12+2+4+1+4 4=980.

2 300 + 200 + 10 + 70 + 400 = 980.

3 Sanscrit jamd’ hara “ death-bearer”’, a large dagger with a basket hilt. 4 See p. 102.

5 See Briggs, Hrishta IV, pp. 156 and 165.

6 The seventh month.

ail

[ 145 ]

space of six months been engaged along with I‘timad Khan, the ghuldém and absolute vazir of Sultin Mahmiid Gujrati, and the army of the Afghans became dispersed. On Sunday the 9th of the month Rajab of this year Muzaffar, son of Sultin Mahmiid Gujrati, whom I‘timad Khan had kept continually in confinement, so as to keep the power in his own hands, came and did homage tothe Emperor, Eventually he was given into the charge of Shah Manetir vaz¢r (whose history will be narrated, if God will), and he was granted a monthly allow- ance of 30 rupees. After some years he escaped and regained his government. But he was taken prisoner by the Rajah of Strat, who, when he had thus secured him, sent him towards Chindgarh to A‘zam Khan, But on the road he laid violent hands on himself, and killed himself with a stroke of a razor. Subsequent events will be narrated in detail.

The next day I‘timéd Khan, and Shah Abu Turéb, and Sayyid Hamid Bokhéri, and Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk the Abyssinian, and Malike ush-Sharq, and Wajih-ul-mulk, and Ulugh Khan the Abyssinian, and Jajhar Khan the Abyssinian, and the other Amirs of Gujrat, came one and all and were granted an interview with the Emperor. And I‘timad Khén brought the key of the city of Ahmaddbdd. The Emperor entrusted the Abyssinians to trusty officers of his own to be employed in guarding his harem. On Friday the 14th of Rajab he pitched his tents on the banks of the river of Ahmadabad, and the Khutbah’ was read. On the 20th of this month Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha and Shaikh Mahmtid Bokhari brought the Emperor’s harem into the Imperial camp.

On Monday the 2nd of Sha‘bin? the Emperor seé6 out from Ahmadabad in the direction of Cambay with the intention of repulsing Ibribim Husain Mirzi and Muhammad Husain Mirzé, who had seized Bhroj and Barodah and Strat. Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk the Abys- sinian, who was the leading man among the Amirs of Gujrat, seized this opportunity, and escaping from Ahmadabad, fled to Ahmad- nagar. And, since it was impossible to put any confidence in I‘timad Khan, the Emperor committed him to the charge of Shahbaz

7 See page [1]. ? The eighth month, 19

[ 146 ]

(P. 142) Khan Kambo. On the 6th of Sha‘bin the Emperor arrived at the port of Cambay. On the 14th of this month he arrived at the town of Barodah, and committing the government of Gujrat entirely unfettered into the hands of Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah, he dis- missed him to Ahmadabad.!

On the 17th of Sha‘ban news arrived, that Ibrahim Husain Mirz& had put to death Rustam Khin Rami in the fortress of Bhroj, and that he was intending to pass within eight cosses of the Imperial camp. On this account the Emperor, left the camp, in which was the young prince Salim, under the guardianship of Khwaéjah Jahdn, and Shuji‘at Khan and several others of the Amirs, and having sent Shahbaz Khan to fetch Sayyid Mahmtd Barha, and Shéh Quli Khén Muharram and the rest of the Amirs, who had been appointed to go towards Strat, he took with him Malik-ush.« Sharq Gujrati as his guide, and set off by forced marches with the intention of extirpating Mirza Ibrahim Husain. When the Hmperor arrived at the banks of the river Mahindri, night had come on. He crossed with 40 horse, when news was brought that Mirz&i Ibrahim Husain had alighted in the town of Sarnal on the other side of the river. So the faithful companions of the Emperor began to arm themselves. During the night the Amirs, who had been sent to Strat, were enabled to forma junction with the Emperor. Man Singh was appointed to lead the vanguard, and with 100 men crossed the river. Then Mirzi Ibrahim Husain, who had a force of 1,000 horse, when news came to him of the rapid approach of the Emperor, evacuated the town of Sarnal by another road, and drew up his army in the plain with the intention of making a determined stand. Man Singh advanced in one direction by the broken ground and shallows on the banks of the river Mahindri, and the Emperor by another road. At last a collision between the opposite parties took place. LIbréhim Husain Mirz4 charged against Baba Khan Qaqshdl and his company of archers, and made them fall back for a’ considerable distance, and some were killed on both sides. (P. 143). At this moment a son of Rajah Bhagvant Dés*, named

7 Capital of Gujrat. 2 Son of Rajah Bihari Mall,

—

a, deal

[ 147 ]

Bhunpat? met with his death in that conflict. Then the enemy, taking courage, charged the imperial army, which was in position on uneven ground closely hemmed in on either side by a growth of prickly-pears.? Three of the enemy pressed forward in front of the rest. One of them attacked Rajah Bhagvant Das, who struck him with a hand-pike from behind the prickly-pears, and compelled him to retire wounded. The other two made a rush at the Emperor, who was in front of his men; but they could not stand his blows, and had to retire, and Maqbtil Khan a ghuldm of Sarkh Badakhshi went in pursuit of those two fellows. Then the imperial army made an attack on all sides on Mirza Ibrahim Husain, which he was not able to withstand, and so took to flight. Many of his men were killed in this conflict, and innumerable were the slain. After he had gained the victory, as night was coming on, the Emperor ordered the pursuit to be abandoned. So Ibrahim Husain Mirzé with a few followers managed to reach Sarohi® by way of Ahmadnagar. Thence he came to Nagor, where he again engaged the Amirs, and being put to flight he passed by Dihli and returned once more to the dis- trict of Sambhal. The issue of the event will be recounted in its proper place,‘ if God, He is exalted, will.

On the 18th of Sha‘bin® the Emperor returned, and rejoined the imperial camp at Barodah. Thence he set out with the object of reducing the fort of Strat. This fort had been built by Khudawand Khan, Wazir of Gujrat, on the bank of the river® to oppose the Por- tuguese in the year nine hundred and forty-seven (947). After the death of Chingiz Khan (P. 144) the Mirzas had seized it. And when Gujrat was conquered, the Mirzas, having shut up their families and dependants in their place, and having entrusted the absolute government of it to one Hamzaban by name, chamberlain

1 Sanskrit Bhwvan-patt ‘world-protector’. His other sons were Rajah Man Singh, Madhu Singh, and Pratab Singh.

2 Az-zaqqum, a tree said in the Qur’4n (XX XVII, 60) to grow in the midst of Hell. It is the euphorbia of the ancients.

3 In Rajpitana,

4 Text p. 149.

The eighth month.

6 Tapti is the name of the river.

{ 148 }

to the late Emperor, who had fled from the service of the present Emperor and gone over to the enemy, scattered themselves about the district and kept laying the foundation of rebellion. But, when news of the defeat of Ibrahim Husain Mfrz& reached the gar- rison of that fort, Gulrikh Bégum, daughter of Kamran Mirza and wife of Ibrahim Husain Mirz4, took with her her son Muzaffar Husain (who is now honoured with the dignity of being son-in-law of the Emperor), and made for the Dakkan. And Sh&h Quli Khan Mahram*, who together with CQadiq Muhammad Khan and others had previousty been appointed to besiege the fort, went a consider- able distance in pursuit of the Mirzd’s men, and then came back with part of his baggage and effects which they had succeeded in capturing. Now before the arrival of the Emperor in person, he had sent Rajah Todarmal to thoroughly reconnoitre the fort, and with instructions to submit to H. I. Majesty an accurate statement of the results of his investigation. He represented to the Emperor that the fort might be taken as easily as possible in a very short time, Accordingly on the 18th of the blessed month Ramzan? the Emperor encamped at one cos distant from the fort, and proceeded to surround it, as the halo surrounds the moon. He distributed? the entrenchments [among his forces] and by perpetual assaults he re- duced the garrison to extremities. In the course of two months he threw up immense mounds and high batteries, and the gunners and artillerymen kept up such a fire from under cover of them, that not an individual of the garrison of the fort dared to show his head. On the other side of the fort, which was contiguous to a tank of

water he built a palace, and throwing up dams in its vicinity he cut -

off the water-supply from the besieged. Then the inhabitants of the fort sent out one Milind Nizim-ud-din by name, a student of the art of rhetoric, (P. 145) to sue for quarter on the score of their weakness, defeat, and misery. Through the intervention of the Amirs

1 So called because the Emperor, from good-will towards him, admitted him into his female apartments (aram). See further in Blochm., p. 306.

2 The ninth month.

3 Bakhsh kardah seems to mean “haying distributed,” (like tagsém namidah) but the author does not specify among whom. The reading of the Lak’hnou lithographed edition is the same.

—

a yy

[ 149 ]

he was admitted to an audience, and the petition of the people of the fort attained the grade of acceptance, and he was dismissed to announce to them the joyful news. The Emperor appointed Qésim ‘Ali Khan Bakkal, and Khwajah Doulat Nazir to go and re-assure Hamzaban and all the besieged, and to bring them to an audience. And a number of orthodox clerks were appointed to write down the names of the men, and to make an inventory of the property, so that everything was brought before His Majesty.

Out of the whole number of the people, the Emperor, after a severe reprimand and admonition, gave over to the keeper of pri- soners a few others as well as Hamzaban, who during the time of the siege had let fall some rude words, and impolite expressions. All the others he freely pardoned. This victory took place on the twenty-third of the month Shawwal? in the year nine hundred and eighty (980). And Ashraf Khin Jr Munshi composed this git‘ah :—

“ The country-subduer Akbar Ghazi, without dispute

There is no key of the forts of the world like his sword,

He has taken by assault the fort of Strat,

The victory was gained only by his auspicious arm.

The date of the victory is He has taken a wonderful fort,*

But to the fortune of the Shah of the world such things are not wonderful.”

The next day the Emperor went to inspect the fort, and gave orders that its breaches and ruins should be repaired and rebuilt. During this inspection he came across some large cannon, and im- mense pieces of ordinance. ‘They had been brought by sea by Sulai- man Sultdén the Emperor of Turkey, when he came with a large army intending to take possession of the ports of Gujrdt; but afterwards on account of some adverse circumstances that army retired, and those cannon from that time were left behind (P. 146) on the river

1 For this expression compare Text, p. 275, 1. 6, and 292, 1. 4 infra. 2 The tenth month.

3 Ghdzt means one who fights against infidels, not victorious. 47043 +2 +4100 + 80+ 70+ 6 + 20 + 200 + 80 + 400 = 980,

[ 150 ]

bank. At the time of the building of Strat Khuddwand Khan Wazir brought most? of them into the fort, and the remainder the Governor of Jtindgarh dragged into that fortress. The Hmperor commanded that they should be removed from there, where so many were of no use, and be carried to the fortress of Agrah.

They say that the reason for Khudaiwand Khdan’s building this fort was, that the Portuguese used to exercise all kinds of animosity and hostility against the people of Islam, and used to occupy them- selves in devastating the country, and tormenting the pious. At the time of the commencement of the building they ceased not to throw the builders into confusion, firing continually at them from their ships, but they could not prevent them. ‘The architects skilled in geometry and expert in subtleties carried the foundations of the centre of the fort down to the water, and also dug a moat of the same depth, and on the two sides of the fort which adjoined the land they built a wall of stone, adamant, and burnt brick, The length of the wall was thirty-five yards, and the breadth of the four walls of the fort was fifteen yards, and their height as well as the depth of the moat was twenty yards. The centres of each two stones were joined with iron clamps, and the interstices and joints were made firm with molten lead. The battlements and embrasures were so lofty and beautiful that the eye of the spectator was aston- ished at them. On the bastions which overlooked the sea they made a gallery, which in the opinion of the Huropeans, is a speciality of Portugal and an invention of their own. The Europeans were very much opposed to the building of that Chowkandé,? and endeavoured to prevent it by force of arms. But at last they resorted to peaceful measures, and agreed to pay a round sum of money, if they would leave off building the Chowkandi, But Khudawand Khan through his love and zeal for (P. 147) Islam gave the reins to his high spirit, and would not consent, and in spite of the Christians soon carried out his purpose of completing the building.

The very same day the Emperor delivered over the fort to the command of the son of Qulij Khan, and on the 14th of Zi-qa‘dah he returned to Ahmadabad.

1 One seems compelled by the context thus to render Hama ‘all’, 2 See Hlliott V, p. 503 notes,

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During the time of the siege several events took place. First of all, Mirz4 Sharaf-ud-din Husain, who had been a wanderer for ten years, and had at last fallen into the hands of Bahdr-Jiv, Rajah of the district of Baglina,* was bound and brought into the imperial presence. The Emperor was content with handing this ill-condi- tioned fellow over to the keeper of prisoners, after he had given him a severe reprimand, Next, while at the halting-place of Bahronch the mother of Chingiz Khan*® came and demanded justice, and sued for retaliation against Jahjar Khan the Abyssinian, who had basely slain Chingiz Khan. After the circumstances had been investigated the murderer confessed, and the Emperor had him thrown under the feet of an elephant. Next, while the siege of Stirat was actually in progress, Ibrahim Husain Mirzé after his defeat went from the station of Sarnal to the confines of Patan, and joined Muhammad Husain Mirzi and Shah Mirza. Here they thought of a plan for raising the siege of the fort of Strat. Their scheme was as follows : Ibrahim Husain Mirza was to go towards Hindistan with a view to stirring up rebellion, while Muhammad Husain Mirzi together with Shér Khan Fuladi were to lay siege to Patan, so that the Emperor becoming uneasy concerning their movements should be obliged to come to Ahmadabad. Meanwhile Sayyid Ahmad Khan had shut himself up in Patan, and made a brave resistance. ‘Then Qutb-ud- din Muhammad Khan with all the renowned Amirs, who were the fief-holders of MAlwah and Chandéri, went to the assistance of Sayyid Ahmad Khan. And Rastam Khan and ‘Abd-ul-Matlab Khan, and Shaikh Muhammad Bokhari of Dihli came to Ahmadabad, and together with A‘zam Khan returned to Patan. Then (P. 148) Muhammad Husain Mirzé, and Shah Mirzd, and Shér Khan Fiéladi raised the siege, and falling in with them at 5 cosses from Patan they fought so fierce a battle that the memory of it will remain on the volume of history. The right wing of A‘zam Khan attacked the vanguard of the enemy, and also threw their left wing into con- fusion, and the Amirs doing all that valour could require of them stood their ground firmly until the breeze of victory fanned the

~ The Text has incorrectly Yakldéna. See Blochm., p. 328, and Brigg’s T- rishta LV, p. 614,

The late king of Gujrat.

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prosperous banner of the Emperor, and they dispersed the enemy like flakes of scattered clouds, and the soldier pursued in quest of plunder. But Khaini A‘zam? with a few men did not move from his post, when suddenly like an unexpected calamity Shér Khan Fuladi (who was a great opium-eater, and had been delayed for a whole watch at the latrines through constipation, which like a hand- grip, is a necessary evil with opium-eaters) arrived with 2,000 or 8,000 horsemen, more or less, on the empty field after both sides had done fighting, and attacked Shaikh Muhammad Bokhari, who was still engaged with a few of the enemy, and confusion returned and Shaikh Muhammad became the rose of the garden of victory? :—

“He made a pen of his sword from the point to the hilt, It wrote in blood the dictum: He was not.”

Meanwhile Khan i A‘zam moved from his place, and charged those men on all sides, so that Shér Khan having contrived to rejoin his friends took to flight. When they asked him, “ Why did you kill the son of your superior ?’’ he replied, “ We heard that of the number of the leaders of the Moghuls Shah Budégh Khan and one other through excessive valour would not leave the battle-field, under the impression that it was they, we attacked Shaikh Muhammad ; but certainly if we had known who it was, we should never have taken a step towards killing him.” Then Muhammad Husain Mirza went towards the Dakkan, (P. 149), and Shér Khan took refuge in the fortress of Jinagarh, of which place Amir Khan Ghori was governor. ‘This victory took place on the 18th of the blessed month of Ramzan? in the year nine hundred and eighty (980). A‘zam Khan leaving the fort of Patan in the old manner in charge of Ahmad Khan Barhah went to Strat, and paid his homage to the Emperor, And Qutb-ud-din, and the other Amirs, having managed to hunt out of the jungles and forts Ikhtiyar-ul-mulk the Abyssinian (who had escaped from those to whom he had been given in charge as prisoner, and fled to Ahmad-abad* and joined the enemy, and after

1 Another name for A‘zam Khan.

Was slain.

3 The ninth month.

4 Another reading is Ahmad-nagar. Comp. p. 164, 1. 11 Text.

| |

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his flight had laid the foundation of rebellion, and seized several places), and having left stations and patrols in that district, at the time that the imperial camp came from Strat to Mahmtdabad joined the Court.

Towards the end of the month Zi-qa‘dah‘ of the aforementioned year Ahmadabad became the place of the imperial residence. The Emperor stayed in that place ten days, and having conferred the government of Ahmadabad on A‘zam Khan, and having given the other cities to the other Amirs of the Atgah-clan,® and having pre- sented Muzaffar Khan with two and a half cosses as jdgtr, and having given away Sarangptr, and Ujjain, and the whole of the district of Malwah, on the day of the Festival of Qorbin he march. ed out from Ahmadabad, and in the month Muharram? of the year nine hundred and eighty-one (981), moving from station to station, arrived ab Ajmfr. At this place he received a letter from Sha‘id Khan containing news of the capture of Mirza Ibrahim, and of his departure from a world full of trouble and degradation. And on the 2nd of Cafar* in this year the metropolis was once more glorified and adorned by the return of His Imperial Majesty.

The following is a compendium of the adventures of Ibrahim Husain Mirzé. He went first from Gujrat to Mirat’h with the in- tention of stirring up rebellion and revolt in that kingdom. He plundered a caravan which was going to Agrah (P. 150), and came to Nagér, in which place Farrukh Khan, son of Khan-i Kalan, shut himself up. The Mirza plundered some of the houses in the suburbs, and having stayed there one day went off to Narnoul. When he had arrived within 20 cosses of Narncul it happened that Rai Ram and Rai Singh, who had been entrusted with guarding the road to Gujrat, taking about 1,000 horsemen with them set off by forced marches from Jodhptir to Nagér. Then Farrukh Khan set off in their company in pursuit of the Mirza, and alighted at K’hatouli. The Mirza fled without leaving any mark or trace, and so got off. When the Musalmans in the camp were keeping the fast, they haltea

1 The eleventh month. 2 See above p. 49, note 4. 5 The first month, 4 The second month. 20

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by the side of a great tank in that neighbourhood with the intention of breaking fast, then the Mirzd, having gone some distance and returned, on the second night of tbe blessed month of Ramzdn* in the year nine hundred and eighty (980) taking them quite unawares made a night-attack on them, and attacking them suddenly on both flanks rained a shower of arrows upon them. They on their side seized their shields and did not waver, but fought manfully. And he, since he could not prevail, and his men did not amount to 700, found himself in difficulties, and retreated. In that dark night many of his soldiers becoming scattered were taken prisoners in the villages and wildernesses, and were put to death on the spot where they were taken. Of this number a 100 men fell into the hands of Farrukh Khan, and became food for the sword. And others were wounded and after a hundred troubles managed to reach the Mirza. But through the disgracefulness of their wicked enterprise their affairs nowhere prospered. So the Mirz4 with 300 men, ravaging the country as he went, crossed the rivers Ganges and Jumna, and eame to the pargana of A‘zamptr, which had formerly been his jagir. He thought that, since Sambhal was in its rear, a fortress like Mount Kumétn, and in front a moat like the Ganges, if he were to take refuge there and settle himself in that place, many men would return to him (P. 151). But this idea of his was not realized, and the imperial Amirs hemmed him in on every side, and the mean- ing of the [Arabic saying] “ Hxpectancy hinders advance?” became manifest.

Husain Khan® Mahdi Qasim Khaini at that time, before the pub- lication of the news concerning Ibréhim Husain Mirzé and his going towards Dihli, went to Kant-u-Golah, which was his jagér, with the intention of quelling the insurgents of Baddétin and Patydali. Meanwhile Makhdim-ul-mulk Milind ‘Abd-ullah Sulténptiri, and Rajah Bahdr Mal, who was wahdl and absolute wazir, wrote a letter to him from Fathptr informing him, that Ibrahim Husain Mirzé

2 The ninth month.

2 Such seems to me to be the meaning of Af-talabu vaddu-t-tartg ; but I am not sure.

He was sister’s son and also son-in-law to Mahdi Qésim Khan, (Blochm., p. 372). For this reason he is called Mahdi-Qdsim-Khdani,

a4 [ 155 ]

having suffered defeat on two oceasions had arrived in the vicinity of Dibli, and that, since the Emperor was absent from the Capital, his lordship would do well to hasten thither as quickly as possible. In accordance with this request he proceeded in that direction, but when he had arrived on his march at the village of Oudh, in the pargana of Jalésah*, news came in that Rajah Awésar, who had continually infested the roads since the accession of the Emperor, and had kept up rebellion in the vicinity of Xgrah, had now become a regular brigand. Moreover that he had already had many severe encounters, and obstinately fought skirmishes with some of the renowned Amirs, and had slain many excellent men, and was now hidden in the jungle of the village of Nourdhi in the pargana of Jalésah. At midday on the 15th of the blessed month of Ramzan? in the aforesaid year, when the men were off their guard and march- ing in loose order, and most of them were fasting, suddenly the rattle of musketry and arrows burst on them, and they found them- selves engaged in a hot skirmish. The Rajah with the help of the villagers® had erected crow;’-nests in the trees, and from that vantage- ground many useful men became marks* for arrows and musket-balls, and some were martyred, and others were wounded. At the very beginning of the battle-moil (P. 152) a musket-ball struck Husain Khan below the knee, glanced off and struck his saddle and spent itself on the head of his horse. He became faint and nearly fell from his saddle, but with great presence of mind he grasped the pommel of his saddle and kept his seat. I threw water on his face, Those who were around him and in front thought that ib was perhaps weakness caused by fasting, but I seized his bridle wishing to draw him under the shelter of a tree, where he might be safe from the shower of arrows. When there he opened his eyes and contrary to his usual custom shot a glance of anger at me, and querulously made signs as much as to say, “ What are you holding myreins for? You had better go down into the battle.’”’ So they left him in that state

1 Elliot and Blochmann Jalesar.

® The ninth month.

= Comp. p. 10, note 2.

The word used here seems to be the Hindi bishai = bikhai, Sanskr. vishaya , object.

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and went down and joined in the fray. Such confusion then raged, and so many men were killed on both sides, that imagination were too weak to number them. Eventually, in accordance with [the promise] “ Al-Islim shall conquer, and not be conquered,” towards evening the breeze of victory blew to the side of the small handful of religious warriors, and the infidels company by company and crowd by crowd took to flight, but not before our soldiers were so tired that they could scarcely wield a sword or shoot an arrow. In that thick forest they became so commingled, that friend could not be distinguished from foe, and yet through weakness they could not make an end of one another. Some of the servants of God showed such fortitude as to merit the excellence both of waging a holy war, and also of maintaining a strict fast. But I on the contrary was so weak, that I took a single draught of water to moisten my throat, for want of which some gave up the ghost, and several ex- cellent friends of mine became martyrs :—

Never does Heaven regard my affair,

Nor make me happy in granting me a single wish, It moistens not my lip with a drop of water, Except it rain my eye-blood on my bosom.”

After this victory Husain Khan returned by forced marches to Kant-u-Golah, and strengthened those places. At the same time Ibrahim Husain Mirza, arrived in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Lak’hnou, which is (P. 158) fifteen cosses from Sambhal.*

In spite of that wound [Husain Khan] riding in a litter advanced to Bans Baréli in order to force the Mirza into action, and from that place he reached Sambhal in one day by a forced march. When the Mirz& became assured of this bold stroke of his, he did not see the advantage of fighting, but retreated by way of Amrohah, in the neighbourhood of Lak’hnou, and put a distance of fourteen cosses between us and him. But, if he had attacked Husain Khan in hig wounded state, God knows what would have been theissue! It was one of the mistaken pieces of policy on the part of the Mirza, that he did not attack Husain Khan when he was in this weak state.

2 Sumbhal was the paternal estate of Ibrahim Husain Mirz4, Elliot V, 505.

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Mu‘in-ud-din Khan Farankhidi, governor of Sambhal, with a con- siderable force, and various other Amirs, jégir-holders of the neigh- bourhood, who had taken refuge in the fortress, when they heard at midnight the roll of the drums of Husain Khan, thought that the Mirza was upon them, and were quite overcome with fear. But, when from the extremity of the fort the ery arose that it was Husain Khan coming to their assistance, they came out joyfully to meet him. The next day they came to the abode of Shaikh Fath-ullah Tarin’, who was one of the renowned deputies of Shaikh- ul-islim Fathptri, and sat in council and considered it advisable that all of them together with Tolak Khan Qiichin® and Bég Nurin Khan and Rahman Quli Khan and Kakar ‘Ali Khan and the other Amirs of the jagzr of the neighbourhood of Dihli, who were come to repulse the Mirza, should wait for us in the pargana of Ahdr on the bank of the river Ganges, and that when a junction should have been effected, we should carry out whatever plans they might fix upon. Husain Khan exclaimed “Good God! The Mirzi came to this neighbourhood with a small party of horse, while you with an army twice or four times as large as his (P. 154) were at the fortress of Sambhal; and you twenty or thirty Amirs, all old sol- diers too, with a large force are so dismayed that you would shut yourselves up in the fortress of Ahdr, which is a regular rat-hole, This will give occasion to the Mirza to become bold and to ravage the imperial territories. Now there are two courses open to us, one of which we must follow. Hither you must cross the Ganges, and under cover of that old fortress must intercept the Mirza, and prevent his getting over the Ganges. JI will follow up in his rear, and we shall see what will happen. Or I will hasten and cross the Ganges and head the Mirzi, while you pursue him. This is our duty as loyal subjects.” But they could not agree upon any course until Husain Khan, driven by necessity, went off in haste with the horsemen he had to the Amirs at Ahdr, and inveighed loudly against their shutting themselves up in that fortress. He brought them out, and in turn held a council with them. ‘The enemy,” he said, “is enclosed in the heart of the country, and is just like a

1 Another reading is Afyhan Tarbant, and Elliot (Tabaqat-i Akbarf) Zarbaté, 2 See p. 54, note 2,

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hare appearing in the midst of a camp, if you move briskly we shall be able to make a fine coup and take him alive, and the glory of the victory will be yours.” They replied: “In accordance with the written instructions of Makhdtim-ul-mulk and Rajah Bahér Mal we have driven the Mirz& out of the neighbourhood of Dihli, and compelled him to make for Sambhal. Now Mut‘in-ud-din Ahmad Khan, commandant of that district, and the jdgir-holders of that neighbourhood are responsible for the matter. But we are merely ordered to defend Dihli, and not to wage a war against the Mirza, a course in which various dangers are to be dreaded. Meanwhile intelligence arrived that the Mirzi had plundered Amrohah, and having crossed the Ganges at the ford of Choubalah was marching rapidly on Lahdér. Then Husain Khan, being convinced of lack of loyalty on the part of the Amirs, (P. 155) hastily separated himself from them, and went by forced marches to Gadha Muktésar in order

to capture the Mirza :—

“Take up thine abode with the favorites of fortune, Flee, swift as an arrow, from the unfortunate.”

The only ones of the imperial Amirs who supported him were Turk Subhan Quli and Farrukh Diwdnah ; but while he was at this place the Amirs of Ahar wrote him a letter, saying: “Do not be in a hurry, for we will join you. Eleven are better than nine.” And they came more by compulsion than of free will, and the verse? of the glorious word: “ Thou lookest on them as united, but their hearts are divided ”’ exactly fits the case of those people. The Mirza, like the rook on a cleared chess-board, came into the heart of the country, plundering and ravaging the towns in his way. When he arrived at the village of Payal, the Mirza’s men committed such atrocities on the Musalman people and their families as cannot well be de- scribed. For instance, twelve virgins in that village were ill-treated to such a degree that they died. Other towns were treated in just

1 They meant, doubtless, that they were not sure how far they might be pleasing the Emperor, if they proceeded to extremities with the Mirza, whose wife Gulrikh Bégum was a daughter of Kamran Mirza and consequently the Emperor’s first cousin. But see the result, p. 161 Text.

2 Al Qur’fn LIX, 14.

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the same way. Husain Khan advanced gradually in tle track of the Mirza, with the Amirs in his rear, till they came to Sarhind, At that place they turned refractory and took the opportunity of all remaining behind. But Husain Khan not being content [to remain] with the force that he had, which did not number 100 men, left Sarhind by rapid marches, together with the two [Amirs mentioned above], and arrived at Ltidiyanah. There intelligence arrived that on the Mirza’s reaching the environs of Lahér, the garrison had shut the gates against him, and that the Mirzd had passed on thence and gone to Sher Gadha and Jahni.

Now Husain Quli Khan, who was beseiging Nagarkot and the fort of Kangrah, heard of the Mirz4’s doings, and having made an agreement with the Hindus (P. 156), and received from the people of Nagark6t five man of gold as a doucewr, after reading the khuthah in the Emperor’s name, set out from that place with Mirz& Yisuf Khan and Masnadi ‘Ali’ Fatti, a ghuldém of ‘Adali, Isma‘il Quli Khan, Rajah Birbar, and other Amirs, and pursued him as far as Sankrah. When Husain Khan heard news of this, under the in- fluence of that madness which so often attacks the wits of poor mortals, he swore an oath that he would not touch food until he came up with Husain Quli Khan. He crossed the river Biy&h at the ford of Talwandi, and went by forced marches to Sher Gadha a dependency of Jahni, There he paid a visit to his reverence Shaikh Did Qadiri Jahni-waél, the greatest Pole-star, the master and asylum of sainthood (God sanctify his tomb!). When food was served, he excused himself from eating on account of his oath. The Shaikh observed that it was easy to atone for an oath, but silly to distress one’s friends. The Khan immediately called for a slave, and set him free,* and thus atoned for his oath. He then partook

1 Masnadi ‘Al is an Afghaén title. It was given to Fattti Khan, or Fath Khan. He seems to be the same Fath Khan whom Sulaimin Kararéni put in charge of Rohtas in Bihér (Text, p. 77). Blochm. p. 502,

2 Al Qur’in V, 91. ‘God will not punish you for an inconsiderate word in your oaths …… the expiation of such [an oath shall be] the feeding of ten poor men with such moderate food as ye feed your families withal ; or to clothe them ; or to free the neck ; but he who shall not find [wherewith to perform one of these three things] shall fast three days,”

[ 160 }

of food, and benefited by the gracious words which he heard. He remained there that night. The monastery of the Shaikh provided entertainment for all the party, and his private fields furnished grass and corn for the horses. In the morning he left the place.

Three days after this I came from Lahdér to Sher Gadh, and attend- ed his reverence for four days, seeing and hearing such things as had never entered my imagination, and the mystery of the saying, “ When they desire the remembrance of God &e. ” became manifest. And I extemporized some verses, which I presented, and they were accepted. The verses are as follows :—

“O! the stock of thine origin is free from water and clay, (P.157) Thy pure spirit like the Prophet is the mercy of the worlds.

Thy mighty name is David, through the impression of it,

Like Solomon, spirits and men come under thy signet.

“ There is the face of God”, I could not understand for years,

Isaw thy face, and the pupil of the eye of truth became clear.”

I requested to be allowed to renounce the work and burden of worldly affairs, and to choose for myself the office of sweeping the monastery, But he would not permit it, and said that I ought now to go to Hindistdn. So I took leave in such a desolate state of mind and distraction of heart, as may no other ever experience, and prepared to depart. At the moment of departure lamentation involuntarily burst forth from my sorrowing soul, and when this came to the ears of his reverence, although no one is properly allowed to remain in that monastery more than three days, he kept me there a fourth, and told me things, the sweetness of which still remains in my heart :—

“T go homeward from this door,

But my heart is without choice :

T lament so much that you would think I was going to a foreign country.”

And a few of my own adventures I propose (if God will) to recount in the appendix to this book.

1 Al Qur’An II, 109 “The Hast and the West is God’s : therofore, whichever way we turn, there is the face of God : Truly God is Omnipresent, Omniscient.”

»(

E tor 4

One stage from Tulambah’ Husain Khan wrote a letter to Husain Quli Khan, saying: “Since I have come 400 cosses by forced marches, if you would let me be a participator in this victory, and postpone the battle one day, it would be only friendly.” Husain Quli Khan said “ All right!,” and sent the courier back. But that very day, as quickly as ever he could, outside the fortress of Tulam- bah, which is within 40 cosses of Multan, he commenced the attack. The Mirza had gone on a hunting expedition, and was quite unaware of his approach. Some of the Mirza’s men were preparing to march, and others were quite unprepared and (P. 158) dispersed about, and not drawn up in any regular order of battle. Mas‘tid Husain Mirzé, younger brother of Mirzi Ibrahim Husain, took the initiative, and attacked the foree of Husain Quli Khan, but his horse stumbled on the uneven ground, and he fell to the ground and was taken prisoner. When Mirza Ibrahim Husain returned from hunting, all chance was gone, and however bravely he fought and charged repeatedly it made no difference, and so, seeing that he could do nothing, he turned his reins and fled. The day after the victory Husain Khan arrived at Tulambah with eighty or ninety men, and drums beating. Husain Quli Khan showed him the battle-field and recounted to him each man’s exploits. Husain Khan then said: “ Since the enemy has escap- ed with his life, you ought to pursue him and take him prisoner, for the business is not yet complete.’ Husain Quli Khan replied: “Since I have come by forced marches from Nagarkdt, and my army has been subjected to great exertions in the mountain district, and is not in proper condition, this victory is enough for me, now let other friends have a turn.” Husain Kh4n now hoped that his turn was come, and that the hardships and forced marches of 500 cosses had opened a way for him, so he took his leave, and pressed forward. Some of his men, who were worn out with fatigue, he sent with the elephants and drums to Lahdr, and taking but a few men with him he continued the pursuit of the hapless Mirza. There was but a short distance between him and the Mirza, when onenight the latter with 400 horsemen halted on the banks of the Biyah and Satlij, at the point where the two streams unite. The Jhils, who are a low

» Tabaqdt- Akbart has here Talwandi, Elliot V, 508. Comp. Text, p. 156, 1. 6, 21

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class of Multdn peasants, assembled and made a night attack on him, and poured a shower of arrows (P. 159) upon him. The Mirza with a party of men, some of them wounded, and some of them disabled and in a miserable plight, did what he could to beat off their assailants. But, in accordance with the proverb’ :—

‘A shout is enough for a conquered army,” to] >

the Jhils came off victorious. Suddenly during the encounter an arrow, by the decree of God, struck the Mirz& on the back of his head and came out at his throat. Then since all was over with him he changed his dress, and his men left him and fled scattered in all directions. But wherever they went, they became marks for the arrow of fate and went to retribution. One or two old servants of the Mirza dressed him in the garments of a Kalandar? and endeavoured to get him into some place of safety. 1n his extreme weakness they brought him for refuge to spend the night in the abode of a hermit Dervish, Shaikh Zakariya by name, who openly applied a molifying ointment to the wound of the Mirza, but secretly sent information of his whereabouts to Sa‘id Khan at Multan: — _

“ Wherever an ascetic dwells, There treachery is found,”

Satid Khan sent a ghulam, Doulat Khan by name, to bring in the Mirza a prisoner, and wrote a dispatch and sent it to the Court at the time that the Emperor was coming to Ajmir on his return from Gujrat. When Husain Khan heard of the capture of the Mirza, he hastened to Multaén, and saw Sa‘id Khdn. Husain Khéin made some difficulty about seeing the Mirza and said: “ If when E see him I should sa/ém to him, it will be inconsistent with my loyalty to the Court ; and if I do not, it will be uncourteous, and the Mirzé will say to himself, ‘This Qulgaeh7,° when he received quarter at the siege of Satwas, thought good to make sa/éms without number; now

2 Roebuck I, p. 294. 2 A wandering Musalman ascetic.

This word occurs again p. 191, 1, 20 Text.

{ 108 3

that evil days are fallen upon me, he treats me cavalierly’.’” When the Mirza heard of his ceremonious words, (P. 160) he said : “ Come and see me without obeisance, for I waive that.” Still he made his salém, when he went to see him. The Mirzé said with sorrow: “I had no intention of rebellion and revolt, but when it became a matter of life and death, I took my own course and threw myself into a foreign country, but even there I was not left alone. Since by fate’s decree this defeat was destined to come upon me, would that I had been defeated by you, who are my co-religionist, that it might have brought you into notice, and not by this Husain Quli Khan, who is an alien in religion and sect !’’? Husain Khan then returned to Kant- u-Golah, and there he heard that the Mirza after a short respite had

died in prison at Multan :—

“ He counted a few breaths, and became helpless, Destiny smiled that he too was no more.”

Husain Khan went from Kant-u-Golah to the Court. And Husain Quli Khan came from the Panjéb and brought with bim Nas‘td Husain Mirza with his eyes blindfolded, and a number of other prisoners of the followers of the Mirza, to Fathpar. They numbered nearly 800 persons, and he brought them prisoners before the Emperor, with the skins of asses, hogs, and dogs drawn over their faces. Some of them were put to death by various ingenious tortures, and the re= mainder were let go free. Husain Khan had taken prisoners and taken with him some 100 of the followers of the Mirza, men of deter- mination (who had attained the rank of Khan, and after the defeat on the way to Multan had taken refuge with Husain Khan). Now, when he heard at his own house the news [of the savage treatment of the prisoners], he gave these men leave to quit his pargana. Husain Quli Khan mentioned this body of prisoners, when he was in attendance on the Kmperor. Husain Khan sent a representation to Court that, since he had received no orders from the Hmperor to put them to death, he had released that band of prisoners, and so had performed a gracious act which might be attributed to His Majesty. The Emperor (P. 161) forgave him, and imposed no penalty on him for the act. At this time Sa‘id Khan camefrom Multan to pay his homage to the

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Emperor, and brought with him the head of Mirz& Ibrahim Mirza, which he had had dissevered from his body after his death. And this became the foundation of his favour as a courtier :—

“Every bit of dust, which the wind blows away, Was once a Faridin or a Kaiqabad’.

Sweet it is to practise fate’s agriculture,

To sow? a Faridan, and reap a Khaqan’*.”

In the year nine hundred and eighty (980) Nagarkét was taken by Husain Quli Khan. ‘The following is an epitome of the history of the event. The Rmperor from his youth up had shown a special predilection and inclination for the society of various religious sects, such as Brahmans, and musicians, and other kinds of Hindtis. Ac- cordingly at the beginning of his reign a certain Brahman musician, Gadai Brahmaindds by name, whose whole business was perpetually to praise the Hindus, and who was possessed of a considerable amount of capacity and genius, came to the Court. By means of conversing with the Emperor and taking advantage of the idiosyncrasies of his - disposition, he crept day by day more into favour, until he attained to high rank, and was honoured with the distinction of becoming the Emperor’s confidant, and it became a case of “ Thy flesh is my flesh, and thy blood my blood.” He first received the title of Kab Rai‘, meaning Prince of Poets, and afterwards that of Rajah Birbar® meaning “ Renowned Warrior.” When the Emperor’s mind became alienated from Rajah Jai Chand, commandant of Nagarkdt, who was in attendance at the Court, he appointed that fortress as jégir to Birbar, and having imprisoned Jai Chand, he wrote a farmdn to Husain Quli Khan, ruler of Lahdr, to seize Nagarkét and hand it

2 Comp. Hamlet I. 5. Imperious Cesar, dead and turned to clay, Might stop a hole to keep the wind away: O, that the earth which kept the world in awe, Should patch a wall to expell the winter’s flaw ! 2 There is a play on the words Kishtan to sow, Kushtan to kill.

The meaning is, to kill a hero and so gain the favour of an Emperor,
Sansk. Kabi Raa. 5 Sansk. véra-vara best warrior.

—

[ 165 }

over to Birbar. Husain Quli Khan, with the other Amirs of the Panjab such as Mirzi Yusuf Khan, and Ja‘fir Khan son of Qaziq Khan, and Tattti Masnadi ‘Ali &c., first took by assault Dahmiri, and Gwalydr, and Koltah an exceedingly lofty fortress, and reduced that district (P. 162). ‘Then, leaving there a force to occupy the district, he passed over a very difficult pass with elephants, horses, camels, and his whole suit, and large cannon, and immense mortars, and laid seige to the fortress of Kangrah. I myself in the year nine hundred and ninety-eight, when I went to Nagarkdt, had oc- easion to cross that pass, and it is scarcely an hyperbole to say that the foot of the ant in those rugged places would slip through fear. Then Bidhi Chand, son of Jai Chand, thinking that his father had died in prison, shut himself up in the fort. The temple of Nagarkdt, which is outside the city, was taken at the very outset. It is a place whither Zacs! and dacs of men, or rather rors and krors of men, assemble at fixed periods, and bring ass-loads and ass-loads of gold and silver coins, and stuffs and merchandise and other precious things, store-fuls without number, as offerings. On this occasion many mountaineers became food for the flashing sword. And that golden umbrella, which was erected on the top of the cupola of the temple, they riddled with arrows, many of which may be seen hang- ing there to this day. And black cows’, to the number of 200, to which they pay boundless respect, and actually worship, and present to the temple, which they look upon as an asylum, they let loose, and the Musalmans killed them all. And, while the arrows and bullets were continually falling like drops of rain, through their zeal and excessive hatred of idolatry they filled their shoes full of blood, and threw it on the doors and walls of the temple. So many Brah- mans, sojourners in the temple, were killed, that both friends and strangers heap a thousand thousands of curses on the head of Birbar, who reckoned himself a saint among the Hindts (curse on them! ). So the outer city was taken. Then they threw up mounds and batteries and opened a fire of great guns on the palace of Bidhi

2 Lac = 100,000.

Ivor = 10,000,000. 2 Chatar, but property chatia or chatte, § Called Yaks.

i Tom G6e a]

Chand. In this bombardment nearly eighty persons lost their lives. Bidhi Chand by a hundred artifices (P. 163) managed to effect his escape, and got off in peace, but the fortress was within an ace of being taken. At this juncture news arrived of the disturbances caused by Mirza Ibrahim Husain, and how that he was making for Lahér: moreover the army of Husain Quli Khan was suffering great hardships. For these reasons and causes he concluded a treaty with them. ‘They paid as tribute five man of gold according to the weight of Akbar Shah, which was one year’s revenue of the temple, and much stuff and precious things of all kinds. And in the month Shavval? of this year he read the Ahutbah, and stamped coin in the Emperor’s name is that district, and having put all things straight he built the cupola of a lofty mosque over the gateway of Rajah Jai Chand.

Then Husain Quli Khéan set off to oppose the Mirzis. When he arrived at the village of Chamari he received the honour of paying his respects to that paragon of pilgrims, that offspring of renowned saints Khwajah ‘Abd-ush-Shahid, grandson of Khwajah Ahrar® (God sanctify his spirit!), who promised him victory, and gave the Khan his own dress as a present. ‘The result of this prayer was, that hay- ing arrived by forced marches at ‘Tulambah*, he gained the glorious victory which my historical pen has already narrated :—

‘“‘ We are deeply wounded in our hearts, It will not be without its effect,

Be sure, on all those

Yor whomsoever we pray in sincerity.”

In this year also Sulaiman Kirardni, ruler of Bengal, who gave him- self the title of Hazrati A‘ld, and had conquered the city of Katak- u-Bandras, that mine of heathenism, and having made the strong- hold of Jagandt’h into the home of Islam, held sway from Kémrt? to

1 By one shot. Tabaqit i Akbari, Elliot V, 358. 2 The eighth month,

3 See p. 57. 4 The Text has sometimes Zulambah, at others Tulabnah,

5 That is Kdmrip in Assam,

ee lll

[ 167 ]

Orisa, attained the mercy of God. His son Bayazid succeeded him ; but in the course of five or six months he was slain by the Afghans, and his brother Daé’id bin Sulaiman attained the sovereignty.

In this year, or in the year preceding, that remnant of the saints, and essence of the pure, that illuminator of the thoughts of the heart, and examiner into the secrets of sin, that attracted pilgrim, the righteous (P. 164) in his acts, Shaikh Nizdim-ud-din Ambit’hi-Wal (God sanctify his spirit!) attained translation from this miserable caravanserai to the eternal habitation. A summary of the events of the life of that possessor of Perfection and Hestasy will be inserted Gf God will) in the account of the Shaikhs of the period.

In the year nine hundred and eighty-one (981) the Emperor mounted a dromedary, to go and quench the fire of rebellion in Gujrat and to settle the affairs of those disturbances, and by forced marches went in the course of nine days from Fathpur to Ahmadabad, and fought a battle with the army which was beseiging A‘zam Khan in the fortress. He came off victorious, and returned to the Seat of the Khalifate.

The following is an epitome of those events. When the Em- peror came the first time after giving Ahmadabad to Khan-i A‘zam, the rebels raised a general revolt in that place and followed each his own devices. Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk? Gujrati taking all the Abyssinians with him seized Ahmadnagar and that neighbourhood ; and Muham- mad Husain Mirzé came from the Dak’hin and first of all endeavour- ed toreduce Strat; but Qulij Khan shut himself up in that place and succeeded in keeping him at bay and repulsed him. So he retired on Kambhadyat® and took possession of that place. A‘zam Khan marched himself against Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk. Several engage- ments took place between the two opposed forces between Ahmad. nagar and [dar, and the claim of victory was put to the arbitration of the sword. And he commissioned Nourang Khan, son of Qutb-ud- din Muhammad Khan together with Sayyid Hamid to go toward Kambhayat against Muhammad Husain Mirzi. Muhammad Husain

2 Ambit’ hé is a town in the confinesof Lak’hnou. Vol, III, p. 15 Text, 2 Comp. p. 162. ® That is Cambay.

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Mirza in many fierce encounters showed time after time the greatest obstinacy and valour, but at last he suffered defeat and fled and joined Ikhtiyaér Khan, (P. 165) The sons of Shér Khan Fuladi, and the son of Jahjar Khan Habshi also helped to swell his numbers and to turn the balance of power in his favour. Their intention was to go by forced marches by a different route, and so reach Ahmad- abad. Khan-i A‘zam outstripped them and got there first. Then he sent for Qutb-ud-din Ahmad Khan from Bahronch, and not having full confidence in some of his men he shut himself up in the fortress. Then the Gujratees with a force of nearly 20,000 men, consisting of Moghuls, Gujratees, Afghans, Abyssinians, and Rajpoots came and beseiged him. Skirmishes took place every day, and Fazil Muhammad Khan, son of Rashid Khan-i Kalén was slain in one of those en- counters. Khan-i A‘zam kept sending daily dispatches to the Court, and urging the Emperor to come to his assistance. Accordingly he issued orders to the Divans to supply with necessaries those Amirs who had gone with him on the former expedition, and to pay ready money from the imperial treasury to those soldiers who had served in the last campaign, which had lasted a whole year, and were now without accoutrements, To Husain Quli Khan he gave the title of Khan Jahdn, and appointed him, with the Amirs of the Panjab, to that province, and Sa‘id Khan he appointed to Multan, and sent them to their respective destinations. Shuja‘at Khan he sent forward with camp equipage, and set out himself on Sunday the twenty-fourth of Rabi‘us sani* mounted on cainels fleet of foot and swift as the wind, and passing by way of Basdwar and Todah accomplished 100 cosses in two days. On the 26th of that month he arrived at Ajmir, at the blessed shrine of that Bestower of Splendour? (may the peace of the mighty God be on its inhabitants! ), and attained the honour of paying a visit to that honoured shrine, and afterwards on the samo day he continued his march, At the village of Baliyanah he reviewed the army, and settled the distribution of the forces. He gave Mirzi Khan,* son of the late Khan Khanan Bairam Khan, the

1 The fourth month. 2 Khwajah Mu‘in-ud-din Chisti. ® See Elphinstone, p. 513, note.

{ 169 }

command of the centre. (He is now the Khin Khanadn and has been appointed to subdue the Dak’hin.) And (P. 166) Sayyid Mahmid Khan Barha and (adiq Muhammad Khan and others he associated with him. The command of the right wing he gave to Nir Muhammad Khén-i Kalan, that of the left wing to Wazir Khan, and that of the vanguard to Muhammad Quli Khan and Tarkhan Diwanah. He kept under his own command 100 horse, all veterans and picked men out of thousands. His whole force did not consist of more than 3,000 horse.

On Tuesday the 8rd of Jaméda’l- avval they arrived at the village of Kari, 20 cosses from Ahmaddbéd. A detachment of the enemy issued from the fortress, and drew themselves up across the line of march of the emperial force. A battle took place, and in the twinkling of an eye the enemy became food for the sword and were annihilated. Since the Emperor had given no orders for the taking of the fortress, they pressed on 5 cosses further, and when the imperial cavalcade came up, they halted there to rest, Then the Emperor dis- tributed arms to the men from his private armoury, so that all might be fully armed. Acaf Khan was sent in advance to open up communi- cations with Khan-i A‘zam. At this time the enemy were steeped in the sleep of negligence. When they heard the sound of the trumpets, they rushed in confusion to mount their horses, and Mu- hammad Husain Mirza with two or three horsemen rode to the banks of the river to find out what it meant. It happened that Turk Subhan Quli had also gone down to the river from our side with two or three men. Muhammad Husain Mirza asked him: “ My lord, what army is that P’”? “The imperial army ” he replied. The Mirza said, ‘ My scouts informed me to-day that they had left him fourteen days’ march off at Fathpir. If this be the imperial army, where are the elephants which always accompany it?” ‘The other replied, ‘‘ How could elephants (P. 167) travel a distance of 4.00 cosses by forced marches in nine days!” Then Muhammad Husain Mirza commenced the attack with the army in battle array, after sending Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk with 500 horse against Khan-i A‘zam to prevent his making a sally from the fortress. ‘The imperial army crossed the river, but Muhammad Husain Mirza anticipated them, and with

[ 170 ]

1,509 Moghuls belonging to Fidai (who had already attained the title of Khan, and was on the look out for further promotion and jagirs, and was a man of great determination) charged the vanguard, where Muhammad Quli Khén and Tarkhén Diwdnah were stationed, and swept them before him. The Abyssinians and Afghans together charged the left wing, which was under Wazir Khan, and the warriors on both sides having come into contest a hundred lives were worth

but a barley-corn :—

“ Down to the fish* and up to the moon went

The foot of the standard and the knob of the tent. The air became blue, and the ground black ;

The river boiled at the sound of the drums.

With his finger he directed the army to the plain, An army that knew no bounds.

The royal bow came to the string,

One said Z’ake, and the other said Give.”

The battle raged so furiously that the event will be remembered for revolutions of generations and ages. Now, when the Emperor saw that his vanguard was giving way, he raised the ery ‘‘ Ya Mu‘in |’? which at that period, and on that day, was his battle-cry, and making a desperate charge broke the ranks of the enemy, and dispersed them in the direst confusion: and many heads were scattered to the wind. Saif Khan Kokah at this juncture charged the ranks of the enemy, and plunged into that whirlpool from which he never rose again, Muhammad Husain Mirza did all that mortal endurance is capable of in that valley of strife and gallantry, and was not even wounded. But at last his spirit exhausted itself, and his horse being wounded he fled from the field. His path happened to be intercepted by a hedge of thorns, which he endeavoured to make his horse leap, when suddenly (P. 168) inexorable Fate seized his reins, and dragging him from the saddle threw him to the ground. One Gadai ‘Ali by name,

t In old Persian poetry the world is said to be supported on a jish ; but, ac- eording to Indian notions, upon a tortoise. **O Helper!”

wee

Ae gy

[ 171 ]

a Turki who had been hotly pursuing him, immediately sprung upon him and took him prisoner and brought him to the Emperor. He with his usual kindness and good nature contented himself with reprimand- ing him, and delivered him over to the charge of RéiSingh. Mean- while Wazir Khan was contending manfully with the Abyssinians and Gujratees, and in this hand-to-hand contest displayed his hereditary valour. When the enemy heard of the defeat of Muhammad Husain Mirza and Shah Mirza, they turned their backs on the field of battle, and valuing dear life more than the chance of conquering kingdoms saved their lives by fleetness of foot. At the same time Khan-i Kalan performed his part in the action by utterly defeating the sons of Shér Khan Fulédi. And so the field was cleared of all trace of the enemy :—

“Thy servants in the field of battle are like tailors, Though they are not tailors, O King conqueror of realms ! By the ell of the spear they measure the stature of thine enemies, That they may cut them up with the sword, and sew them with arrows.”

After the victory was gained, the Emperor ascended a hiJl which skirted the field of battle, and applied himself to investigating the individual acts of prowess of the combatants, when suddenly Ikhtiyar- ul-mulk, who had been employed in keeping Khan-i A‘zam from joining the Emperor, when he heard the news of the defeat of the Mirzas, left off blockading the city and made his appearance on the open plain. Great commotion was observable among his men, and a great hubbub arose, so the Emperor ordered a body of men to dis- charge arrows at them. They raised a terrific shout of “ Y@ Mu‘in ! and stretched on the dust of death the band which was march- ing in advance of Ikhtiyar-ul-mulk. Now Husain Khan was of the number of the very foremost in the conflict, so that the Emperor presented him with his own crescent cimeter which was the most renowned of cimeters. And Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk (P. 169) having broken his bridle fled with one rein, till his horse fell into a bed of

f 172 ]

prickly-plants, like an ass into clay, and the swift-footed steed of his life also lost its footing, and became the spoil of the Turk of Avenging Death. Sohraéb Bég Turkmadn, who was pursuing him, came up and seized him. At this juncture Ikhtiydr-ul-mulk said: “ Young man you seem to be a Turkmdan, now Turkmans are followers of the blessed ‘Ali and of his friends.* I am a Sayyid of Bukhara, spare me.” Sohréb Bég replied: “ How can I spare you? You are Ikhtiyar-ul-mulk. I recognized you and have been pursuing you headlong.” With that he alighted from his horse and struck his head from his body. Meanwhile some one else went off with his horse, so he tucked up the head in his skirt and walked off with it to the Emperor, and obtained favourable notice, Nearly 1000 heads fell on that battle-field and the Emperor ordered them to make a minaret out of those heads,’ that it might serve as a warning to rebels. At the very time that the turmoil of battle with Ikhtiy4r-ul-mulk ceased, the servants of Rai Singh made Muhammad Husain Mirza descend from the elephant, and dispatching him with a blow with a hand- spear sent him to the world of non-existence. And they sent his head and that of Ikhtiyar-ul-mulk to Agrah :—

“Why dost thou tell the story of eloquence ?

Hear a tale from Death,

That he may tell to the careless, deaf, and blind:

To whom I have given, from whom taken strength ; How I have bound the hands of kings ;

In what fashion I have laid low palaces.

That he may tell thee how I break heroes,

Head and body and neck,

That when thou hast heard, through pride of power Thou mayest not set thy heart on this faithless life.”

At this time Khan-i A‘zam came out of the fortress and paid his sub- mission to the Emperor, who embraced him, and treated him with the greatest attention, and enquired with kindness after his welfare

1 That is, are Shé‘ahs, not Sunnis. Comp. p. 10.

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and that of the other Amirs (P. 170). The Emperor remained five days at the dwelling of I‘timéd Khan. He sent Qutb-ud-din Mu- hammad Khan, with his son Nourang Khan towards Bahronch and Chanpanir to exterminate Shah Mirz4; and Khan-i Kalan he ap- pointed to the government of Patan, and Wazir Khan to Dulaqah and Dandigah. And Sh&h Quli Khan Muharram, and Rajah Bhagwan Das, and Lashkar Khin Bakhshi he sent off by way of Tdar towards Agrah and Fathpiir, to reduce the district of Ran& Udai Singh ; and the town of Badnagar’ was taken by them. On the 16th of Jamaéda’l avval? he himself marched from Ahmaddbdd and en- eamped at Mahmudabad one of the dwelling places of Sultan Mahmid of Gujrat. And from Dilaqah he gave Khan-i A‘zam and the other Amirs permission to leave that quarter. Mirza Ghiyas-ud- din ‘Ali Qazawdni received the title of Agaf Khan, and was appointed Diwdn and Bakhshi of Gujrat. On the 3rd of Jamada’s- sani® the Emperor arrived at Ajmir, and while staying at Sangdnir he appointed Rajah Todarmal (who had remained at Agrah with a view to fitting out 1000 vessels and boats) to go and examine into the state of the revenues of Gujrat. Onthe 7th of Jaméada’s-sani the imperial cavalcade arrived at the metropolis. The whole time of his going and coming did not occupy one month and a half.

On the 25th of this month the rite of circumcision was performed on their imperial highnesses the Emperor’s sons. And on the 22nd of the month Rajab* the prince Sultan Salim received the tablet of in- struction from the hand of the God-fearing Mulana Mir Kalan’, the traditionalist of Herat (who was an angel in human form, and had been instructed by his reverence the paragon of traditionalists Mirak Sh&h bin Mir Jamal-ud-din), and learnt the lesson ‘‘ In the name of the gracious and merciful God. The Merciful-One taught the Quran,.”’®

2 Barnagar, Elliot V, 369. 2 The fifth month.

8 The sixth month,

The seventh month.

5 See Vol. ili, p. 151 Text. ® Al Quran LY, 1,

(P. 171) In this year the Emperor recalled Muzaffar Khan, who had been appointed governor of Sérangptr, and appointed him prime minister, and gave him in addition to his other titles that of Jum- lat-ul-mulk. And the Emperor ordered the debts of Shaikh Mu- hammad of Bokhara, who was killed in the battle of Patan, and of Saif Khan, who fell in the last battle of Ahmadabad, to be paid out of the public treasury. They amounted to a lac of rupees.

And in this year the Kmperor presented a sword to Rajah Todar- mal, when he brought with him a clear balance-sheet of the accounts of Gujrat. Then he sent him in conjunction with Lashkar Khan Bakhshi (whom most of the people of Hind call Shér Khan) to attempt the conquest of Bengal in the service of Mun‘im Khan, the Khin Khainén. To Shahr-ull4h Kambii of Lahdr he gave the title of Shahbaz Ichan, and appointed him Mir-bakhshd, and this rhyme was sealed with his name :—

“ By the blessing of the favours of the Lord of Conjunction I have reached Shahbaz Khdn-hood from servitude.”

At this time Mir Muhassan Razwi returned from an embassy to the Dak’hin, and brought suitable presents from the rulers of that country. On the 16th of Shavval of this year the Hmperor determined on a pilgrimage to Ajmir intending to pray for assistance in the conquest of Bengal. At the village of Dair, which is four cosses from Fathptr, his reverence the refuge of direction, and possessor of saintship, Khwajah ‘Abd-ush-shahid,* grandson of Khwajah Ahrar (may God sanctify his tomb !), made intercession for the release of Mirz4 Sharaf-ud-din, but was refused. Although the Emperor did not neglect any marks of due honour and respect, and publicly even read the Fatihah, still his reverence felt much grief at the refusal, and went away much saddened. At 7 cosses from Ajmir the Emperor alighted, and on the 12th (P. 172) of Zi-qa‘dah* he was honoured with the privilege of paying a visit to the blessed burial-place.

1 See Vol. iii, p. 40 Text. 2 Al Quran I. See Sale zn loco, % The eleventh month.

ni a

{ 175 |

On the 17th of this month took place the entrance of the earth- illumining sun, which is the greatest heavenly body and the light- giver of the world, into the constellation of Aries* :—

“ The body of the Sun, when it comes from the Fish to the Ram, The white horse of day makes the black horse of night white of foot.”

And because of the dignity of this day, which he observes every year and passes in joy and gladness, he held a high feast in the ancient fashion, and distributed the sum of a ae of rupees to every class of person present at the assembly. On the 28rd of the month Zi-qa‘dah the Emperor marched out of Ajmir (which in grandeur may vie with Constantinople itself), and arriving at his capital he set on foot preparations for an expedition to Bengal, and gave orders for the building of boats. Of that number one boat was lion-prowed, and another crocodile-prowed. And verily only sea-going vessels have such beam and draught.

Towards the end of the month Zi-hajjah of this year the Author by reason of destiny, which is a chain round the foot of decision, having parted with Husain Khan, and come from Badan to Agrah, was introduced at Court by Jamal Khan Qurchi, and the late Galen- like physician Ayn-ul-mulk.? And since in those days the chattles of learning had considerable currency, I was dignified with the honour of a conversation the moment I came, and was enrolled in the number of the attendants at his assemblies. The Emperor made me dispute with sages, who boast of their depth of science, and who admit no uninitiated into their presence, and was himself the arbiter. By the grace of God, and the strength of my natural talent, and the sharpness of my intellect, and the courage, which is inherent in youth, I overcame most of them. When at the time of presentation they described me as follows: (P. 178) “ This worthy of Badétn has broken the head of Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi,” the Emperor desired

1 The vernal equinox, the nowrdzi jaldlé, the beginning of the 19th ycar of the Tldht, or era of Akbar, 2 See Vol. iii; p. 164 Text.

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that I should be presented at once, and his commands were issued to that effect. Shaikh Abd-un-Nabi, the Ohief Gadr,* was very much offended with me because I had not made use of him to obtain my introduction. He used to take the opposite side to myself in disputation, but the proverb came true ‘‘ He that is bitten by a snake takes opium,” so that enmity by degrees turned into friendship.

About this time Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, son and heir of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor, the star of whose knowledge and understanding was brilliant, came to Court, and received many marks of distinction.

In this year a lofty college and high and spacious palaces were built on the road to Ajmir. And the cause of this was as follows: His Majesty’s extreme devotion induced him every year to go on a pilgrimage to that city, and so ho ordered a palace to be built at every stage between Agrah and that place, and a pillar to be erected and a well sunk at every coss. Ever so many hundreds of stags’ horns, which the Emperor had killed during the course of his life were placed on these pillars as a memorial to the world, And M7. shakh? “ Mile-horn” gives the date. Would that instead of these he had ordered gardens and caravansarais to be made !

In this year at the instigation of Shahbéz Khan Kambi the custom of branding® the government horses came into practice. And with one stroke of the pen he commanded the appointment of tax-gatherers throughout the whole empire, and that lands should be held directly from the Crown, as shall be narrated, if God (He is ex- alted !) will.

In the latter part of the month Gafar of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the Emperor embarked on board the crocodile. prowed vessel with the intention of conqueriug Bengal. The reason for this journey was as follows: When Sulaiman Afghan Kararani died, who from the time of Islim Sh&h had held the district of Bengal and become quite independent, his son Bayazid succeeded him for a time, but on account of his bad conduct after a short

1 He held the office from 971 to 986. 240 + 10 + 80 + 300 + 1 + 600 = 981, 3 See Blochmann A’% 55, p. 139.

4 The second month.

es 2/7 a

(P. 174) space of time he was murdered by the contrivance of his brother-in-law Hansti and other Amirs. ‘Then Daud the younger son of Sulaiman, who. was his heir, took upon himself the title of king, and omitted the custom observed by Sulaiman of sending mes- sages to inform the Emperor of his accession to power, and to assure him of his loyalty. News of the death of Sulaiman reached the Emperor at the fortress of Strat, and he immediately issued a far- man to the Khan Khandén, Mun‘im Khan, who was at that time at Jounpir, to chastise Daéid and conquer the kingdom of Bengal. The Khan Khandin levied a large army, and having seized two lacs of rupees and other goods and precious things as tribute settled the matter péaceably, and returned. Datid, who was then at Hajiptr, at the instigation of Katli Khan, governor of Jagannath, by cun- ning management in exciting his cupidity for an elephant, got Lodi into his power and imprisoned him. He had been governor of Orissa, but had since taken a hostile course and had assumed independent and absolute authority in the Fortress of Rohtds. They tell the story that one day Datd went out hunting with a small escort, and that Lodi with 10000 horsemen of Sulaiman’s formed the design of put- ting down Datid. But Datid went back to the city, assembled his forces, and scattered Lodi’s followers. By his crafty management he got Lodi into his power, and appropriated all that he possessed. Lodi, knowing his death to be certain, did not withhold his advice from Déid. He said: “ Although I know that you will be very sorry after my death, and that you will derive no benefit from it, still I give you one piece of advice, which if you act upon, you will prove victorious. And that is (P. 175), that you place no reliance upon that peace which I effected not long ago by means of two lacs of rupees. The Moghuls will never let you alone for this trifling sum. Be beforehand with them, and make war on them immediately, for there is nothing like the first blow.” Datd thought that he had an evil design in what he said, and proud of the hollow peace which he had made with the Khan Khanan, but which was no better than a mirage, he put the devoted Lodi to death. Thus he struck his own foot with the axe, and at the same time uprooted the plant of his prosperity with the spade of calamity. When the Khan Khandn 23

[D> és |

heard this news, his loaf fell into the butter’ and he turned towards Patnah and Hajipdr. Then Daid began to recognize the worth of Lodi, and repented of having put him to death; but what was the good of it !

‘The horse of your fortune was under your thigh, If you did not make haste, what could one do! The dice of life were to your wishes,

But you played badly, what could one do !”

Having repaired the wreck and ruin of the fortress of Patnah, without even drawing his sword, or a single arrow being fitted to the bow, he shut himself up in the fortress, But on account of his drunkenness and injustice his people deserted from him, until the Emperor at the aforementioned date appointed Mirza Yusuf Khan to the command of the army and sent him forward by land, and left Shahdb-ud-din Ahmad Khan in charge of Agrah, and himself set off by river. The*following 7w~ba‘¢ was composed on the occasion :—

The justice-distributing and religion-protecting Emperor The world-conquering Jamshid Muhammad Akbar,

Sat on the bank of the sea; like Sikanday?

Both sea and land became subject to him.

The Emperor took his eldest son with him. The face of the water was hidden by the number of boats and vessels (P. 176). And through the congratulations of the Khdrwdhd, who are a sort of sailors used to the river, and through their shouts and cries in the language peculiar to them, the birds of the air and the fish of the water were well nigh made to dance. And such a spectacle pre- sented itself as no words can possibly describe. very day the Hm- peror used to disembark and occupy himself in hunting, and at night he would cast anchor, and would spend it in searching into science and poetry, and in recitals and repetitions.

1 Roebuck’s Proverb, p. 54. The proverb means “ He was in luck.”

2 Alexander the Great is said to have sailed down to the ocean, and to have launched a boat on it—referring to his going down the Hydaspes. See Arrian VI, 3 and Thirlwall’s Hist. Vol. VII, p. 34, Chap. LIV near the beginning,

{ 179 J

On the 23rd of the month Gafar mentioned above the Emperor en- camped at Paydig, which is commonly called Illihabas, where the waters of the Ganges and Jumna unite. The infidels consider this a holy place, and with a desire to obtain the rewards which are promised in their creed, of which transmigration is one of the most prominent features, they submit themselves to all kinds of tortures. Some place their brainless heads under saws, others split their deceitful tongues in two, others enter Hell by casting themselves down into the deep river from the top of a high tree :—

Although he committed the crime for the sake of reward, He went to Hell all the same by that road of water.”

He laid the foundations of a great building, and left the name of that city Llldhdbdd. From Bandras he sent Shér Bég Tawdchi in avery swift vessel to the Khan Khanan. And on the second of the month Rabi“us-sdni* from a place called Yahyapur, one of the environs of Jounptr, which is the meeting-place of the waters of the Ganges and the Gowadi,? he had the boats of the Prince, with the ladies of the harem, and the judges and justices, towed against the stream of the Gowadi and sent to Jounptir. He himself went up the river two or three days’ journey, and then returning in accordance with a request of the Khan Khanan in the greatest haste towards the Ganges, he gave rein to his river-drinking crocodiles. At this halt- ing-place news arrived of the death of Sultan Mahmid of Bakkar, and of Muhib ‘Ali Khan’s having taken possession of that kingdom. On the 16th of the aforesaid month the army arrived by land at the environs of the city of Ghaziptr, and at this halting-place (P. 177) I‘timad Khan, Khwdjah Sardi, came to the Emperor from the Khan Khénaén, and related at length the state of the army of the Khan Khandn, and pressed him to make as much haste as possible. On the seventh of this month Sayyid Mirak Ispahani a man learned in charms, who after the defeat of Khan Zaman® had lived at Joun- pur, at the instigation of Naqib Khan studied a great book of sor-

1 The fourth month, 2 Often called Gumti ; but the name is properly Gumati, 7. ¢., ‘ having-cows.”” ® See p. 99.

[aelson 3}

tilege, and when ho had selected the letters and arranged and com- pounded them, the following verse came out as the omen :—

‘‘ With quickness Akbar through royal fortune Will take the kingdom out of the hand of Daud.”

And it so happened that it turned out just in that way. And on his return, when he was encamped at Jounptr, the afore-méntioned Sayyid hastened to do homage to the Emperor, and offered him another omen. And this verse also came true :—

“The news of the victory suddenly comes, The head of Dadd comes to the Court,”

The compiler of this epitome was at that time a friend of his, and I asked leave of him to study that lore, and he consented. But he said that this lore was a special privilege of the Sayyids, and that there wasa certain condition attached to the matter, which was fundamental, and the observance of which was indispensable. At last I found out that this indispensable condition was the embracing of the doctrines of the foolish Shi‘ah-s! This sort of omen like all omens is a forgery and an invention, for any one who has a little thinking power can invent the like of it, as came to my own ex- perience and was seen by me. And in those days, without the favour of the instruction of the Sayyid, I practised it myself. ‘The wiser Jami tells us :—

“The augur of the time, drunk and a stranger, Sets forth his books in this way : Not fearing the things of the next world, And not asking about the things of salvation, Having written some letters, by their side And below them written some numbers, Having conceived in himself an empty imagination Entirely devoid of the ornament of wisdom, (P. 178) A trouble to man, and a plague to men of science, What is their jafar,* O Ja‘fari Gadiq, ? 1 Jafar means “charm,” “sortilege.” Ja‘fari Cddiq is one of the Imams, see p. 36, note 2. There is here a play on the two words of similar sound.

Wer

[— T8t

Ja‘fari Cadiq is angry with you,

To the Cadiq-s there is a reproach from the liars.

It is better that the people of dignity and pomp,

Who have not their equals in the world,

Although [these augurs] are for wisdom the talk of the world, Should not buy this tinsel of those asses,

Those jewels which the excellent have strung,

Those sciences which the learned have sung,

In the ear of their mind are but wind,

Their nature is pleased at the removal of such,

They call them all old and shrivelled [and say],

How in a dried up thing can there be any fresh taste ?’ I know not what you mean by this ‘ fresh’—

Who calls the taste of new wine ‘fresh ’?

The pretender who boasts of ‘freshness’

Let him spin his warf and woof ‘ afresh.’

The old he has lost, and has not got the new,

The old he has dropped, and has not reached the new.”

On the 20th of the month Rabi‘-us-sani* the Emperor encamped at Jousd, and there news arrived from the Khan Khanan, that ‘Isa Khan Niy4zi, one of the great Amirs of the Afghans, who is gener- ally known as Shuja‘at, had made a sortie from the Fortress of Patna with war-elephants and a considerable force, and had joined battle, and been slain by the hand of a ghwlém of Lashkar Khan’s, And at this time Muhammad Ma‘cim, son of Hashim Khan the brother of Shahab-ud-din Ahmad Khan (who was himself in the army of the Khan Khandn, and his son with the Emperor in the fleet) used every day to bring news from that army, and bring information from his father to the Emperor. By this means he rose to high favour, and the Hmperor gave him the title of Khan—till at length what insurrections and rebellions did he not raise, what sword did he not draw, and what fruit did he not reap! as shall be related in its place, if God (He as exalted!) will.

On the 10th of this month the Emperor encamped at the town of

1 The fourth month.

[ 182 ]

Romni, one of the dependencies of Bhojptr, an old halting-place,

’ From this place he sent Qasim ‘Ali Khén Baqq4l to the Khan Khandn with a view to asking him what he advised to be done. (P. 179) He quickly returned, and brought news from thence. When the Emperor asked him about Husain Khan, and his brother Kichak Muhammad Khan (who had been appointed to help the Khan Khanan), he, on account of his badness of heart and malevolence of disposition, and among other things on account of a grudge which he had against him at Badatin caused by the contiguity of their gagirs, said: “ The brother of Husain Khan, Kiichak Khan, remains in the service, but Husain Khan himself has gone from Kant-u Golah to the neighbourhood of Lak’nou and Oudh, andis hovering round and harrying the Banjar-s.2”’ The Emperor was very much vexed at this bad assistance on the part of Husain Khan, and the effect of his disloyalty soon became evident. For, on his return, the Emperor would not admit him to Court, and took away his jagér. At last he took his own course, and went to Mountains of the North, where he made war with the infidels, and was wounded. Disabled by this wound he came to Agrah, where he gave up his soul to the Beloved, as shall be afterwards narrated, if the glorious God will,

On the 16th of this month the Emperor encamped at the halting- place of the Khan Khanan near to Panjpahari, two or three cosses distant from Patna, where are five high towers close together, which the Indian infidels of former times had raised of baked bricks. The Kchén Khanan presented him with caskets full of pearls, and brought as presents precious things and valuable silks, which were beyond all computation. From this place the Emperor dispatched with Khan-i ‘Alam into the midst of the raging stream 3000 fully equipped horse- men in boats with such ornamentation and display, that at the sight of it the eye was rejoiced, and filled with all stores and munitions neces- sary for taking the fortress of Hajiptr, from which place aid used to come to the men of Patna. And Rajah Kachiti,? whose army and

1 Tabagat-i Akbaré (Elliot V, 376) has Domni,

2 A tribe whose business it is to be carriers of grain. They are usually left unmolested by belligerents.

8 Tabagdt-i Akbart (Elllot V, 377) bas Gajpati.

[ests

strength was such, that for the space of two years he had kept the Khan Zaman uselessly employed in jungle-cutting and fighting, (P. 180)—and even yet that jungle is not as clear as it ought to be—was appointed to go to the assistance of Khan-i ‘Alam with a following numerous as ants or locusts, and a multitude of horses and mares. Then they joined battle having surrounded Hajiptir both by land and by water, The Emperor stationed himself on a high eminence by the waterside to view the battle. But, when on account of the distance and the thick smoke it became no longer visible, he placed some experienced soldiers in a boat, and in the afternoon sent them towards Hajiptir to obtain definite news. Then the garrison of the fortress set in motion against them 16 boats full of warriors. After a severe struggle this handful of men came off victorious against that great host, and joined Khani ‘Alam, On the other side Fath Khan Barha with a strong body of Afghans was maintaining an obstinate resistance. But he fell, and the fortress was taken by assault. The heads of the chiefs, together with the heads of others, were put into a boat and sent to the Emperor, and these he sent into the fort for Daétid to see, that they might prove to him a warning and a scare. And this mnemosynon was composed and presented to his Majesty :—

“The umbrella of the King of religion for the conquest of Patna,

When it threw its shadow over the district of Patna,

On the spur of the moment the Munshi of thought

Wrote for its date: Huth-i bildd-i Patnah.*”

The next day the Emperor mounted the Panj-pahari to get a com- prehensive view of the fortress of Patna, and he reconnoitred it on all sides. And the Afghans, making a last stand determined to fight to the death, kept firing great gun shots, which from a distance of 8 cosses fell into the camp (!). And one shot passed over the head of the author, who was in the tent of Sayyid ‘Abd-ull4h Khan Jokan Bési, governor of Biydnah and Bajunah, and God (He is exalted!) protected me, and gave me some days respite ; but I do not know how long this respite will last :—

1“ The taking of the town of Patna.” 80 + 400+8+2+ 3830414 4 +2 + 400 + 50 + 5 = 982.

[ 184 ]

(P. 181) “‘ However much I have wandered about the world of form,

Adam was sorrowful, and his descendants helpless,

Every one in his own degree is a victim to sorrow,

To none is given a passport [of exemption].”

After the fall of Hajiptir, Datd, although he had 20,000 horsemen and fierce war-elephants without number, and powerful artillery, fled shaking with terror, and on the night of the 21st of this month he got into a boat, and making a free choice of flight set the road to Gour as the goal of his cowardice. And Sarhor? Hindi Bengali, who had been the instigator of the death of Lodi, and had received the title of Bikramajit,? placed his treasures in a boat, and followed him. And Gijar Khan Kararani (who had the title of Rakn-ud-doulah) sent the elephants forward, and himself made precipitately for the plain. Great numbers through fear cast themselves into the river, and were drowned in the deluge of death. Another body, like mad- men, threw themselves to the ground from the tower and walls of the fortress, and filled up the deep moat with their corpses. Another section were crushed under foot by the elephants in the narrow parts of the streets. When the fugitives arrived at the river Panpan, Gdjar Khan sent the elephants over by the bridge which they had con- structed over it, and proceeded on his way. But through the crush of people the bridge broke down, and many renowned leaders of the Afghans throwing away their baggage and arms cast themselves naked into the river, and never lifted again their heads from the whirl- pool of death. Later onin the evening the Emperor heard of the flight of David, and entered the city of Patna, and took 56 elephants in the city as spoil. The following hemistich gives the date :—

“The kingdom of Sulaiman passed from Datid.?”

He left the Khan Khanén in charge of the place, and himself went off in pursuit of Gujar Khan, who had all the elephants of Dad

1 Tabaqdti Akbaré (Elliot V, 378) has Sridhar.

2 Sansk. Vikrama-ditya.

240 + 80 + 20+ 60 +30 + 10+ 40+1+50+7+4+4+1+6+44

200 + 80 + 400 = 983.

{ 185 ]

with him. He swam over the river Panpan on horseback, and ar- rived at Daryapur on the bank of the Ganges distant 26 cosses from Patna. (P. 182) He hastened on by forced marches, and about 400 elephants fell into his hands, but Gitjar Khan escaped. Shahbaz Kban Mir Bakhsh?, and Majntin Khan, who had followed him, went 7 cosses beyond Darydptr, and brought word that Gijar Khan had crossed a small river called Balbhund, and that many of his men had been drowned.

On the 21st of the afore-mentioned month the Khan Khanan came by water to Darydpir, and brought all the shipping with him, The ‘Emperor remained 6 days at this place. He gave him 10,000 horse- men as an additional reinforeement to the Amirs who were with him, and all the boats which had come with him from Agrah, and having increased the allowance of the army in the proportion of 10:30 or 10: 40, and committed the whole management of the province of _ Sengél to him, the Emperor left that place and returned to Ghiydspir,

which is on the banks of the Ganges.

On the second of the month Jamada’l-avval’ of the afore-men- tioned year the Emperor appointed Mirza Yusuf Khan to the com- mand of the world-traversing camp, and sent Muzaffar Khan with Farhat Khan to reduce the fort of Rohtds, with orders that after he had taken it, he should leave the post of guarding it to Farhat Khan, and himself return to the Court.

On the 8rd of this month the Emperor came to Patna, and ar ranged the affairs of the place, and took a general view of the build- ings of Déid. And one of the remarkable things is, that in that king- dom there are some houses called chappar-band, fetching 380,000 or 40,000 rupees each, although they are only covered with wood, And on the 6th of this month he went to Jounptr, where he remained one month. He placed that place and Banaras directly under the

royal exchequer, and gave the management of them to Mirz& Mirak Razwi, and Shaikh Ibrahim Sikri Wal. On the 9th of Jamdada’se sini? he set out for Dihli the capital. (P. 183.) He encamped at Khaénptr, and while staying there Qazi Nizam Badakhshi (who was the wisest of the wise of Badakhshan and Transoxiana, and from

2 The fifth month.

2 The sixth month, 24

(Se a

the world of purity and the path of Cufiism had attained many high degrees, and has left behind him a description of a portion of it, by the intervention of Firizah Kabuli (who was one of those born in the house of Mirz& Muhammad Hakim, and has great experience as a student of all kinds of knowledge, and writing, and musical inter- vals, and whose mental stature is wanting in nothing) came and did homage. And * Zhe learned Badakhshi’”’ gives the date. Qazi Nizdm was presented with a jewelled sword-belt, and 5,000 rapees in ready money. And on account of his lofty understanding and readi- ness of wit he by degrees attained the title of Qazi Khan, and after- wards that of Ghazi Khan; and then he rose to the command of 3,000 men, while Firtizah, who was originally in more honour than himself, and was a jewel by birth, having beat a disgraceful retreat declined from what he was, and his business became reversed.

While encamped at this place a message came from the Khan Khanan to the effect, that when Dadd fled from Patna he went to Garhi, and having strengthened that fortress and committed it to honoured persons devoted to himself, hastened towards Tandah. Immediately on the arrival of the Imperial army fear overcame the garrison, and without striking a blow, they evacuated it and fled.

In the month Jamada’l-Akhir, while the camp was at Shérgarh (otherwise called Qannouj) a book called Singh-dsan Battisi, which is a series of thirty-two tales about Rajah Bikramajit king of Malwa, and resembles the Twti-ndmah, was placed in my hands; and I re- ceived his Majesty’s instructions to make a translation of it in prose and verse. I was to begin the work at once, and present a sheet of my work on that very day. A learned Brahman was appointed to interpret the book for me. On the first day I completed a sheet (P. 184), containing the beginning of the first story, and when I presented it, His Majesty expressed his approbation, When the translation was finished, I called it Wdmah-e Khirad-afzd? a name which contains the date of its composition. It was graciously accepted, and placed in the Library.

¥4+1+ 60+ 1+ 10 + 2+ 4 + 600 + 800 + 10 = 982, 250 + 1+ 40 + 5 + 600 + 200+ 441+ 80+ 7+1=989. The title means *‘ The book of mental recreation.”

{ 187 }

At this time while at Kardili his reverence Khwajah ‘Abd-ul-
_ shahid (God sanctify his spirit!) arrived on his way to Samaqand
with a view to taking leave. He said ;* “ I wish to carry this handful
of bones to that spot.” He bound a sword round the Emperor’s waist,
and again? prayed for the release of Mirza Sharaf-ud-din Husain,
_ but was refused. He was very much vexed and said: ‘“ What more
ean Tsay! He has lost his Justice and Mercy, I pray God that he
may lose also the gift of Meith.” * As soon as he arrived at Samar-
qand he was gathered, as he said he should be, to his honoured father
(God sanctify their souls !)
On the 20th of Jaméda’s-sini* while halting at the town of Is-
kandarptir news was brought, that Dadd having left Tandah (which
is situate on the other side of the river Ganges opposite to Gour),
without striking a single blow had gone towards the extreme desert
and had arrived at Orissa, and that the Khan Khandan had taken
possession of Tandah. When the Emperor was 3 cosses distant from
Agrah he turned towards Dihli the Metropolis, and at the beginning
of the month Rajab* that mighty city having become the tent of
his prosperity, he spent some days in visiting the blessed shrines. At
this time Husain Khan, who had come near to Patyali and Bhongoun
with the express purpose of paying homage, was not admitted to the
presence, and his Majesty ordered Shahbaz Khan, dir Bakhshd, not
to allow him to come within the rope which was stretched round the
Hmperor’s tent. So he determined to become a Kalandar, and
gave away to students and worthy people, and those who waited at
the shrine of the late Emperor, and the people of the monasteries and
schools, whatever he possessed in the way of elephants and camels: : and horses and other military stores. And “ Alif! what hast thou?’ came true in his case :— _(P. 185) “ For all this magnificence of the created world® Ts as nothing in the opinion of religious enthusiasts.” 1 See Vol. iii, p. 40 Text. = Compare p. 174. & ® The three words are Aman, Iman, and Tindm,

The fifth month. § To be stripped as bare as the Saag) alif is proverbial. 6 Lit. of “be! and it was.’ Somewhat similarly the Creator is often x called i in post-biblical Hebrew ‘‘ He who spake and the world was.”

f 188 ]

When this matter was reported to the Emperor, he becoming anxious to show him respect, sent him a present of a shawl from his own wardrobe, and one of his own quivers and arrows, and gave orders, that he should keep for one season more the pargannas of Kant o Golah, Patyali &., (which was a jagir worth 1 kror, 20 lacs of rupees), and that the tax-gatherers should not interfere with him, and that after he had put his troop on the footing required by the ddgh omahallah, he should receive a suitable jégir. So he, who through his extreme liberality and boundless extravagance, and though exceeding all limits of reasonable power and the exhibition of it, was not able to muster 10 horsemen, procrastinating through force of circumstances, at length arrived at his jdgzr, and kept close to the northern mountains, and so left the Court, that his return is still én nubibus :—

“Give gold to a soldier, and he dies for you ; Witbhold your gold, and he will go forth into the world.”

In the beginning of Sha‘bin! the Hmperor left Dihli for Ajmir. While staying at Narnoul Hasan Quli Khan, Khan Jahan, waited upon him. Also Khan-i A‘zam ariived by forced marches from Ahmadabad. At the beginning of the blessed month of Ramazan he arrived within 7 cosses of Ajmir, and dismounting in his accustomed manner made a pilgrimage to the shrine, and presented a pair of kettle- drums of Datid’s, which he had vowed to the musie gallery of his reverence the Khwajah Mu‘in (God sanctify his glorious tomb !). And daily according to his custom held in that sacred shrine by night intercourse with holy, learned, and sincere men, and seances for dancing and gitfiism took place. And the musicians and singers, each one of whom was a paragon without rival, striking their nails into the veins of the heart used to rend the soul with their mourn- ful cries, And dirhams and dinars were showered down like rain- drops.

At this time the Emperor appointed Tayib Xhan, son of Muham- mad (P. 186) Tahir Khan Miri-fardghat the commandant of Dihli, with a body of tried warriors to go against Chandar Sen, son of

1 The eighth month.

[ 189 ]

Maldeo, who was oppressing the faithful in the neighbourhood of Joudptir and Siwdnah. On the arrival of this army he withdrew into the jungles, which were full of mango-trees, and fled,

In the middle of the blessed month of Ramazan the Emperor, dismissed Khani A‘zam to Gujrat, and arrived by continued forced marches at Fathptir at the end of this month.

In this year he sent Shah Quli Khan Muharram, and Jalal Khan Qurchi, and several others of the Amirs to reduce the fortress of Siwanah, which was held by the grandsons of Maldeo. Jalal Khan, who was one of the privy counsellors, was the most complete master of mirth and wit, and it was not easy for any one else to acquire such a hold on the Emperor’s disposition by force of companionship, as this man did. He fought manfully, and attained the grade of martyrdom. And in his case the saying came true: “He enjoyed this world, and won the next.” When Shahbaz Khan Kambt came there, he in a very short time got possession of the fortress.

In this year the Emperor sent Mir Gesti Bakawal [Begi] to examine into the affairs of Sultan Mahmtid of Bakkar, and to guard the fortress of Bakkar.

In this year there was in Gujrat both a general pestilence and also a dearness of grain, to such an extent that one man of jawiri sold for 120 tankas, and numberless people died.

And in this year Khwajah Amina, the absolute Wazir, surnamed Khwajah-e Jahan, answered the summons of God at Lahdr at the time of the return of the army from Patna. And Cabthi a poet in the height of his pomp and greatness composed this ruba‘¢ :—

“Thy door is Alexander’s wall to people of merit, Why do they say ‘O Gog!’ when thy army it is. (P. 187) In thy generation all the signs of the Day of Judgment are manifest, Thou art Antichrist, and Khwajah Amina is thy ass”.? Although he was a very by-word for stinginess to such an extent 1 In Rajputana about 60 miles N. W. of Joudptir. 2 Al-masth-ul-dajjal, the false Christ, is according to Musalman tradition the same whom the Jews call Ham-Mdshiah ben Ddvid. He is to appear first

between Ir4q and Syria, and to be riding upon an ass. See Sale’s Prelim. Dise., Sec, iy.

[ 190 ]

that he used to eat up the remains of his evening meal, still in the line of getting things done for those who made petitions to the Em- peror, whether they were strangers or friends, his equal was not to be found in the world. Whenever he wished to accomplish an affair for any one of the courtiers, he used to settle it for a bribe of gold, at the same time he caused to be given to himself by the Emperor a pashi-tail, a kettle-drum, and the titles of Khan and Sultan, and whatever jagér he asked for he got it asa gift. And whatever man of learning or excellence came from ‘I’ransoxania, or Khorasén, or ‘Triq, or Hindustan, he caused him to be endowed with a heavy sum of gold from the imperial treasury. Through his exertions also the Amirs were able to afford a great expenditure, and even to the other courtiers he allowed pecuniary assistance to each in proportion to his state. For instance, for Hafiz Tashkandi, who was one of the disciples of Rashid Mula ‘Ic¢am-ud-din Ibrahim Asfardyani (?) (who was without equal in the line of Arabic erudition, and who wrote a commentary on the Surah-e-Muhammad* (peace be upon him !) from which his Cufi ecstasy may clearly be recognized) he obtained from

the Emperor and the Amirs about 30,000 or 40,000 rupees. Even- tually he went to Mun‘im Khan, Khan Khanan, with perfect appoint-

ments, and thence he started well supplied with gold to go to the sacred Makka in the year nine hundred and seventy-seven. When he

returned home he died.

Among the witty sayings is the following. Haji Ibrahim of Sarhind, who was proud and rude, and quarrelsome and conten- tious in argument, at one of the Emperor’s select assemblies at the time of the presentation of the Zafstri Hafiz by Mirz’i Mufliz, who was a master of religious philosophy,’ asked “ How is AZésa* de- clined ?”? and (P. 188) “ what is the root of the word ?” It so hap- pened that the Mirza could not manage to answer as he ought to have done, and so to the pecple, brute-beasts as they are, the supee riority of Haji Ibrahim became an acknowledged fact. And this is but one of the many injustices of the time :—

1 Al Quran XLVII. 2 See Blochmann, p. 541, ole. % Moses.

t -19t 9

“ On account of their love of quarelling some people Have lost themselves in the street of hopelessness. Every science, they have learnt in the college,

Will ruin and not profit them in the grave.”

And when the Emperor asked the Qizi’s son Shukr, whom he had made Qazi of Mat’hura, “ Why do not you join in the discussion ?” he answered: “‘ If Haji [brahim were to ask how to decline ‘Zsdé,* what answer should I give?’ His Majesty very much applauded this speech. ‘This sort of thing has gone on for ten years, from that time to this, and all that assembly of arguers and disputants, whether honest enquirers or sham, consisting of more than? a hundred people, not one of them now sees® [the light of the sun], but all their faces are under the veil of “ Every soul tasteth death’” :—

“ The grass is grown on the site of their dwelling,

It is as though they were gone to a rendezvous.

Of the tribe of dreg-drinkers none but us remain,

Bring the wine, for we are the only survivers—that’s some- thing !”

And now, when in conformity with [the Arabic saying] “A favour, when thou hast lost it, thou recognizest,” I call to mind these my companions, a blood-stream of sorrow flows from my woe-begone eyes, and one laments and wails and says: “In this abode of sor- row would that they had remained a few days longer, for in any ease they were an advantage! But now all personal intercourse with them is precluded” :—

‘¢‘To be in a prison in the company of friends Is better than to be in a garden with strangers.”

But as for me this crushed gnat, this copied picture, what cure have I, save the wound of disappointment and secret wail, may God forgive the past, and have mercy on the future :—

1 Jesus.

2 Comp. Text p. 226, 1. 1, and 284, 1. 1. 3 Comp. of BAérortes.

Al Quran iii, 182; xxi, 36; xxix, 57,

[ 192 ] |

“Yo! some we loved, the loveliest and best (P. 189) That ‘Time and Fate of all their Vintage prest, Have drunk their Cup a Round or two before, And one by one crept silently to Rest’’.*

In this year an order was promulgated for improving the culti- vation of the country, and for bettering the condition of the ratyats. All the pargannas of the country, whether dry or irrigated, whether in towns or hills, in deserts and jungles, by rivers, reservoirs, or wells, were all to be measured, and every such piece of land as, upon culti- vation would produce one kror of tankas, was to be divided off, and placed under the charge of an officer to be called Krord, who was to be selected for his trustworthiness, whether known or un- known to the revenue clerks and treasurers, so that in the course of three years all the uncultivated land might be brought into culti- vation, and the public treasury might be replenished. Security was taken from each one of these officers. The measurement was begun in the neighbourhood of Fathptir. One kror was named Addmptr, another Shesptir, and so on, according to the names of the various uv prophets. Officers were appointed, but eventually they did not carry out the regulations as they ought to have done. A great portion of the country was laid waste through the rapacity of the Avords, the wives and children of the raiyats were sold and scattered abroad and everything was thrown into confusion. But the krorés were brought to account by Rajah Todar Mal, and many good men died from the severe beatings which were administered, and from the tortures of the rack and pincers. So many died from protracted confinement in the prisons of the revenue authorities, that there was no need of the executioner or swordsman, and no one cared to find them graves or grave-clothes, Their condition was like that of the devout Hindtis in the country of Kamrip, who having dedicated themselves to their idol, (P. 190) live for one year in the height of 7 Omar Khayyam, transl. Fitzgerald, p.5. The recension quoted by our

Author gives the following :— “ Alas! for my friends are all gone from hand, One by one they are become low at the foot of death. ‘They became weak-headed in the wine-party of life, And became drunk one moment before us.”

[ 193 ]

luxury, enjoying everything that comes to their hands ; but at the end of the period, one by one they go and assemble at the idol temple» and cast themselves under the wheels of its car, or offer up their heads to the idol. The whole country, with the exception of those held immediately from the Crown (A/hé/igah-lands), were held by the Amirs as jdégir : and as they were wicked and rebellious, and spent large sums on their stores and workshops, and amassed wealth, they had no leasure to look after the troops, or to take an interest in the people. In cases of emergency they came themselves with some of their slaves and Moghul attendants to the scene of the war; but of really useful soldiers there were none. Shahbaz Khan,’ the JZ Bakhshi, introduced the custom and rule of déyh » mahall, which had been the rule of Sultan ‘Alé-ud-din Khilji, and afterwards the law under Shér Shah. It was settled that every Amir should commence as commander of twenty (B7st/), and be ready with his followers to mount guard, carry messages, &c., as had been ordered; and when according to the rule he had brought the horses of his twenty troopers to be branded, he was then to be made a commander of 100 (CGadt), or of more. They were likewise to keep elephants, horses, and camels in proportion to their command (mangab), according to the same rule. When they had brought tothe muster their new con- tingent complete, they were to be promoted according to their merits and circumstances to the post of commander of 1000 (Hazdar¢). or 2000 (Dihazaré), or even of 5000 (Panjhuzari), which is highest command; but if they did not do wellat the musters they were to be degraded. But notwithstanding this new regulation the condition

of the soldiers grew worse, because the Amirs did as they pleased.

For they put most of their own servants and mounted attendants into soldiers’ clothes, brought them to the musters, and performed everything according to their duties. But when they got their jagirs they gave leave to their mounted attendants, and when a new emer- gency arose, they mustered as many ‘ borrowed’ soldiers as were requir- ed, and sent them away again, when they had served their purpose. (P. 19:1) Hence while the income and expediture of the mangubdér remained én statw.guo, ‘dust fell into the platter of the helpless

1 On the text of this passage see Blochmann, p, 242, note 2.

[ 194 ]

soldier,’ so much 8o, that he was no longer fit for anything. But from all sides there came a lot of low tradespeople, weavers and cotton- cleaners, carpenters, and green-grocers, both Hindi and Musalman, and brought borrowed horses, got them branded, and were appointed to a command, or were made Kyvords, or Ahadis, or Dakhilis! to some one ; and when a few days afterwards no trace was to be found of the imaginary horse andthe visionary saddle, they had to perform their duties on foot. Many times it happened at the musters, before the Emperor himself in his special audience hall that they were weigh- ed in their clothes with their hands and feet tied, when they were found to weigh from 24 to 3 man more or less; and after inquiry it was found that they were all hired, and that their very clothes and saddles were borrowed articles. His Majesty then used to say, ‘‘ With my eyes thus open I must give these men pay, that they may have something to live on.’’ After some time had passed away His Majesty divided the Ahadis into duaspah,* yakaspah, and nimaspah, in which latter case two troopers kept one horse together, and shared the stipulated salary, which amounted to six rupees :— “To! see all this in my day, but ask no questions.”

And this bazaar became much frequented, but the shop of real military-service> was deserted. But notwithstanding all this His Majesty’s good luck overcame all enemies, so that large numbers of soldiers were not very necessary, and the Amirs had no longer to suffer from the inconvenient reluctance of their followers.4

In this year Mun‘im Khan, Khan Khdnan, sent Rajah Todar Mal with orders to go in pursuit of Daad towards Orissa, and Majnin Khan Qaqshal to go towards (P. 192) G’hordg’hat, and went him- self to Katak Banaras, in which strong fortress David was endeavour- ing to shut himself up, and commenced operations against him. Majnin Khan at G’horag’hat fought first of all against Sulaiman

! On these two terms see Blochm., p. 231.

2 That is, having respectively one horse, two horses, and a half share ina horse.

3 Kash = Kamar “girdle.” Thus Kashbandté = Kamarbandi “military service.”

4 Turki ees means a8 ryant, but not a royal one.

[ 195 J

Mankli the jdgir-ddr of that district, who was distinguished for the number of his forces, the greatness of his pomp, and his excessive valour. Him he cast into the dust of death ; and the Qdqshal party took so many of the enemy that they were unable to carry them off ; and the wives and families of the Afghans fell into their hands. Then Majntin Khan asked the daughter of Sulaiman Mankli in marriage for his son, who at the present time in the service of the Emperor ranks among the Amirs. Next making war in the neighbourhood of G’horag’hat with the sons of Jaldél-ud-din Str (who once on a time had had the Ahufbah read, and coin struck in that district) they with the assistance of the zam¢nddrs of that district defeated him, and pursuing him to Taéudah took possession of Gaur. Mut‘in-ud- din Ahmad Khan Farankhidi and Majnin Khan kept guard over Tandah, and awaited the news of the Khan Khanan’s victory, until after the defeat of Daud, [and] the publication of the news of the Khan Khanan’s return, the Afghans retired into the jungles and effectually hid themselves,

Rajah Todar Mal, who had been sent in pursuit of of Daid, in conjunction with Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas, and Muhammad Quli Khan, and Muhammad Quli Khan Togydai,! and Muzaffar Moghul reached Gwaly4r? a dependency of Bengal by continuous marches from Madd4ran. Daétid went 10 cosses forward from that place and gathered a large foree together [at] a place called Darinkas4ri,3 and fortified Robirpirt. Meanwhile Junaid, uncle’s son of (P. 193) Daid (who was renowned for valour and bravery, and had formerly served under the Emperor, but had fled from Agrah to Gujrat, and from Gujrét came to Bengal), arrived at the confines of Rinkasari® and wished to form a junction with Dédd.

1 Perhaps this ought to be Zoghd¢ which is the name of a Chagtai tribe.

?Itshould probably be G@wdlpdrah (note by Editor), Elliot, p. 385 has Gowdlpara,

3 Probably a corruption of dar Rinkasdré, “in Rinkasari”’. lliot, V, p. 885, has Dinkasdrt, The confusion between 3 R, » Dand g I, as also between other letters which resemble one another is frequent in MSS, and printed editions, especially in the case of proper names,

This ought to be HarpGr, see Blochm., p. $76.

Here the word seems to be spelt correctly,

{ 196 ]

Rajah Todar Mal sent Mirzi Abu-l-Qasim, wao is surnamed Tamktr!, together with Nazar Bahadur to attack him. But these two were defeated by him and returned with broken reins to the Rajah. Then the Rajah went in person to oppose him, and he being unable to withstand him took refuge in the jungle. Thence the Rajah went to Mediniptir, where he remained some days. At that place Muhammad Quli Khan Barlds fell sick, and passed to the world of eternity. His loss was a great cause of weakness to the Imperial forces. Then he returned from Mediniptr to Madaran.? At this place Qiyé Khan Gang, being offended with the Amirs without any just cause, retired to the jungle Rajah Todar Mal wrote an account of his doings to the Khan Khanan, and remained at Maddéran. The Khan Khaénan sent Shéhim Khan Jaldir, and Lashkar Khan, Bakhsht (who was once called ‘Askar Khan. and afterwaids Astar Khan), with others to the assistance of the Rajah. They join the Rajab at Bardwan. Then he went off alone, and pacified Qiyé Khan, and brought him back. Afterwards he marched by way of Madaran and came to Bajhérah’. While at Borchin news arrived that Datd had left his wives and family at Katak Banaras, and was busy making preparations for war. The Khan Khanan came in haste to oppose him, and formed a junction with the Rajah, The Afghans surrounded their camps with a moat, and fortified it. (P. 194) On the 20th of Zi-l-qa‘dih of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the armies were drawn up in the neighbourhood of Bajhdrah, and Mangalisi* elephants were arranged on both sides. Such a tremendous battle took place, that the tongue of the pen is unable to do justice to the description of it. When the elephants of Daud (all of which were fed on good grass and were madder than can be imagined) were put into motion, the Khan Khdéndn ordered the

swivel guns, and cannon which were mounted on carriages in front

} Another reading is Ghamgin, Elliot, V, p. 385 has Namak¢. Blochm., p. 470 give Namakin.

2 In Jahanabad, a parganna of the Hugli district, between Bardwdn and Mediniptr Blochm.,, p. 375. 3 See Blochm., p. 375. Elliot, V, p. 886 has Jitiéra,

The elephants of Mangaltis were famous for their great size, and their white colour, See Viller’s Dictionary.

LS ee Sy er

ae a

{ 197 ]

of the line, to open fire upon them. Upon this some of the re- nowned elephants, which were advancing, turned tail, and some of the veteran leaders of the Afghans were mown down by the canno- nade. At this juncture Gijar Khan, who was leader of the advance guard of Daétd, made a sharp attack on Khan-i-‘Alam, and Khwajah ‘Abd-ullah, and Kanjak! Khwajah, and Sayyid ‘Abd-ull4h Chogan Bégi, and Mirza ‘Ali ‘Alam Shahi, who composed the vanguard, and in the first charge put them to flight and drove them in on the Altamsh*-corps, of which Qiya Khan Gang was the leader. Khdan-i ‘Alam, lealer of the vanguard bravely held his ground, and was killed. The A/tamsh-corps was thrown into confusion, and driven back on the main-body,> where the Khdn Khaénan with the other mountain-like Amirs had stationed himself, and the main-body was thrown into utter confusion and rout. However much the Kh4n Khanan exerted himself to stay the panic, and restore order, it was allin vain. At this moment Gujar Khan came up, and showered blow upon blow on the Khan Khanan, who being without a sword was obliged to parry the cuts of Gujar Khan’s sword with his whip (P. 195), till at last the horse of the Khan Khandn being frightened by the elephants became unmanageble and bolted with him. He went at full speed for 3 or 4 cosses on the pretext of collecting the fugitives, and the Afghans pursued him part of the way. Then Qiyé Khan Gang and some others of the archers* surrounded the Afghans on every side, and pouring showers of arrows upon them, riddled their ranks like a sieve. ‘The affair had reached such a pitch that neither friends nor foes had any longer strength left in them to move, when suddenly from the bow of destiny an arrow reached a mortal part of Gujar Khan, who was riding at full speed, and brought him to the ground. His soldiery seeing themselves without a leader fell into utter confusion, and turned their backs on the field, and many of them were slain. At this moment the standard-bearer

1 Another reading is Kajak Khan Khwdjah Perhaps the name is Kéjak.

2 A Turki word meaning “sixty.” It is applied to a force placed at the head of an army between the advanced guard and the general. De Courteille, Dict. Turk.-Orient. p. 31.

3 Ghil, a Hindi word.

4 This word est is Turki,

[ 198 ]

of Khan-i ‘Alam! brought his standard to the Khan Khanan. Soon after this event news of the death of Gujar Khan reached Mun‘im Khan?, and he turning his horse rallied some of his men and poureda shower of arrows on the enemy, whose souls like moths began to flit from their emptied bodies. Rajah Todar Mal, and Lashkar Khan, and the other Amirs, who had taken their stand on the right of the Imperial army attacked the left of the enemy, of which Isma‘il Khan Abdar, surnamed Khan Khandn, was leader: At the same time Shdéhim Khan Jalair, and Payandah Muhammad Khan Moghtl and other leaders of the Imperial left attacked the right wing of the Afghans, where Khan Jahan, commandant of Orissa, was stationed. On both wings they drove the enemy back on the main-body, where Daétid was stationed with the other chief Amirs of the Afghans. His elephants were so irritated by the arrows that they turned round on his own ranks and threw the whole line into confusion. At this moment the standard of the Khan Khandn shone from afar as a sign of victory, and news of the death (P. 196) of Gijar Khan reached Datd, and his resolution was shaken, so that :— “ To save what he could he gave his body to flight, He was content to receive his soul as spoil.3”’

and most of mountain-like elephants moving like clouds he gave to the wind, and that proverb became true ‘ one soldier flees, and it is all over with the soldiery. ”’

The Khan Khd4nén remained some days at this place to heal his own wounds, and those of his men. And Lashkar Khan, who had been mortally wounded, joined the host (lashkar) of the Father of all flesh. Meanwhile Daid in his flight had reached Katak Banaras,> so the Khan Khanan sent Rajah Todar Mal, with Shahim Khan Jalair, and Qiyé Khan, and Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan, and

1 He had just been killed. See above.

2? The Khan Khanén.

3 This expression is common in Persian for “ escaping with one’s life’. Comp, the Hebrew expression Jer, xxi, 9, &c.

4 T.e., died.

5 In the centre of Orissa. Tabagdt-i Akbart, It is commonly known as Cuttack.

a Er;

f 199 }

Muhammad Quli Khan Toqydi, and Sa‘id Khan Badakhshi in pursuit of him, and promised to follow them himself as soon as his wounds were healed. his army marched as far as Kalkal-g’hati. Dad and the rest of the Afghans held Katak Banaras, and finding the wide field of honour to be contracted around them, determined to fight to the death, and made energetic preparations to with- stand the seige. When the Khan Khandn heard news of this, he set off in person for Katak Banéras and alighted on the banks of the Mahanadi!, and brought forward proposals of peace. After considerable opposition and difficulty it was settled with the Amirs that Datid should come and have an interview with the Khan Kh4nan, and that a reasonable portion of the wide kingdom of Bengal, in conformity with the advice and consent of the Amirs, should be assigned to him. On the day appointed a royal feast in the style of Jamshid and Afridin was arranged, and the Amirs took their proper places in accordance with their ranks, and the troops were drawn up in splendid array at the door of the audience-pavilion,

“On the other side the officers of Bengal with a pomp and grandeur

(P. 197) like Solomon’s came out from Katak Banaras with the chieftains of the Afghans, and entering the camp of the Khan Khdnan proceeded towards the audience-pavilion. The Khan Khandn with the greatest humility and respect practised all the ceremonies of reverence, and even advanced half way down the pavilion to meet them. When they met, Datd loosed his sword, and laying it before the Khan Khanan said, “ Since it brings wounds and pain on such worthy men as you, I am sick of war.’ The Khan Khanan gave the sword to one of his body-guard, and taking Datid’s hand led him to a cushion, and made him sit down by his side, and made the most kind and fatherly inquiries. All kinds of food and drinks and sweetmeats were served, and the Khan Khanan pressed him to partake of the dainties, and entertained him with great good humour and graciousness. After the removal of the dishes they proceeded to business, and drew up a treaty. Then the Khan Khadnén sent for a sword with a jewelled belt out of his

1 On which Cuttack stands. The word means “ great river.’’ Tho name

in the printed text is a blunder.

[ 200 ]

own stores, and binding it on David’s wrist said, “ Since you have chosen the path of loyalty, accept this sword on the part of the Emperor. As for the district of Bengal, a farmadn will be forwarded to you, in accordance with the request which I shall make.” Then showing him every courtesy, and making him a great variety of precious gifts, he dismissed him. ‘Thus the meeting passed off in all friendliness and good-will. On the 10th of the month Qafar in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) the Khan Khanan arrived at ‘Tandah the capital, whence he wrote a despatch to the Emperor containing an account of all that had happened. The Emperor sent him in return a farmdn worded in accordance with his request, together with a present of gorgeous robes of honour, and a jewelled sword-belt, and an Arab horse and a saddle and bridle, and com- mitting once more the affair of Bengal to his sole charge he en- trusted the reins of independent power to the hand of his capacity.

(P. 198). On the 16th of the month Jaméda’-s-sind (l-awwal) of this year his reverence the pole-star of pole-stars, the depository of spiritual guidance, and refuge of saintships (successor to that godlike Ghaus!, that divine pole-star, Shaikh Muhi-ud-din ‘Abd-ul- qddir Jilini) Miydn Shaikh Datid Jahni Wal? passed from this transitory world to the garden of Eden, and “ O Shaikh Ditd Wali?” was found to give the date. And the author found the following mnemosynon: “ Perfection of victory.* ”

After the Emperor’s return from his journey to Ajmir in the month Zi-ul-qa‘dah of the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) the building of the Jdddat-khanah, consisting of four halls, near the new palace in Fathpir, took place. An account of the details thereof, not devoid of prolixity, will, if the glorious God will permit be written on a suitable occasion.

It was during these days that Abu-l-Fazl, son of Shaikh Mubarik of Nagor, came the second time to Court, He is now styled

1 Any one of the seven Abdd/, spirits which circle round the world, and are the servants of the seven Imams, is called a Ghaus.

2 See Vol. iii. p. 28 of the text.

311 4+3800+10+ 600+4+4+4+1+4+6+4+6+ 30 + 10 = 982. 420 + 40 + 1+ 30+ 1+ 400 + 4 + 60 + 400 + 20 + 1 + 5 = 982,

[ 201 ]

‘Allamt. Heis the man that set the world in flames. He lighted up the lamp of the Cuabdhis, illustrating thereby the story of the man who, because he did not know what to do, took up a lamp in broad daylight,! and representing himself as opposed to all sects, tied the girdle of infallibility round his waist, according to the saying: ‘‘ He who continually takes the offensive, does not com- He laid before the Emperor a Commentary on the A’yat-ul/-Kurs/,? which contained all the sub- tleties of the Qur’4n; and though people said it was written by his father, Abu-l-Fazl was much praised. The numerical value of the letters in the words Tufstr-i-Akbari3 gives the date of the com- position. But the Hmperor praised it, chiefly because he expected to find in Abu-l-Fazl a man capable of teaching the Mullas a lesson (whose pride certainly resembles that of Pharaoh), though this expec- tation was opposed to the confidence which his Majesty had placed

mit himself as to his true opinions. ”

in the auther of these pages.

The reason of Abu-l-Fazl’s opinionativeness and pretensions to infallibility was this. At the time when it was customary to get hold of, and kill such as tried to introduce innovations in religious matters (as had been the case with Mir Habshi and others), Shaikh ‘Abd-un-nabi and Makhdim-ul-Mulk, and other learned men at Court, unanimously represented to the Emperor that Shaikh Muba- rik also, in as far as he pretended to be Mahkdi*(P. 199), belonged to the class of innovators, and was not only himself damned, but led others into damnation. Having obtained a sort of permission to remove him, they despatched police officers to bring him before the Emperor. But, when they found that the Shaikh with his two sons had concealed himself, they demolished the pulpit in his prayer- room. The Shaikh at first took refuge with Salim Chisti at Fathptr, who was then in the height of his glory, and requested-

1 Our writer means that he preferred the lamp-light of human reason to the sunlight of Revelation.

2 Al-Qur’dn II, 256.

3 «Commentary of Akbar’s time.” 400 + 80 + 60 + 10 + 200 +1 + 20

2+ 200 + 10 = 983.

4 The Imam Mahdt. who, like Elijah the Tishbite of the Jews, is to be the forerunner of the Messiah.

[ 202 ]

him to intercede for him. Shaikh Salim, however, sent him money by some of his disciples, and told him it would be better for him to go away to Gujrat. Seeing Salim took no interest in him, Shaikh Mubarik applied to Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah,! who took occasion to praise to the Hmperor the Shaikh’s learning and voluntary poverty, and the superior talents of his two sons, adding that Mubarik was a most trustworthy man, that he had never received lands as a present, and that he himself could really not see why the Shaikh was so much persecuted. The Emperor at last gave up all thoughts of killing the Shaikh. Ina short time matters took a still more favourable turn : and Abu-l-Fazl, when once in favour with the Emperor (officious as he was, and time-serving, openly faithless, continually studying the Emperor’s whims, a flatterer beyond all bounds), took every oppor- tunity of reviling in the most shameful way that sect whose labours and motives have been so little appreciated, and became the cause not only of the extirpation of these experienced people, but also of the ruin of all the servants of God, especially of Shaikhs, and pious men, of the helpless and orphans, whose livings and grants he cut down. He used continually to say :—

“ O Lord, send down a Proof? for the people of the world ! Send these Nimrods? a gnat as big as an elephant ! These Pharaoh-like fellows have lifted up the hand, Send them a Moses with a staff, and a Nile! ”’

And when in consequence of his harsh proceedings miseries and misfortunes broke in upon the Ulamd, (who had persecuted him and his father), he applied the following Ruba‘? to them :—

“J have set fire to my barn with my own hands, (P. 200) As [am the incendiary, how can I complain of my enemy’! No one is my enemy but myself, Woe is me! I have torn my garment with my own hands.”

And when during disputations people quoted against him the edict

1 Akbar’s foster-brother.

2 That is one capable of giving the U/amd a lesson, meaning himself.

Nimrod and Pharaoh are proverbial for their pride. Nimrod was killed by a gnat, which crept through the nose to his brain.

[ 203 }

of any Mijtahid} he used to say: “ O don’t bring me the arguments of this sweetmeat-seller, or that cobbler, or that tanner!” He thought himself capable of giving the lie to all Shaikhs and Ulamé. In the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) the buildings of the ‘Ibaddt-khanah were completed. The cause was this. For many years previously the Emperor had gained in succession re- markable and decisive victories. The empire had grown in extent from day to day ; everything turned out well, and no opponent was left in the whole world. His Majesty had thus leisure to come into nearer contact with ascetics and the disciples of his reverence [the late] Mu‘in,? and passed much of his time in discussing the Word of God and the word of the Prophet. Questions of (udafi-ism, scienti- fie discussions, enquiries into Philosophy and Law, were the order of the day. His Majesty spent whole nights in praising God; he conti- nually occupied himself in pronouncing Yé huwa,> and Yé hadi§ in which he was well-versed. His heart was full of reverence for Him, who is the true Giver, and from a feeling of thankfulness for his past successes he would sit many a morning alone in prayer and meditation on a large flat stone of an old building which lay near the palace in a lonely spot, with his head bent over his chest, gathers ing the bliss of the early hours of dawn. When then he heard that Sulaiman Kararani, governor of Bengal, used every night to offer up the prayers in the company of some 150 persons consisting of re- nowned Shaikhs and Ulamé, and used to remain in their society till morning listening to commentaries and exhortations (P. 201), and then, after offering up the morning prayers, would occupy himself in State-business, and the affairs of the army, and of his subjects ; and that he had his appointed time for everything and never broke

1 A man of infallible authority in his explanations of the Musalman law. Like most of the great Jewish Rabbis, there were among the oldest many who plied a trade at the same time.

2 Shaikh Mu‘in-ud-din Chishti Sigizi of Ajmir.

3 The Qur’an.

4 Traditional sayings of Mubammad’s,

« O He (God) !"”

6 “ O Guide!”

[ 204 ]

through his good rule; and when also news arrived from Badakh- shan of the coming of Mirza Sulaiman, who was a prince of Gufi tendencies, and had become a (Céhib-i-Adl) and a Murid : for these urgent reasons he had the very cell of Shaikh ‘Abd-ullah Niyazi Sarhindhi (who had formerly been a disciple of Shaikh Islam Chishti, but had afterwards joined the circle of Mahdeva)? repaired, and built a spacious hall on all four sides of it. He also finished the construction of the tank called Anzptaldo.8 He named that cell the ‘1bddat-khanah, which became by degrees ‘Iyddat-khanah, and Mulla Sheri composed a gagidah on the subject, of which the follow- ing is a verse :—

“In these days I have seen, united with the wealth of Qérin,

The ritual of Phartin, and the buildings of Shaddad.”

On Fridays after prayers he would go from the new chapel of the Shaikh-ul-Islim, and hold a meeting in this building. Shaikhs, Ulam4, and pious men, and a few of his own companions and atten- dants were the only people who were invited. Discussions were car- ried on upon all kinds of instructive and useful topics. One day Jalal Khan Qurchi, who was my patron, and the means of intro- ducing me to Court,® in the course of conversation and disputation made the following statement to the Emperor: “ When I went to Agrah to see Shaikh Ziya-ullab, son of Shaikh Muhammad Ghous, I found that poverty had taken such a hold on his household, that one day ata meeting he asked for some sers of pulse. Part of it he used for his own food, part he gave to me, and (P. 202) the other part he sent to his household.” The Emperor was much impressed on hearing this, and sent for Shaikh Ziyd-ullah with a view to show- ing him kindness. He assembled a party in his honour at the ‘Ibadat-khanah, and every Thursday evening he invited Sayyids, Shaikhs, Ulama, and Amirs. But ill-feeling arose in the company

1 One who attains the state of ecstasy and close union with God.

2 Siva. That is he had Hindi-ized.

5 Hindistani Anip = Sanscrit Anupama “ incomparable” : and taldo corrup- tion of taléb, from Sanscrit taddga “ pond.”

4 Another reading is ‘Jbdrat. The meaning is obscure.

5 See p. 175.

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about the seats and order of precedence, so His Majesty ordered that the Amirs should sit on the east side, the Sayyids on the west, the Ulam4 on the south, and the Shaikhs onthe north. His Ma- jesty would go from time to time to these various parties, and con- verse with them, and ascertain their thoughts. Quantities of per- fume were used, and large sums of money were distributed as re- wards of merit and ability among the worthy people who obtained anentry through the favour of the Emperor’s courtiers. Many fine books which had belonged to ‘Itimad Khan Gujrati, and had been acquired in the conquest of Gujrat, were placed in the imperial library, but were subsequently brought out, and distributed by the Emperor among learned and pious men. Among the rest he gave me a book called Anwdr-ul-mashkit, in amplification of one section of the Mashhkit-ul-anwar ; and, which was a very good thing, he gave to the Amirs by way of pay some things which they called Zrmds, z. e. “destruction of enemies.” All at once one night the vein of the neck of the Ulama of the age swelled up, and a horrid noise and confusion ensued. His Majesty got very angry at their rude be- haviour, and said to me, “ In future report any of the Ulamé who talk nonsense and cannot behave themselves, and I shall make him leave the hall.’ I said gently to Agaf Khan, “If I carried out this order, most of the Ulamd& would have to leave,” when His Ma- jesty suddenly asked what I had said. On hearing my answer he was highly pleased, and mentioned my remark to those sitting near him. He used to summon Makhdim-ul-Mulk Mouldna ‘Abd ull4h Sulténptri (P. 203) to that assembly, in order to annoy him; and would set up to argue against him Haji Ibrahim, and Shaikh Abu-l- Faz, then a new arrival, but now the prime leader of the New Re- ligion and Faith, or rather the infallible guide and expositor de omni- bus rebus, et quibusdam aliis. His Majesty used to interrupt the Moulana at every statement, and at a hint from him his companions also would interfere with interjections and observations, and would tell queer stories about the Moulana, and exemplified in his person the verse” of the Qur’an, ‘‘ And some of you shall have life prolonged to

1 See Blochm. p. 258, and 250, Surely in the latter place (.5) he is wrong

in reading falab with izdfat. 7 xvi, 72,

[ 206 ]

a miserable age.’ Among other stories Khan Jal4n said that he had. heard that Makhdum-ul-Mulk had given a fatwd, that the ordinance of pilgrimage was no longer binding, but even hurtful. When people had asked him the reason of his extraordinary fatwd, he had said that the two roads to Makkah, through Persia and over Gujrat, were impracticable, because people in going by land! had to suffer injuries at the hands of the Qézi/bdshis,? and in going by sea they had to put up with indignities from the Portuguese, whose pass- ports had pictures of Mary and Jesus (peace be upon Him!) stamped onthem. ‘To make use, therefore, of the latter alternative would mean to countenance idolatry; hence both roads were closed. Another device of Makhdtm-ul-Mulk’s was the trick by which he avoided payment of the legal alms due upon his wealth. Towards the endof each year he used to make over all his property to his wife, but before the year had run out he took it back again® It is said that he practised some other tricks of which even the Israelites would have been ashamed. Stories were told one after another about his meanness and shabbiness, and baseness and worldliness, and op- pression, all which vices were exhibited towards holy and deserving men, especially those of the Panjab, and which one by one came to light, verifying the saying: “There is a day when secrets shall be disclosed.’ They told also other stories founded upon his villany, sordid disposition, and contemptible conduct, and they ended by de- ciding that he ought to be shipped off no/ens volens (P. 204) to Makkah. When he was asked if he thought that pilgrimage was a duty for a man in his circumstances he said “ Wo!’ At this time Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi was rising into power, while the star of the Moulané was fast sinking. The Emperor on account of his great

1 T. e, by Persia.

2 The Shi‘ahs of Persia. So named from their sed caps, see Fraser’s novel Kazul-bash.

3 Alms are due on every surplus stock or store which a Sunni possesses at the end ofa year, provided that surplus have been in his possession for a whole year. Blochm., 178, note 1.

4 Al Quran LXXXVI, 9.

5 He meant to say he was poor, and thus refuted the charges brought against

him, Blochm., p. 173.

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reverence and respect for the Shaikh used to go from time to time to his house to hear lectures on the Traditions! of the Prophet, and made the eldest Prince attend his school to learn the [collection of] 40 ahaddis by the renowned master Maulana ‘ Abd-ur-Rahman Jami (God sanctify his glorious tomb!). And one of his follies was this,

‘that although he boasted of being learned in Tradition, and claimed to

be a Hafiz, and an Imam in this glorious science, yet he taught the Tradition “The prudent course (hazam) is to hold an evil opinion of others,” with a dotted #hé, and an undotted ré (kharam), when every child knows that it is spelt with an undotted Aé, and a dotted z (hazam). Years passed in this way until, when the Emperor’s

‘heart became alienated from him, and troops of Mullds were being

turned away, Mirzi ‘Aziz Kokah® reminded him of this fact: “ His proficiency in the science of hadés, of which he boasted, reached such a pitch, and the result was that you raised him to such a rank, and now at this juncture counterfeit morals, as well as counterfeit principles have shown themselves in him. God preserve us from want after plenty!”

About this time His Majesty entrusted the work of translating the book Hatwat-ul-haiwan to Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, a book which Nagib Khan often used to read before the Emperor, and used to in- terest him in its subject-matter. And Shaikh Mubérik? translated it into Persian.

In this year His Majesty gave orders that the Azmahs of the whole empire should not be let off by the hrorés® of each parganna,

-unless they brought the farmdan in which their grants, subsistence

allowances, and pensions were described, to the Cadr for inspection

and verification. For this reason a large number of worthy people

from the extreme east of India as far west as Bakkar [on the

Indus] came to Court. If any of them had a powerful protector

(P. 205) in one of the Amirs, or near friends of His Majesty, he 1 Called hadés, pl. ahddiés.

2 He bore the title of Khdn-t ‘A 7am. 3 Father of Abu-l-Fazl

4 Al-Badaoni uses the word Azmah in the sense of Aimah-ddrdn, ‘ holders of grant-lands.’

5 Revenue officers, so called because each was put over a kror of ddms, Blochm, p. 13.

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eould manage to get his affair settled; but such as were destitute of such recommendations had to bribe Sayyid ‘Abd-ur-rastl, the Shaikh’s head-man, or make presents to his chamberlains, door keepers, and sweepers, in order to get their blanket out of the mire. Unless, however, they had either strong recommendations, or had recourse to bribery, they were utterly ruined. Many of the Aimahs, without obtaining their object, died from the heat caused by the crowding of the multitudes. Though a report of this came to the ears of His Majesty, no one dared to take these unfortunate people before the Emperor. And when the Shaikh, in all his pride and haughtiness, took his place upon his official seat, and influential Amirs introduced to him in his audience-hall scientifie or pious men, the Shaikh used to receive them in his infamous manner, coming forward and paying respect to none. And after much asking, beg- ging and exaggerating he allowed, for example, a teacher of the Hidaya and other college books, 100 Béigahs more or less; and though such a man might have been a long time in possession of more extensive lands, the Shaikh took them away. But to men of no renown, to low fellows, even to Hindts, he granted lands for the first time. Thus learning and learned men fell from day to day into lower estimation. Even in the very audience-hall, when after midday prayers he sat down on his throne of pride, and washed his hands and feet, he took care to spirb the water, which he had used, on the head and face and garments of the great Amirs, and courtiers of high degree who were near, and made no exception. And they with a view to helping the poor suppliants bore all this, and con- descended to fawn on him, and flatter and toady him to his heart’s content, in he hope of securing at last some compensation for the

insult :—

“ When arustic becomes a judge,? He wills such decrees, that they will kill him.’”

Never in the time of any Emperor had such absolute power been given (P. 206) into the hand of any Cadr.

1 A book on Law. ‘The word means ‘‘ Guidance.” 2 Jack in office.

[ 209 ]

About this time the Emperor appointed me as an Imdm, and directed me also to undertake the oflice of marking the imperial horses with the brand. He gave me no very considerable travelling- expenses and ordered me from the first to act as mangabddr com- manding twenty in bringing horses to the brand, Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl was treated in the same way, so that we were, as Shabli said with respect to Junaid,! (God bless their spirits!) “ both baked in one kiln”? Yet he, at once making a successful beginning, worked so strenuously at the ddgh-u-mahall¢ business, that he managed by his intelligence and time-serving qualities to raise himself to a mancab of two thousand, and the dignity of Wazir, While I, from my inexperience and simplicity, could not manage to continue in the service ; and this piece of satirical poetry, which one of the Sayyids of Anju composed in reference to his own circumstances, came to my mind :—

“ Thou hast made me a courtier and commander of twenty, Let not my mother know of my nothingness.”

T reflected that there were still hopes of securing contentment (that best of possessions!) by means of a madad-i-ma‘dsh, which would enable me to retire from the world, and apply myself to study and devotion, while free from the cares of the world :— “Seek not worldly pomp, let go transitory happiness, The pomp of Religion is enough, and the happiness of Islim for thee ;”

but this was not easy. In the month of Shawwéal in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983), on my applying for leave of ab- sence, it was refused, but the Emperor excused my inspections of the horses. Still through the unfriendly disposition of the Gadr, and the unpropitiousness of the times he only allotted to me a tenure to the amount of 1000 dzgahs of land, which in that iron age appeared to be equivalent to the fief of a commander of twenty. It was styled also in the farmdn a madad-i-ma‘ésh. I represented that with this small tenure I could not afford to be always in attendance on the Court, to which the Emperor replied that he would also give me subsidies and presents during the marches, And Shaikh ‘Abd-un-

Two of the principal saints of the Islam.

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Nabi said that no (P. 207) person of my quality had received from him so large a grant of land. As for the presents which I was pro mised, though twenty-two years have elapsed since my hopes were raised, I have received them but once or twice, and the rest have been concealed behind the veil of fate and have fallen like leaves to the ground. ‘These fine promises were nothing better than a baseless mirage. I have performed services without rewards, and undergone useless restraints, from which I can now be relieved only by the good- humour of destiny :— “Wither faithfulness, or news of union with thee, or the death of the rival, The playfulness of fate will do one of these three things.” ‘We are content with the decree of God, are patient under His trials, and thankful for His favours’ :—

‘In any case I must give thanks, If I may never be in worse plight than now !”

And this gif‘ah of Faztli of Baghdéd, who composed it in reference to Hairati of Samarqand, when he was in the favour of Shah Tahmasp, is expressive of the vain hopes of your humble servant :—

“Tam from the dust of Arabia, and Hairatf from the kingdom of Persia ; Both of us have sought our desire in uttering our words. We have found from two benefactors the desire of our hearts, He a glance from the king of Persia, I from the king of Arabia,”’! Since the world, and what is in it, is known to me, my hopes are fixed on the Creator, who helps his servants, that at the last all may be well, and that the seal of the matter may be in the felicity of Religion :—“ What is with you will pass away, what is with God is eternal?” ;— “This is our hope from the mercy of our Creator, That Thou wilt not make hopeless those who hope.’

? I. e. God, 2 Al Qur’an xvi, 98,

Comp. Ps, cxix, 49.

{ 2b ]

The first of the questions which the Emperor asked in these days was this: ‘How many freeborn women may a man legally marry by nikah?’ The lawyers answered that four was the limit fixed by the prophet. The Emperor thereupon remarked that from the time he had come of age he had not restricted himself (P. 208) to that number, and in justice to his wives of whom he had a large number, both freeborn and slaves, he now wanted to know what remedy the law provided for his case. Most expressed their opinions, then the Emperor remarked that Shaikh*’‘Abd-un-Nabi had once told him that one of the Mujtahids! had had as many as nine wives. Some of the Ulama present replied that the I/ujtahid alluded to was Ibn Abi Lailé, and that some had even allowed eighteen from a too literal translation of the verse of the Qur’én:* ‘Marry whatever Women you like, two and two, and three and three, and four and four ;°” but this interpretation is rejected. His Majesty then sent a message to Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi who replied that he had merely wished to point out to the Emperor that a difference of opinion existed on this point among lawyers, but that he had not given a fatwa, in order to legalize irregular marriage proceedings. This annoyed His Majesty very much. ‘“ The Shaikh,” said he, “ told me at that time a very different thing to what he tells me now.” He never forgot this. .

After much discussion on this point the Ulamé, having collected every Tradition on the subject, decreed, first that by mut‘ah [not by nikah| a man might marry any number of wives he pleased: and secondly, that mut‘ak marriages were allowed as legal by Im4m Malik. The Shi‘ahs, as was well-known, loved children born in mut‘ah wedlock more than those born of nikah wives, contrary to the Sunnis and Ahl-i-Jama‘at. On the latter point also the dis- cussion became rather lively, and I would refer the reader to my work

1See p. 203, note 1. © IV. 3,

324243 +3+44+4—18. The Mujtahid who took nine, inter. preted it 2 + 3 + 4—9. The usual interpretation is “ two or three or four.’’

[ 212

entitled Majdt-ur-rashid}, in which the subject is briefly discussed. But to make things worse, Naqib Khan fetched a copy of the Muwatta of Imam Malik, and pointed to a Tradition in the book, which the Imam had cited as a proof against the legality of Mwéak marriages.

Another night Qazi Ya‘qab, Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, Haji Ibrahim, anda few other Ulama were invited to meet His Majesty at the house near the <Andéptaléo tank. Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl had been see lected as the opponent, and laid before the Emperor several tradi- tions regarding MMut‘ah marriages, which his father had collected, and the discussion commenced. At this juncture the Emperor sent for me also, and (P. 209) asked me what my opinion was on this subject. I said: “The conclusion to be drawn from so many contradictory Traditions and sectarian customs is in a word this :— Imam Malik and the Shiahs are unanimous in looking upon Mut‘ah marriages as legal; Imam Shafi and the great Imam? (the merey of God be on them both!) look upon MMuttah marriages as illegal. But should at any time a Qazi of the Maliki sect decide that a Mut‘ah is legal, it is legal according to the common belief, even for Shafitisand Hanafis. Hvery other opinion on the subject is idle talk.” This pleased His Majesty very much. Qézi Ya‘qtb said something unintellegible. I reminded him that, when a matter is doubtful, it is generally in the power of the Qazi to decide. ‘“ So what do you say about it?’ And in reference to this appeal of mine I brought forward the question of reading the Hatihah according to the martyred Imdm, and I adduced many other confirmations, and as briefly as possible the story of the going of Shaikh Biha-ud-din Zakaryéi of Multan to Baghdad to visit the Shaikh of Shaikhs Shibab-ud-din Sahartirdi (God bless the spirits of them both !), and of that great man’s beginning to read the Hitihah according to the Shafi school, and of the suspicions of the ordinary Ulama against them, and of the bringing forward of traditions which allowed it, and of the matter being eventually decided by the Qazis of Dihli. £o I maintained that it is allowable. Then Qazi Ya‘qtib helplessly

1A copy of this work is to be found among the Persian MSS. of the As, Soc., Bengal. Blochm., p, 104, note 2.

2 Hantfah.

[ 218 ]j

said after me: ‘ What shall we say P God be praised it is allowed.” The Emperor then said, ‘““f herewith appoint Qazi Husain ‘Arab Maliki as Qazi before whom I lay this case concerning my wives, and you Ya‘qub are from this day suspended.” This was immediately obeyed, and Qazi Husain on the spot gave the decree which made Mut‘ah marriages legal. The veteran lawyers such as Makhdim- ul-Mulk, Qazi Ya‘qub, and others, were the losers by this affair, and from this moment their power began to wane. ‘The result was that afew days later Maulana Jalal-ud-din of Multan, who was a pro- found (P. 210) and learned man, whose grant had been transferred, was orderedfrom Agrah!, and appointed Qazi of the realm. Qazi Ya‘qub was sent to Gaur as district Qazi. From this day forward the road of opposition and difference in opinion lay open, and remained so until His Majesty was appointed Mujtahid of the Empire: and so on, and on, and on, until he reached any degree of exaltation !

At this time Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi and Mukhdim-ul-Mulk were ordered to examine into the matter, and to decide the amount of tax to be levied on Hindts, and farmdns were issued in all direc- tions; but this order quickly disappeared like a reflection on the water,

In these days His Majesty once asked how people would like it, if he ordered the words Al/ah Akbar to be cut on the Imperial seal, and the dies of his coins. Most said that the people would like it very much, but Haji Ibrahim objected, and said, that the phrase had an ambiguous meaning,? and that the Emperor might substitute the verse of the Qur’an Lazikrullahi Akbaru®, because it involved no ambiguity. But the Emperor was much displeased, and said it was surely sufficient, that no man who felt his weakness would claim Divinity; he merely looked to the sound of the words, and he had never thought that a thing could be carried to such an extreme.

1 To Fathpir Sikri. 2 *God is great’, or ‘Akbar is God.’ 5 To commemorate God is the greatest thing.

[ 214 ]

In this year, before the decision about M/ut‘ah marriages, the Emperor appointed Sayyid Muhammad, Jdfir ‘ddl, for whom he entertained the highest respect, to go to Bakkar, and presented him with one of his own swords, and a horse, and a dress. Some time after arriving there he died (the merey of God be upon him!), After his death a dress came into vogue, which to this day has never looked well on any one’s figure, one would say that it was as bizarre as the age! Some people mentioned that Haji Ibrahim of Sarhind had given a fatwa, by which he made it legal to wear red and yellow cloths,! quoting at the same time a Tradition as his proof (P. 211). On hearing this the Jr ‘Addl in the imperial presence called him an accursed wretch, abused him, and lifted up his stick to strike him, when the Haji by some subterfuges managed to geb rid of him.

During this year there arrived at Court Hakim Abu-l-Fath, Hakim Humaytin (who subsequently changed his name to Humaéytn Quli, and lastly to Hakim Human), and Ndr-ud-din, who as poet is known under the name of Qarari. They were brothers, and came from Gildn, near the Caspian Sea. The eldest brother, whose manners and address were exceedingly winning, obtained in a short time great ascendancy over the Emperor. He flattered him openly, adapted himself to every change in the religious ideas of His Ma- jesty, or even went in advance of them, and thus became in a short time a most intimate friend of the Emperor.

Soon after there came from Persia Mulla Muhammad of Yazd, who got the name of Yazidi, and attaching himself to the Emperor commenced openly to revile the Gwhubah*, told queer stories about them, and tried hard to make him a Shi‘ah. But he was soon left behind by Bir Bar—that bastard !—and by Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, and Hakim Abu-l-Fath, who successfully turned the Emperor from the Islam, and led him to reject inspiration, prophetship, the miracles of the prophet and of the saints, and even the whole law, so that I could no longer bear their company. Their eventual fates shall be told, each in its proper place, if God (He is exalted!) will.

1 Such as women may use. Blochin. 2 Companions of Mahomet.

f 2s J

At the same time His Majesty ordered Qazi Jalal-ud-din, and several Ulama, to write a commentary on the Qur’4n; but this led to great dissentions among them.

Deb Chand Rajah Manjholah—that fool!—once set the whole Court in laughter by saying that Allah after all had great respect for cows,! else the cow would not have been mentioned in the first chapter of the Qur’an.?

His Majesty had also the early history of the Isl4m read out to him, and soon began to think less of the Cahabah. Soon after, the observance of the five prayers, and the fasts, and the belief in every- thing connected with the prophet, were put down as vain supersti- tions, and man’s reason was acknowledged as the only basis of reli- gion. Portuguese (P. 212) priests also came frequently ; and His Majesty enquired into the articles of their belief, which are based upon reason :-—

“ Whatever imagination their intellect invents, God laughs at the intellect of people of that creed.”

And in this year the Emperor sent for Shaikh Badr-ud-din to come to the ‘Zbddat-khdnah. He was the son of Shaikh Islim Chishti. He was much given to prayer, and having given up all attendance on princes, had become his father’s successor, and had found favour with God, and become a recluse, and occupied himself only in fasting, zeal, repeating God’s name, exercising poverty, and reading the Qur’an. Since the old customs of respect in sitting, rising, and speaking were no longer observed, he committed many breaches of etiquette, and other misfortunes coming in succession, after three or four years, without saying anything to any one, he left the Court in sheer disappointment and despair, and went to Ajmir, and thence to Gujrat, whe1e he took ship alone to make a pilgrimage to Makkah. There he fasted, till he obtained spiritual union with

1 He meant to imply that the Qur’dén agrees with the Vedas in reverence for the cow.

2 Surat-ul-bagarah, the “Sura of the heifer.” It is really the 2nd Sura, but the 1st is only an introduction (Fdtihah). Similarly Ps, ii is quoted as “ the first Psalm.” Acts, xiii, 33 (Codex D).

(Pas ]

God, and in the hot air with naked feet performed the circuits, so that he attained the honour of reaching the heavenly Ka‘bah, and enjoyed union with the Lord of Glory! (O God make me a partaker thereof !) :—

O Kamal thou art gone

From the Ka‘bah to the Door of the Friend. A thousand times Afrin* !

Thou art gone like a man.

In this year a learned Brahman, Shaikh B’hawan, had come from the Dak’hin and turned Musalman, when His Majesty gave me the order to translate the A?harban. Several of the religious precepts of this book resemble the laws of the Islim. As in translating I found many difficult passages, which Shaikh B’hawan could not interpret either, I reported the same to His Majesty, who ordered Shaikh Faizi, and then Haji Ibrahim, to translate it. The latter, though willing, (P. 213) did not write anything. Among the pre- cepts of the At’harban there is one which says that no man will be saved unless he reads a certain passage. This passage contains many times the letter 7, and resembles very much our Ld illah illa’ lah. Besides I found that a Hindi under certain circumstances may eat cow-flesh ; and also that Hindus bury their dead, but do not burn them. With such passages the Shaikh used to defeat other Brdhmans in argument, and they had in fact led him to em- brace the Islam (God be thanked for this !).

In the month Sha‘ban of this year Gulbadan Bégum, daughter of Babar Padshah and paternal aunt to the Emperor, who had, in the year nine hundred and eighty-two (982) in company with Salimah Sultan Bégum daughter of Nur-ud-din Muhammed Mirz& (who was formerly wife of Bairam Khan, Khdn Khéndn, and afterwards entered the Haram of the Emperor), left Agrah for Hijaz and tarried one year in Gujrat, and attained that felicity,* and thus per-

1 T.e., he died at Makkah. 2 Bravo !

3 The eighth month.

4 That is, reached Mecca,

[ 217 ]

formed the four pilgrimages.” On_ her return, she remained another whole year at ‘Aden through shipwreck, and arrived in Hindtstan in the year nine hundred and ninety (990). And from that time it became an established practice, that every five or six years one of the nobles of the Court was made Leader of the pilgrims, anda general permission was given to the people, so that at great public expense, with gold and goods and rich presents, the Emperor sent them on a pilgrimage to Makkah. But this was afterwards abandoned.

In this year Mirza Sulaiman, who from the time of the reign of Babar had held absolute rule over Badakhshan—after that his pro- mising son “Ibrahim Mirzi had been slain in war with Pir Muham- mad Khan Uzbek in Balkh, and the decease? of Wali Ni‘mat Bégum, and after that various acts of a perverse and rebellious nature had taken place on the part of Shah Rukh Mirza, son of Ibrahim Mirzé, who had gone into rebellion with a view to usurping the whole government of Badakhshin—first of all came to Kabul hoping to obtain help from Mirzé (P. 214) Muhammad Hakim.$ When his hope failed to be realized, he requested that an escort might be given him to conduct him through the dangerous districts as far as the Indus. The Mirzi met his request with the greatest urbanity and politeness, and appointed him an escort, which deserted him at the first stage and returned to Kabul, and in accordance with :—

“ May it not be that thou remain long in this world ! For old.age is humiliation, and nonentity,”

taking his daughter with him in full confidence in God he travelled into Hind, alone and unattended. At several places the Afghans opposed his progress by force of arms; but the Mirzd, showing the most intrepid bravery, and wounded with an arrow, after a hundred troubles arrived at the river Indus. Thence he sent two or three horsemen, men born in his house, with a petition to the Court, Then the Emperor sent 50,000 rupees and abundant other necessa-

1 Kerbela, Kum, Mash-had, and Mecca. 2 For faw read faut. 3 Brother of Akbar, and Commandant of K4bul.

[ 218 ]

ries, and a team of horses of pure Arab breed by the hand of Agha Khan the treasurer to give the Mirza an honourable reception. And before this Rajah Bhagwan Das, governor of Lahdr, in accordance with a furmdn had gone to the Indus to meet him, and was showing him day by day suitable hospitality. The Amirs and governors also of every parganna and town on the way, in accordance with the recog- nised laws of hospitality promoted his wish to go forward, In this manner they brought the Mirza [to the Court].

Meanwhile A‘zam Khan! (who is also called Khanei A‘zam) was sent for from Gujrat to appear at the Court, with which command he hastened to comply, and did homage at Fathpur on the 4th of Rajab? in the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983). One day he broached the subject of the new regulations about branding horses, and the management of tax-collecting, and of contracting for the army, and of the distressed condition of agriculturists and other acts of oppression. Kverything that he knew about these things he mentioned with unqualified disapprobation. For some time the Emperor, from old habit, could not endure this unpleasant plain- speaking, and ordered (P. 215) that for some time he should be for- bidden the royal presence, and appointed officers to prevent any of the nobles from visiting him. After some days he sent him to Agrah, that, closing the door of egress and ingress in the face of mankind, he might practise the retirement of a monastic solitude in his own garden. Now Mirza Sulaiman having arrived at Mattra3 by continued journeys from Lahér, Tarstin Muhammad Khan, and Qazi Nizim Badakhshi (to whom the Mirzé had given the title of Qazi-Khan, and who had obtained from the Court the title of GhAzi- Khan) came from the great Amirs to meet him. And first of all the nobles, and magnates of the Court, and the pillars of the State, and afterwards the Emperor himself, with the assembled Amirs

1 Viz. Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah, son of Atgah Khan. His mother was Akbar’s wetnurse, so that, however much Aziz might offend he was seldom punished. Akbar used to say, ‘“ Between me and Azizis a river of milk which I cannot cross.’ Blochm., pp. 821, 325, He was appointed governor of Gujrat in 979.

2 The seventh month,

3N W. of Agrah.

a ciate aa d i ohr e a e e

E 219, }

went out five cosses to meet him. And on that day 5,000 elephants, some with housings of European velvet, and some with Turkish eloth of gold, and some with chains of gold and of silver, and with black and white fringes hung on their heads and necks, were drawn up in line on both sides: also Arabian and Persian horses with golden saddles of like splendour. And between each pair of elephants they placed a car of cheetahs with golden collars, and coverings of velvet and fine linen, and an oxen-car with fillets of embroidered gold. And the whole face of the wilderness, in this manner, became like a vision of Spring, and the desert and hill- country like the reflection of a tulip-bed. And when he saw the Emperor afar off, he alighted with ceremony from his horse, and ran forward to meet him with sa/éms. The Emperor with polite- ness quickly descended from his saddle to the ground, and would not permit him to pay any of the formal acts of politeness, and custo- mary humiliations. After embracing him he remounted, and ordered that he should ride with him, and occupied himself in making the kindest enquiries after his welfare. In the palace [called] Antiptaléo! (the door, walls, and interior of which they had furnished with painted canopies, brocade, and splendid carpets, and golden (P. 216) vessels and all other kinds of furniture in abundance) he gave him a place by his side on the throne of Sultanate, and also summoned the Prince, his son, and introduced him to him. After they had finished their repast he granted his request for assistance, and pro- mised him aid with such money and troops, as might enable him to reduce Badakhshén, and had apartments prepared for the Mirza in the tower of the Hatyapul,? where was the Wagdrah-khanah®, Of an evening he used often to go to the zbddat-khanah, and hold converse with the Shaikhs and sages and cultivate ecstacy, and sometimes loud shouts were heard proceeding from him: and prayer with the econ- gregation was never neglected by him. One day, after leading in all the other prayers, I considered that I had said sufficient prayers when the Mirz& objected to me that L had not recited the Putihah.

1 See p. 204. 2 Tho ‘ Elephant Gate,’ compare Blochmann’s Aén-¢ Akbaré, 505. 3 A sort of gallery, generally above the gate-way, where the kettle-drums

are beaten at certain hours,

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Isaid: “In the time of the Prophet (God bless him, and give him peace !) the reciting of the Fatihah was not customary ; and some of the traditions have pronounced it to be of questionable authority.” He said: “Do you mean to say then that those who read it are not in the region of knowledge, nor wise men?” JI replied: “ We have to do with the Written Law, not with [possible] forgeries.” The Emperor after this commanded that I should recite it. I com- plied, although I showed him the tradition which pronounced it as questionable.*

At this time [the Emperor] revived an old Chaghatdéi custom: For some days, in order to exhibit it to Mirz4 Sulaiman, they spread royal tables in the Audience-hall. And the officers of high grade? gathered the soldiers together, and took to themselves the trouble of arranging the customary food. But when the Mirzé departed, all these [revived customs] departed too,

Khan Jahan, commandant of the Panjab, was ordered to take with him 5,000 warlike mounted archers, and putting himself at the service of the Mirza to go to Badakhshan, and deliver the country from Mirzt Shah-Rikh and hand it over to Mirz4 Sulaiman. But as a matter of fact the aspect of affairs took a somewhat different complexion.

Meanwhile news came that Mun‘im Khan, Khan Khandn, after making peace with Datd in the midst of the rainy-season, under the guidance of Fate, passed over the Ganges from Tandah (the climate of which is temperate), and made the inhabitants (P. 217) migrate to Gaur, and ordered that that town (which was formerly the Capital of Bengal, and the climate of which is debilitating and foul) should be inhabited: and all that the Amirs could say against it availed nothing :—

“ O wonder! that ye had no misgivings of heart, no sadness of soul, On account of this foul air, these noxious waters.”

Various diseases, the names of which it would be difficult to know, attacked their constitutions; and every day hosts upon hosts of 4 See above p. 212, 3 Tawdcht see p. 74, note &.

’ '

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people, having played out their existence, bade farewell to one another; and how many thousands soever were told off for that country, it cannot be stated that a hundred ever returned to their homes :—

What a fatal thing, O God, may a place become!”

Things came to such a pass that the living were unable to bury the dead, and threw them head-foremost into the river. Every hour, and every minute, news came to the ear of the Khan Khanan of the death of Amirs, and yet, for all that, he did not bimself become infected. And, on account of the arrogance of his disposition, no one had the power to remove the cotton-wool of ignorance from his ears, and make him leave the place: —

“Tf I give advice to my heart in love, it is taken ill. I will leave it in her street to hit its head against the wall.”

After a time the constitution of the Khan Khandn, Mun‘im Khan, began to deviate from its usual course of equilibrium, and, at over eighty years of age, after completing the first ten days of the month Rajab! of the year nine hundred and eighty-three (983) he rendered his account to the Guardian of Paradise, or to the Guardian of Hell (God knows !) ; and all that rank and glory, and that grandeur and perfection became a mere dream and fantasy :—

“ Since thou canst not place any confidence in thy life, What matters it whether it be one, or one hundred years P (P. 218) Since there is no perpetuity in life, What matters power,® or servitude ? ”

Since he had no heirs, the officials seized all that wealth and gains (which had taken so many years to accumulate) for the imperial treasury, ‘Announce to the wealth of a miser reverse of fortune, or an heir :—

How well has a clever speaker said, Gold attracts gold, and treasure treasure ! ”

1 The seventh month. 2 Instead of Baman and Famd/ we must read Farman and Pamai,

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Then, in accordance with the well-known saying—‘In a place with- out trees a Palma Ohrist¢* is [looked on as] a shady and fruitful tree’ the Amirs, on this principle, looked to Sh4ham Khan Jalair as their leader :—

“ The death of the great has made me great,”

But, when the news reached the Court, the Emperor appointed the Khan Zaman, in the room of the Khan Khanan, to the Command in Bengal, and presented him with a gold-embroidered cloak, and vest of gold, and jewelled sword-belt, and a horse with a guilded saddle. Then whether at his own request, or for the peace of the kingdom, it was settled that Mirz& Sulaiman should go by sea on a pilgrimage to Hij4z: and having signed a draught for him of 50,000 rupees upon the imperial treasury, and given him another sum of 20 rupees from the local treasury of Gujrat, the Emperor gave him leave to depart. And Qulij Khan he appointed as his escort, to see him off safely from the port of Strat. During this same year he reached Makkah and Al Madinah, and by the help of God’s grace and faithfulness he returned by way of ‘Iraq, and was, as was right, reinstated in the sovereignty of Badakhshan :— “Thou hast never seen that road, therefore they never showed it thee, Else, who has ever knocked at that door, and they opened not to him,” On his return he gave one of his daughters to Muzaffar Husain Mirz4, commandant of Qandahar, who at that time had come to Lahér, and had attached himself to the Court ; and another daughter he gave to another man.

In this year the late? Husain Khan (for whom, of all men of supe- rior understanding, the Author had an old and strong attachment, and the most perfectly sincere friendly relations) through infirmity caused by the appearance (P. 219) of that stage and mark, which is the destroyer of pleasures, and the vanquisher of the warrior, after the buffeting of all those troubles, which had passed over him, through apparent madness, but real wisdom, left Kant-u-Golah with

1 The Qégdyén of Jonah iv. 6. For a like prov. see Talm. Babl. Synh. 44a.

2 He was dead, when our author wrote.: etttin ieee

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a band of his friends and intimates (who, whether in the flood of fire, or in the billows of the sea, had never in any wise deserted him), and, passing through the confines of Badétin and Sambhal, and crossing the river Ganges, arrived in the Diab. Then, after plun- dering, the mawdsdn! and disaffected of that neighbourhood (who, deeming the payment of rent unnecessary, never used to return any answer to their feudal lord, so that you may guess what happened to the helpless, duped, non-plussed, dishonoured tax-collectors) took a moon-light flit to the base of the northern mountains. This wasa place he had all his life a hankering after, and kept it, as a mine of silver and gold in full view: continually concocting in the cruci- ble of his guileless breast (which was large enough to contain a world) visions of golden and silver idol-temples? and bricks of gold and silver. Then, without having received any orders authorizing him to do sv, he turned to Basant-puir (an elevated and well-known place in the hill-district), and invested the place. Malik-ush-Sharaq, the tax-collector of ‘I’hanésar? shut the door of the fort: and the other tax-collectors in like manner, in a fright, having run into their holes, spread a false report that he was in rebellion, and sent a petition to that effect to the Court. The Emperor enquired of Sa‘id Khan Moghtl (who was a connection and very old friend of Husain Khan, and who had just come from Multdin) whether this report was true; this he firmly denied. But when the Emperor asked him to give, on the part of Husain Khan, a bond in writing for the cattle and goods which Husain Khan had carried off from the agriculturists he utterly declined to do so, and all that former love and friendship changed into an affectation of being utterly unac- quainted with him :— “ These deceitful friends, whom you see,

Are but flies about a sweetmeat.

Before you they are truer to you than the light,

Behind your back they are more evanescent than a shadow.”

1 Are these the same as the “ mdwts” Blochm., p. 252, or ought we to read Mu‘dgiydn rebels ?

? The Emperor Mahmiid had acquired immense wealth from the” plunder of Hindi temples. He hoped to do the same,

3 See p, 94, note 4.

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(P. 220) At last he sent Sayyid Hashim, son of Muhammad Barha, and the sons of Mir Sayyid Muhammad, the Judge of Amrahah (before he dismissed him to Bakkar), with a body of the Amirs to operate against! him. While he was fighting in the hill-district of Basant-pir he received a severe musket-wound under the shoulder= blade, besides losing a host of his veterans. Accordingly, without having accomplished anything, he turned back, and getting into a boat he went on the river Ganges towards Patyali (which was the native place of his kith and kin). He got as far as Gadha Maktésar where they came on him, disabled by his wound, and, in accordance with their orders, brought him to Agrah, and deposited him in the house of Caidiq Muhammad Khan (between whom and Husain Khan there had existed trom the beginning of the conquest of India, or rather from Qandahdr—times onward, the kindliest feeling, and most sincere friendship) Shaikh Bindi, the physician, being sent for by the Emperor’s command, came to try and heal him, But on his representing that the wound was of a frightful character the Em- peror sent for Hakim ‘Ayn-ul-mulk. And the Author, having re- ceived the Emperor’s permission, went with the physician to see him, in order to keep up my old relations with him. JI found him, and while a moment, by reason of my sorrow, seemed to me like days, I composed these words of friendship, sorrowful and mingled with

tears :—

“Wherever I and the loved-one met together, For fear of the malevolent we bit our lips. Without the intervention of ear or lip, by means of heart and eye, Many a word was there, that we said and heard.”

Meanwhile the imperial surgeons came to operate on him, They thrust a probe into the wound to the depth of a span, and probed it mercilessly. But that man of fortitude swallowed the agony, like a sweet draught, and neither frowned (P. 221), nor shewed any sign of pain, but smiled without dissimulation :— ‘‘ My face is calm in spite of the bitter words of men, Poison is in my mouth, but my face is wreathed in smiles.”

1 For bar pisari o ought we to read bar sari o ?

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And that was my last sight of him until the Judgment-day, and my very last farewell of him. I heard two or three days after I arrived at Fath-pur, that his sickness had turned to a flux. He was so refined in the crucible of abstinence, that what remained of impurity in him, by reason of human nature and the infirmity of the flesh, entirely left him, and the alloy of his nature becoming pure gold, he became purified by fire, for ‘ ‘Trial is to the Saints what the flame is to gold’ :—

“ All carnal attributes have departed from Mas‘ud Beg, That of him which was Soul is become that very Soul again.”

And—that he might attain the full felicity of a true and regular martyrdom, in accordance with the authentic tradition: ‘ He that is afflicted with the colic is a martyr, in that distress of expatriation, and grief of exile, and trouble of penury, together with the accident of a wound from Infidels received in a hostile country, and the dis- traction of relaxed liver, he removed his baggage from this transitory existence to the eternal Paradise: aud the Bird of his Soul escaping from the Cage of this World, that prison of the Believer, at the in- vitation: “Return thou, O soul, unto thy Lord, well pleased and wellpleasing,!”’ flew towards the Rose-bed, to dwell there in “rest, and in gracious favour, and a garden of delights :?”

‘¢ None ever came into the world, who remained there, Except he, of whom a good name remained.”

Although he gave away whole worlds of gold to the deserving and the needy, yet when he took his departure to the other world [he was so poor, that] his excellence of regal qualities, exalted in degrees, and holy in his attributes, Khwajah Muhammad Yahya Nagqshbandi (the Spirit of God is his Spirit!) brought the expenses of his burial, and with all honour? and respect deposited him in peace in the strangers’ burial-place at Agrah :—

1 Al Qur’4n, LXXXIX, 28.

2 Al Qur’4n, LVI, 88.

3 The word in the text ba-i4jdz means ‘in amazement.’ But the editors have put a (?) to it, and it should, doubtless, be read 6a-t‘zdz ‘in honour,’ as the following word ihtirdm clearly points out.

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“ How can I see him sleeping in the dust, (P. 222) Him, who has raised me from the dust!”

Thence he was carried to the cemetery of Patydli, which became his burial-place, and they made him like a buried treasure: and Ganj-bakhsh ‘ Bestower of treasure’ was found to give the date. And when, on my following the Mir ‘Adal? (who is now departed himself to the mercy of God) on his journey to Bakkar, I told him of the decease of this man, so rich of heart but poor in purse, he burst into tears, and began to extol his purity and ability, and said ;: “If any one wish to practice walking unspotted from the world, he ought to act and walk, just as Husain Khan acted and walked :”—

“Tam the slave of that man, who, under the blue sky, Is free from whatever partakes of the tinge of dependance,”

It so happened that this interview also, with the Mir, became memorable to the author: and from the expression made use of by that great man on that occasion, viz., ‘ All my friends are departed and I know not whether I shall ever see you again,” you would have said that his star was sinking ; and so it in fact was :—

“As long as in this flock there remains a single sheep, Fate will not desist® from the butcher-trade.”

Let it not be forgotten that the author enjoyed the society of that unique one* of the age for the space of about nine years, and [but] one piece of opposition (though to use so strong a term in connec- tion with him were a shame, and a dire injustice) did I meet with from him, and that was in military matters, and the affairs of this world. And among the many venerable persons and spiritual directors of the age, who still remain, I do not find a tithe of a tenth part of that I found in him, [who was] in the Sunnd section {of Islam] pure in faith, and in purity of conduct perfectly sincere

1 There seems to be some mistake, as this only gives 975.

? His name was Sayyid Muhammad, see p. 224 and Text, p. 220, 1, 1. 8 Read nishinad.

4 Husain Khén.

—=

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and upright, in spirit without an equal, in valour peerless, in courtesy alike in his beheavour both to small and great, and in dis- interestedness without an equal in the age, in detachment from worldly objects stainless, in active service untiring, in dependence on God without compare, in asceticism worthy of a hundred praises; but if he had lived in these days he would hardly have been able to have attained such a character for orthodox and sincere religion.) (P, 223.) At the time that he was absolute governor of Lahor (I have it from trustworthy people), his food consisted of barley-bread, his object being to follow the example of the Seal of the Prophets and best of Apostles? (the blessings of God be on him, and on them all!): and ever so many thousands of mosques and ancient se- pulchres he repaired, restored, or rebuilt. One day it happened that a Hindu in the dress of a Muslim came into his assembly, and he with his usual genuine humility, taking him for a Muslim, stood up to greet that Hindi. When he found out the true state of the case, he felt ashamed and ordererd that from that day forward all Hindts should sew a patch of stuff of a different colour on their garments near the bottom of the sleeve, that there might be a mark to dis- tinguish between Muslims and Kafirs.? For this reason he was commonly known among the people by the title of Tukriya, for they calla patch ¢wkrd,* which is another name for the Arabic word Ghiydr’ (with £asra under the dotted ‘ain, and ye with two dots below,®

1 This is not said in disparagement of Husain Khan, but in disgust at the innovations which Akbar introduced later on.

2 Te, Muhammad.

3 Unbelievers, 7. ¢., non-Muslims. This is the origin of the name Kaffir, which was applied by the Muslims of Africa to the other inhabitants.

4 Sanscrit stoka ‘a piece,’ whence the Hindi tukrd (with cerebral ¢) ‘a patch.’

6 A distinguishing badge, that which make a person ghair (different) from others,

® Since Semitic languages are generally written without vowel-points, and sometimes even without the diacritic points, which, in the Arabic (Persian, Ottoman-Turkish &c.) characters, distinguish between some of the consonants, e. g., between x and y &c., when a writer wishes to define the pronunciation of a word he has to spell it out in the most elaborate manner. The Persian character is the Arabic adapted to the exigencies of the language, and it is usual- ly written without yowel-points.

[ 228 ]

so that it is of the form of the word diydr!). On another occasion he ordered that the Kafirs, in accordance with the requirements of the Holy Law, should not ride on saddles, but should sit on a pack- saddle. When on a journey, out of deference to the Sayyids, and men of learning and excellence (who used to attend him, and to greet whom he, when seated, used always to rise), he would never use a four-post bedstead: nor would he voluntarily omit saying the Prayers in the night any more than the Friday prayers in the mosque. And, although he had a jdgz worth lacs and krors, he never had more than one horse with him, and even that he would sometimes give away to meet some expense, or fur some worthy object, and so whether on a journey or at home would be content to go afoot, until one of his friends, or of his servants, brought him another. And a poet in a gag¢dah said :—

“The Khan is bankrupt, and the slave is wealthy.”

He had taken an oath that he would never amass treasure, and whenever gold was brought before him he would say: “You would say that it is an arrow or a javelin that pierces my side” (P. 224), and he was never at ease until he had given it away. And some- times it would be observed that, when the Government had assigned some fifteen to thirty or forty thousand rupees on the pargana,® he, regardless of this, would sign orders for the soldiers and for other expenses also, so that both? would get an equal share. He also had a vow that every slave who came into his possession should have the first day to himself. He never had anything to do with any women except his three legally married wives. He looked on nuts as a sort of intoxicating food, and as therefore forbidden by the religion. One day the Shaikh-ul-hidyah of Khairabad (who was one of the leading Shaikhs on the high way of direction and guidance of pos- terity) being exercised at the Khan’s voluntary poverty, and expen- diture, and squandering of property, and unnecessary presents, and extreme extravagance in the distribution of pensions and grants,*

1 A tract of country.

2 Viz., to keep up the required number of soldiers,

3 Military and non-Military expenses,

4 instead of istifag read augaéf. Compare p. 22, note 4,

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endeavoured to urge him to a change in those habits. But this advice was not in harmony with his disposition, so becoming angry he said: “ It is simply a question between obeying your order in the matter, and following the tradition of the Prophet; what choice ean there be? On the other hand we expect from such as you religious guides, that, if there be any root of avarice or desire for the things of this world in us, you should show us the way by which we may eradicate and cut off such a matter; and not that you should be the ones to lend a false glitter to the accessories of transient trifles, and should make us avaricious, so as to sink among the lowest of the low in the unworthy pursuit of greed and avarice :—

“Wealth never remains in the hand of the free, Nor patience in the heart of a lover, nor water in a sieve.”

Although the author was never with him on any serious battle. fields, still I was his companion in many jungle-warfares, and com- fortless journeys. And I observed in him a resolution and a courage, such as perhaps those renowned heroes, who have left their names emblazoned on the pages of history, may have possessed ; and not to mention his immense physical strength (P. 225) and prowess—they might have boasted of the same courage as that lion-like warrior, And in the day of battle the #itihah! which he read was to this effect: “ Hither martyrdom or victory.?’? And whenever people told him that he ought to put victory before martyrdom, he used to say: ““My desire is rather to see the glorious departed, than the lords who remain alive.” And such was his liberality, that if by any

_ possible supposition the treasures of the world and the Sultanate of

the whole face of the earth could have become accessible to him, and have been delivered over to him, the very first day he would have become a bankrupt. And this gz¢‘ah became true in his day :—

1 The first Surah of the Qur’4n. The expression ‘reading the Fatikah’ is used figuratively of entering upon an undertaking. Oompare the expression ‘reading the verse of flight’ on p. 48, mote 1.

2 Fath.

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“He did right in not making both worlds! manifest, The peerless Lord, dispenser of justice, without equal or compare : Else in a moment of liberality he would have given away both, And the Creature would have nothing left to hope for from the High God.”

And sometimes it would so happen that he would purchase forty or fifty horses, Arabs, and of mixed breed, and Turkish, at the price at which the dealer first offered them, and would say “ You and God know that :—

‘A true merchant never demands too much.’ ”

And afterwards at some social gathering would give them all away to his friends, and then apologize for so doing. ‘The very first time that the writer became acquainted with him, at the time when the army of Garha-Katangah was being got ready at Agrah, he pre- sented me with an Arab horse, which he had bought for 500 rupees, and in accordance with :—

“The king of Hormtz never saw me, and without a word from me He conferred on me a hundred favours ; The king of Yazd saw me, and I lauded him, But he did not give me anything.” What can one do? “Speak of a person, as you find him.”

(P. 226). When he removed his baggage from this transitory world, he was in debt to the amount of a lac and a half of rupees, and more; but, on account of the numerous good offices which he had during his lifetime performed for his creditors, they of their own free will and pleasure tore up his bonds, and went away per- fectly satisfied, with prayers for the pardon, acceptance, peace, and eternal happiness of his soul upon their lips. And they did not on account of his liabilities bring any lawsuit or litigation"against his children (such as is the usual bequest of deceased debtors) :—

1 The editors’ (?) to the last word of the first lineis unnecessary. They seem

to have overlooked the fact, that the lines are distinctly called a Qit‘ah, and that therefore only the second and fourth lines need rhyme,

—-

f 281 ]

“There are Muhammads and Muhammads : The live one killed me, and the dead one revived me.!”

In a word how can I, when there is such uninimity of opinion on the subject, find the ability to eulogize such numerous virtues as his. But since I spent in his service the best of this life, which is the flower of youth, and not the mere dregs of life, which is the time of the worthlessness of old age and bewilderment, and since through his kind patronage I have got on so exceedingly well, and am become one of the renowned of the age, and a man of mark in the world, and have obtained the blessing (in so far as it is possible) of contributing to the comfort of the servants of the Lord of earth and heaven, therefore, in gratitude to God for his many favours and goodnesses towards me, have I composed this memorial section, in commemoration of some of his good qualities, though it be but one of a thousand, but a few out of many :—

“Tt is not that I confer any honour on Muhammad by men- tioning him, But rather my words that are honoured by mentioning Mu- hammad.”

And trusting in the truth of the saying ‘To commemorate the righteous brings down merey from God,’ I hope on account of this commemoration of his virtues to become a recipient of the all- embracing merey of God :—

Repeat to us the mention of Na‘man,? verily the mention of him Is like musk, which diffuses its odour as often as thou agitatest it.

So that it may come to pass in accordance with that old time which I spent with him, that my resurrection may also be with him ; as has been intended, and involved in futurity: “And this is not difficult with God.3”’

And in this year the Emperor, on account of the beauty of my voice, which was comparable with the sweet voice, and ravishing tones

1 The application seems to be this: that, while he was alive his extravagance rendered his children liable to fall into poverty, but that after he was dead the kind actions, he had performed during life, freed them again.

2 King of Hirah in ‘Iraq.

3 Al Qur’én, XIV, 23.

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(P. 227) of a parrot, made me the Reader of the Prayers on Wednes- day evenings, and entered me among the seven Imams.t And the duty of summoning the congregation on that day and night he com- mitted to Khwaéjah Doulat Nazir Ghaif Shadid (a eunuch, neither man, nor woman,) and appointed him a stipend on the condition that he should be present at the five bours of prayer.?

At this time Khwajah Amin-ud-din Muhammad (known as Khwajah Amina) passed from the world, and the abundant wealth which he left behand came into the royal treasury.

On the 17th of the month Zi-Qadah? of this year, the Emperor’s journey to Ajmir took place, and at one of the stages he, according to his usual custom on such occasions, went on foot on a pilgrimage to the Sacred Sepulchre. On the 9th of this month the Sun entered Aries :—

“The Workman, the Sun, when he begins anew his work, His entrance into Aries makes glorious the rising Morn.”

This was the commencement of the twenty-second year from the accession. At this time news arrived, that after the death of Mun‘im Khan, Khdn Khdndn, the Amirs being unable any longer to withstand tle attacks of Datd, had retired on Hajiptir and Patnah from Gaur and Téndah, and that Khan Jahan, because his army was still at Lahor, was advancing but slowly. Accordingly the Emperor wrote a Sormdn, and entrusted it to Turk Subhan Quli to bear to Khan Jahan, ordering him to hasten up as quickly as possible. And Subhan Quli performed his mission, covering a distance of nearly a thousand cosses in twenty-two days. At the same time news came to Agrah, that Khan Jahan, on arriving at Garhi, had fought an obstinate battle with the Afghdns of Datd, and had defeated them, and was still advancing.

During the first part of the blessed month Muharram‘ of the year nine hundred and eighty-four (984) the Emperor

1 The Emperor had seven lmams, or private Chaplains, one for each day of the week.

2 The five hours of prayer are: Before dawn, midday, afternoon, after sun- set, bedtime.

3 The eleventh month.

4 The first month.

‘ %

{ 233 ]

introduced Man Singh, son of Bhagvan Das, into the burial place of the saint Mu’in (may its occupants attain a happy resurrection !) and treating him with kindness, and showing him the greatest favour, presented him with a robe of honour, and a horse with (P. 228) all its appointments, and ordered him to proceed to the hostile district of Kokanda and Kombalmir,! which was a dependancy belonging to Rana Kika. And 5,000 regular troopers, partly from his own body- guard, and partly belonging to the Amirs who were in command,? he appointed and dispatched as his foree. And he sent with him Acaf Khan Mir-bakhshi,3 and Ghazi Khan Badakhshi, and Shah Ghazi Khan Tabrizi, and Mujahid Khan, and Sayyid Ahmad Khan, and Sayyid Hashim Barha, and Mihtar Khan a servant of the Family, and other Amirs. And when the author, in the train of Qézi Khan and Acaf Khan, arrived at about three cosses from Ajmir, and ardour for fighting against the infidels kindled in my breast, I repre- sented the state of the case to the High (adr, Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi, Shaikh-ul- Islam, and made interest with him to obtain leave of absence from the Emperor. Although he granted my request he left the presentation of the petition to his Wakil, Sayyid ‘Abd-ur- Rasil, a meddlesome sort of a fellow. And, when I found that the matter hung fire far too long, I sought the intervention of Naqib Khan (with whom I was on brotherly terms). At first he made objections, and said: “If a Hind& had not been the leader of this army, I should myself have been the first to have asked permission to join it.” But I represented strongly to the said Khan, that I looked on any true servant of the Emperer as a fit leader for myself, and what did it matter, whether it were Man Singh, or another ? And that the purity of intention was what ono should look to. Then Nagib Khan took the opportunity, when the Emperor was going in high state to visit the shrine of that Diffuser of Light,* to present my petition. At first the Emperor said: “ Why he has just been appointed one of the Court-Imams, how can he go?” Nagib

41 Near Udaipir in Rajpitana. 2 We propose to read Naibdn, instead of Nabtndm ‘sightless.’ 3 Paymaster of the Court. Ain-i Akbari, Blochm. p. vi. He had been appointed vice Qazi ‘Ali. Ibid. p 411. 4 Shaikh Mu‘in ud-din Chishti. 30

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Khan represented that I had a very strong desire to take part in a holy war. So the Emperor sent for me, and asked me: “ Are you in earnest ?” I answered: “ Yes.’ Then he said, “ For what (P. 229) reason? ’? I humbly replied: “ I have the presumption to desire to dye these black mustachios and beard in blood through loyalty to your Majesty’s person :—

Thine is a perilous service, but I wish to undertake it, That I may gain renown, or death,! for thy sake.” He replied, “ If God (He is exalted) will, thou

Shalt return the bearer of news of victory.”

And when I put out my hand towards the couch in order to kiss his foot, he withdrew it; but, just as I was going out of the audience chamber, he called me back, and filling both his hands he presented me with a sum of 56 ashrafi®, and bid me farewell. And when I went to take leave of Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi, who reached the very acme of kindness in removing all my former obstacles, he said : “Be sure that at the moment of the meeting of the two armies in battle, which according toa sure tradition of the Prophet (may the best of blessings and peace he upon him!) is the most favourable time and place for the acceptance of prayer, be sure, said he, that you remember me for good in your prayer: do not forget.” 1 consented ; and, having prayed the Héthah, joined that army with horse and

aris in company with a number of friends of one mind with myself in the matter :—-

“Every day on the march, and each night a new halting-place.’

And this journey from beginning to end turned out most successful and prosperous, till eventually I came back to Fathpir with news of

1 Tit. That I may make my face red (with the glow of success), or my neck red (with the gore of death). ‘This play on the words reminds one forcibly of a similar one in Gen. xl. 20—23 “ And he lifted up the head of the chief butler, and of the chief baker among his servants, and he restored the chief butler unto his butlership, …. and he hanged the chief baker.”

4 About £ 86 stirling.

EGP victory, and brought with me the well-known elephant (the subject of dispute!) from Rana Kika.

On the twentieth of Muharram? in this year having arranged the affairs of the army of Kokandah, the Emperor started on his way back to the Seat of Felicity Fathpur, and on the first of the month of (afr? he reached his usual dwelling-place. At this time mes- sengers brought word that after the Khan Jahan had left Garhi,‘

Daud had advanced from ‘Taéndah to a place called Ag-Mahall, on one side of which is the river Ganges, and on the other side it joins the mountains. And that there he had taken up his position, and streng- thened it with a trench, and fort, and was every day making sallies thence. And that Khwajah ‘Abd-ullah, (P. 280) grandson of Khwajah Ahrar (may God sanctify his glorious tomb!) had fallen after making repeated and vigorous attacks on the trench. And that on the other side Khan Khandn (?) the leader of the Afghans had been slain. Upon this the Emperor wrote a farmdn to Zaty Khaén, commandant of Patnah and Bihar, ordering him to collect all the forces of that district and to proceed to the assistance of Khan Jahan.®

In the month Rabi‘ul-awwal® of this year Mirz4 Muhammad Sharif, son of Mir ‘Abd-ul-Latif Qazwini, who was a young man of the very greatest ability, and sharpness of intellect, and possessed of a sweet disposition, and a sweet voice, and endowed with all sorts of perfections, while playing at Chogén? with the Emperor in the open space of Fathpur, fell from his horse, and immediately gave up his soul of the Beloved. And a great cry arose in the city and neigh- bourhood, aud this report® spread on all sides. ‘the Emperor was

1 Tt appears that he had refused to send to Court an elephant (as a sign of submission). See p. 241,

2 The first month.

3 The second month.

4 See p. 232.

5 Husain Quli Khan.

6 The third month.

7 Polo.

8 There is a play on the words yan ‘soul,’ and Jénan ‘Beloved,’ t.¢. The Creator.

9 Tt would appear from what follows, that the report was to the effect that it was the Kmperor who was killed,

[ 286 }

an eye-witness of this accident, and did not know what to do. Mean- while Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Atgah seized the rein of his Majesty’s horse, and said; “ My Lord, what are you doing here ? go away.” And so he turned his rein towards the palace. ‘Then he sent farmans with assurances of the soundness of his health and strength to the Amirs of the frontiers, so that the panic was stayed. Of the number of these farmdns one arrived at Kokandah, addressed to Man Singh, and Acaf Khan, with the contents aforesaid. And so that grief of ours was changed into rejoicing.

During the first part of the month Rabi‘ul-awwal of the year nine hundred and eighty-four (984) took place the victory of Ko- kandsh. And the following is a succinct account of it. When M4n Singh and Agaf Khan with the army of Ajmir, on their way to Mandalgarh, arrived by forced marches at the town of Darah, seven cosses from Kokandah, the Rand came out to oppose them. Then Man Singh mounted an elephant, and with a number of the imperial horsemen, such as Khwajah Muhammad Rafi Badakhshi, and Shihdb- ud-din Guroh-payandah Quzéq, and ‘Ali Murad (P. 281) Uzbek, and RAéjah Loun Karan, commandant of Sambhar, and other Rajptits in the centre, and a body of renowned youths took his place in the advance-body. And some eighty or more picked men of these were sent, with Sayyid Hashim Barha,! as skirmishers in front of the advance-body (and such are called the ‘chickens of the front line),’ And Sayyid Ahmad Khan Barha with a body of others? had the right-wing, and Qazi Khan with a body of sons of Shaikhs of Sikri, relatives of Shaikh Ibrahim Chishti, had the left-wing. And Mihtar Khan was in the rear. And Rana Kika advancing from behind Darah with a force of 8,000 horse, divided his men into two divisions. One division, of which Hakim Sar Afghan was the leader, came straight from the direction of the mountains, and attacked our advance-body. And on account of the broken and uneven state of the ground, and the quantity of thorns, and the serpentine twistings of the road, the skirmishers and the advance-body of our troops

1 Compare Text, p. 220,1.1. This, of course, means ‘of Barha,’ For the use of names of places in this manner compare my Memor book of Neurnberg, p. 21, under Heubach.

2 “ Others”? means “ other Sayyids.”

[. 287° J

became hopelessly mixed up together, and sustained a complete de- feat. And the Rajptts of our army, the leader of whom was Rajah Loun Karan, and who were most of them on the left, ran away like a flock of sheep, and breaking through the ranks of the advance-body fled for protection to our right wing. At this juncture the author, who was with some of the special troops of the advance-body said to Agaf, “ How are we now in these circumstances to distinguish be- tween friendly and hostile Rajptits?”? He answered “ They will experience the whiz! of the arrows, be what may :—”

‘On whichever side there may be killed, it will be a gain to Islam.’ So we kept firing away, and our aim? at such a mountain-like mass of men never missed. And there was even a surer proof [of the righteousness of my conduct in so doing, for]—

‘The heart is the most faithful witness that can testify? ’— [And] ‘The proof of the true Lover is in his sleeve: ’ and it became certain that my hand prospered in the matter, and that I attained the reward due to one who fights against infidels.

And the Sayyids of Barha,* and some youths of renown, performed in this battle (P. 232) such exploits as would have become Rastam ;5 and many slain on both sides strewed the plain. The other division of Rand Kika’s army, under the Rana in person, charged out of the pass, and meeting Qazi Khan, who was at the entrance of the pass, swept his men before them, and bearing them along broke through his centre. ‘Then the Shaikh-sons from Sikri all fled at once. And an arrow struck Shaikh Maneur, (son-in-law of Shaikh Ibraéhim) who was leader of this company, in the seat of honour as he was in the act of flight, and he bore the wound for a considerable time. But Qazi Khan, although he was but a Mulla, stood his ground manfully, until receiving a cimetar blow on his right hand, which wounded his

1 Shayah is apparently a misprint for Shtbah-e, Shtb-i Shib-i, or Shapah-e, all of which words are onomatopzea for the ‘whiz’ of an arrow.

2 Shigt = Shist.

3 Comp. 1 John iii, 21.

4 Perhaps both the skirmishers under S, Hashim Bérha, and those of the right-wing under S. Ah, Kh, Barha.

The famous hero in the Shahndmah,

[ 288. 3

thumb, being no longer able to hold his own, he recited [the saying] ‘Flight from overwheling odds is one of the traditions of the pro- phet,’ and followed his men [in their retreat]. Those of the army who had fled on the first attack, did not draw rein till they had passed five or six cosses beyond the river. In the midst of all this confusion Mihtar Khan hastening up from the rear with his reserves, and beating his kettle-drums, called on the imperial troops to rally. And this shout of his was to a great extent the cause of the fugitives taking heart again, and making a stand. And Rajah Ramshah of Gwalyar (grandson of the famous Rajah Man), who always kept in front of the’ Rand, performed such prodigies of valour against the Rajptits of Man Singh, as bafle description. And these [Rajptts of Man Singh} were those who, on the left of the advance-body, fled, and thereby caused also the flight of Agaf Khan, and then took refuge with the Sayyids who were on the right; and, if the Sayyids had not held their ground firmly, such confusion did the retreating advance-body cause in their ranks, that the affair would have turned out a disgraceful defeat. And with regard to the elephants, when they made a charge on the elephants of the Imperial army, two strong must-elephants singled each other out and fought together, And Husain Khan, leader of the elephants, who was riding on an elephant behind Man Singh, also joined in the fight. And Man Singh, springing into the place (P. 233) of the elephant-driver, exhibited such intrepidity as surpasses all imagination. And one of these two elephants, which was a private one of the Emperor’s fought furiously with the Rand’s elephant (which was named Ram Parshdd, and was of exceedingly strong build), and the two kept charging at one another, until by chance an arrow reached a mortal place in the driver of the Rana’s elephant, so that the shock of the charge threw him to the ground. ‘Then the driver of the imperial elephant, with the greatest quickness and address, leapt from his own elephant, and took his seat on that of the Rana, and performed such a deed as none other could have done. On seeing this circumstance the Rana could no longer hold his ground, but left the ranks and fled, and contusion fell on the army of the Rana. Then the young heroes, who acted as the body-guard of Man Singh, performed such exploits

1 And of our worthy Author, no doubt, with him.

—~__— ——-

SS gg

[ 239 ]

as were a perfect model; and that day through the generalship of Man Singh the meaning of this line of Mulla Shiri became known: “ A Hindi wields the sword of Islam.” And the son of Jaimal of Chitér, and Ram Shah Rajah of Gwalydr with his own son Sdlabhin, who showed extreme obstinacy of resistance, went to hell; and of the clan of the Rajptts there was not left one fit to be his suecessor—Good riddance of bad rubbish !! And showers of arrows were poured on the Rana, who was opposed to Madhav Singh. And Hakim Str? who had fled before the Sayyids, retreated on the Rana, and so the two divisions became one. Then the Rava turned and fled, and betook himself to the high mountains, whither he had retreated after the conquest of Chitor, and there sought to shut himself up as in a fortress. And though it was so extremely hot, being during the forty midsummer- days, so that the very brain boiled in the cranium, they fought from early morning till midday. Nearly five hundred men were slain, and fell on the field of battle, of which number one hundred and fifty were of the people of Islam, and the rest Hindis3 And the number of the champions of Islim, who were wounded, (P. 234) exceeded three hundred. And when the air was like a furnace, and no power of movement was left in the soldiers, the idea became pre- valent, that the Rana, by stealth and stratagem, would keep himself concealed behind the mountains. This was the reason why they made no pursuit, but retired to their tents and occupied themselves in the relief of the wounded. And the following was found to give the date :— ‘And victory from God appeared nigh’.4

The next day tle army marched thence, and having looked over the battle-field to see how each had behaved, leaving Darah,® came tu Kokandah.6 And certain of the devoted servants of the Rana, who were the guardians of his palace, and some of the inhabitants of the

1 Lit. ‘The base are diminished, and the world becomes pure.’

A proverb, see Roebuck, p. 21.

? Leader of that division of the Ranaé’s army, which first attacked the ad- vance-body and right wing of Man Sing’s troops.

It must be forgotten, that there were Hindis fighting on both sides,

4 The sum of the letters = 984,

5 Sce p, 286,

® In our text the name is always Kokandah, but Blochm. calls it Gogandah.

{ 240 j

temples, in all amounting to twenty persons, in accordance with an ancient custom! of the Hindts, that, when they are compelled to evacuate a city, they should be killed in order to save their honour, coming out of their houses and temples performed the sacrificial rite, and by the stroke of their life-taking swords committed their souls to the keepers of hell. The Amirs, as security against a night-attack on the part of the Rana, barracaded the streets, and drew a trench, and a wall of such a height that horsemen could not leap over it, round the city of Kokandah, and then settled down quietly. And they had a list drawn up containing the names of all the slain, and the horses killed in the action, intending to enclose it with the des«

patch to the Emperor. Sayyid Ahmad Khan Barha said, ‘ There has been no person, or horse, of ours killed, whose name you will have to report to the imperial government, so what is the good of writing them down? It is more important at the present moment to look after the Commissariat.’? Then, since there was in that mountain district but little arable land, and so but a seanty amount of corn was produced, and moreover the Banjaras? did not come,

1 It was a very common custom among the Rajputs.

It has been equally common among the Jews, seo translator’s Memor. book of Nuernberg, p.9 Harakat-al-mazbiht kardan seems to be the Moslem equivalent to the Jewish ‘saying of the Benediction used when slaughtering animals for Jewish food,’ (Lbid.).

3 He was evidently a man of action, and no friend to red-tapeism.

8 The trade of corn in India is carried on in a mode peculiar to that country, The merchants in corn are a particular caste denoted by the term Brinjarries. They traverse the country, conveying the grain, often from the greatest distances, in large bodies which resemble the march of an army. ‘They encamp with regularity, never lodging in houses ; are strongly armed; and ready to fight no contemptible battle in their own defence. The practice comes down from a remote antiquity; and marks that unsettled and barbarous state of society, when merchants are obliged to depend upon themselves for the means of their defence. The experienced utility of their services has procured them consider- able privileges. They are regarded as neutralin all wars; they enjoy a right of transit through all countries; and the armies, which spare nothing else, act under a special obligation, seldom violated, of respecting the property of the Brinjarries (Mill and Wilson, Hist. of British India, V, p. 395). The name is Banjdérah but also pronounced Brinjarah in India. It is derived from the San- skrit Banij ‘a merchant, and not from the Pers. Birinj ‘rice.’ (Elliot, The Races of the Provinces of India, 1. p. 52).

'
’

{ 241 7

so that the army at that time was suffering from great scarcity, they set their wits to work to tackle the difficulty. Accordingly from time to time they singled out one of the Amirs in command, and commis- sioned him to bring corn into the lines, and wherever in the high hills and mountains (P. 235) they found many people congregated together, they broke them up and took them prisoners, And one had to sustain life upon the flesh of animals, and the mango-fruit. This latter grew there in such abundance as defies description. The common soldiers used to make a meal on it, fasting, in default of bread, and from its extreme juciness very many of them became ill. The mango-fruit was actually produced in that country of the weight of a sér akbari! but for sweetness and flavour they are not up to much.

At this time Muhammad Khan,’ a special hanger-on of the Court, arrived from Court charged with an order to hasten to Kokandah, and examine the state of the battle-field.6 The next day he went away, and having seen [from his investigation of the field] how every one had conducted himself he reported it to the Emperor. His Majesty was graciously pleased to be satisfied on the whole; only he was vexed at their having abandoned the pursuit of the Rand, and so allowing him to remain alive. Then the Amirs wished to send to the Emperor the elephant, named Ram-parsad,* which had come into their hands with the spoil, (and which His Imperial Highness had several times demanded’ of the Rand, and he, unfor- tunately for him, had declined to surrender it) and together with it, the report of the victory to Court. Agaf Khan mentioned the name of the Author, as a proper person to be sent with it, since he had been allowed to join the army through his being a particular favourite of

1 A séy contained 28 déms at the commencement of the reign of Akbar, and was fixed by him at 30. It is about 2lbs. avoird.

2 Son of the sister of Tarson Khan. This last was in the service of Bairim Khan; but joined Akbar upon Bairaém Khan’s disgrace, and was sent to see Bairém Khin as far as Nagér on his way to Makkah. See Blochmann’s Ain-i- Akbari, pp. 342, 525.

? Similarly Napoleon used to go over the battle after a victory to criticise the doings of his troops.

4 See p. 243 note 2.

5 See p. 235 note 1.

[ 242 ]

his Majesty. Madan Singh answered [jocosely]: ‘ There is a great deal of his work still left undone ; he ought to come in front of the line and everywhere take the lead in battle.’ I answered: ‘ My Imam- ship here is finished; my business now is to go and act as Imam before the ranks of His Imperial Highness.’ He was pleased and smiled, and sent me with the elephant, and appointed three hundred horsemen to accompany me by way of precaution. And he himself, taking advantage of the opportunity to enjoy himself in hunting, and to leave detached guards! in different places, came with me by very easy marches as far as the town of Mohani, which is twenty cosses from Kokandah. There he furnished me with letters of commendation, and dismissed me to go to the Court. Thence, by way of Bak’hér, and Mandal Garh, I arrived at Ambér? the home of Man Singh. (P. 2386) Wherever we passed, the circumstances of the battle were published, but the people would not credit our state- ments, By chance it happened, that at five cosses from Ambér the elephant sank into a morass, and the more it went forward, the deeper it sank in the clay. And since this was my first service of such a nature, I was in a terrible fix. At last the country people of the neighbourhood came up, and said, ‘ Last year? at this very spot a royal elephant became bogged. Let them pour a quantity of water on the clay and mud, and then the royal elephant will come out easily enough. Accordingly the water-carrierst did so, and poured a quantity of water on, and the elephant became gradually extricated from the quagmire, and got to Ambér; and the exultation of those people reached the very heavens. The Author remained there three

The word ?’hdna is Hindusténi. It is used again p. 287, 1.3 infra of the

Station of Ara.

? Or Jaipdr, see p. 45 note 8.

3 This word parsdi is interesting since it helps to illustrate the word zépucr ‘last year’ 2 Cor. viii, 10; ix. 2. mépvo. must have been originally mépurs = Sanskrit para + vat (sara) ‘last year.’ From first part yara comes the Persian par cf. répas. Sdlis perhaps the Sanscrit Carad ‘a year.’

4 Here the ordinary Arabic. word saggdr is used. But in India the common word is dést¢, the origin of which is as follows: When Babar came to India he found the heat of the climate so unendurable, that he said that the only enviable people were the water-carriers, and that they ought to be called bihishtt, paradisiacal. :

[ 248 ]

or four days, and then proceeded on his journey, by way of the town of Todah, which is his birth-place,! and Bas&war which bears this relation to him, that :—

€Tn that land his skin first touched the dust.’

And during the first days of the month Rabi‘ul-awwal, by the inter- vention of Raja Bhagvdin Das, father of RAj& Man Singh, I pros- trated myself in Audience-chamber at Fathptr, and delivered the despatches of the Amirs, together with the elephant. The Emperor asked ; ‘ What is its name?’ I replied; ‘ Ram-prasdd.’? His Majesty replied: Since all this [success] has been brought about through the Pir,’ its name henceforth shall be Pir-prasad.4 Next His Majesty said: ‘They have written ever so many praises of you, tell me truly, in what army have you served, and what exploits have you performed?’ I replied: ‘In the presence of the Emperor, Your Majesty’s humble servant speaks even the truth, with a hundred fears and tremblings, how can he speak that which is not the truth !’ And then I related to him succinctly what had happened. Again he asked: ‘ Were you unarmed, or armed?’ I said: ‘I had armour both for man and horse.’ ‘ Where did you get it from?’ he said. I replied: ‘From Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan.’ The Emperor was exceedingly pleased, and putting forth his hand to a heap of Ashrafis® (which in those days, just like a heap in a treasury, used always to be laid before him) presented me with a sum of ninety-six Ashrafis, and said: (P. 287) ‘ Have you seen Shaikh ‘Abd-un-Nabi [since your return]? ’ I answered : ‘ From the dust of the road I came to the Court, how could I have seen bim P* Then the Emperor gave me a pair of splendid Nakhidi® shawls [and said]: ‘Take these and go and see the Shaikh, and say to him from us: ‘ They are from our

1 Not Baddin, as English historians have supposed.

2 It is a common Hindi name meaning ‘Favour of Rama,’ from the Sanscrit prasdda ‘ favour.’

3 He refers no doubt to the Saint Mu’in, mentioned often before.

4 He meant that it should no longer be named after a Hindé god, but after a Saint of Islam.

5 See p. 229, 1. 7 of text.

Ido not know whether this means from a place in Persia called Nakhodeh near the Lake of Urumiyeb.

[ 244 J

own private treasury, and we had them made on purpose for you, do you wear them.’ I took them, and earried the message to the Shaikh, who was very much pleased. Then he asked: At the mo- ment of taking leave of you, I said, At the moment of joining battle remember to pray for me? [I replied: I then recited the prayer ©“O God! pardon believers male and female, and keep those who keep the Religion of Muhammad, and abandon those who abandon the Religion of Muhammad (on him be blessing and peace!) ’ He said: ‘That was sufficient, praise belongs to God!’

This Shaikh Abd-un-Nabi eventually went out of the world! by a mischance, such as which may none experience or hear! and may it serve as a warning to all !—

‘ Whomsoever this world fosters, At last it spills his blood. What can be the condition of that child, Whose own mother is its enemy !’

In this year the Emperor sent Sayyid ‘Abd-ull&h post haste to the Khan Jahan (who was encamped against Datd near K’halgdon,? and was awaiting the arrival of Muzaffar Khan,’ and the army of Bihar and Haji-par) entrusted with a firmadn expressing his anxiety for those Amirs, and promising the speedy arrival of His Majesty in person. And he despatched five lacs of rupees by a mounted messen- ger, as a subsidy to that army, and also ordered several vessels to start from Agrah laden with corn for the troops. Then news arrived that Gujpati,s a zaminddr of the neighbourhood of Haji-pir and Patnah, who had been subjugated,> had rebelled, and gathering together a force, had attacked Farhat Khan, and his son Mirak Radat, who were in the station of Ara, and had brought them both to the grade of martyrdom, and now held. all the roads. On this account on

1 See the year 991 in this History.

2 K’hal-ganw (Colgong). The termination gdnw in the Sanscrit grdma village, comp. Satganw.

3 See p. 230, 1. 4, text.

4 So Blochmann, pp. 400, 441, and so, apparently, MS. ; not Cajtt¢.

5 T.e., he had been, but now rebelled. The word # is Turki, and means obedient, submissive.

—

{ 245 }

the twenty-fifth of Rabi‘ul akhir! of the aforesaid year the Emperor started towards the east of Hind, and came to a halt within five cosses of his goal (P. 238). At this halting-place Sayyid ‘Abd-ull4h Khén sent the head of Da’tid: and this verse, which Sayyid Mir Kai at the moment of returning from Patnah to Jounptr had chosen as a charm of prophetic meaning, came true :—

News of the victory suddenly came, The head of Da’td came to the Court.”

And the history of the battle is concisely as follows. When Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan joined the army of the Khan Jahn in the neigh- bourhood of K’halgdon, he was very anxious to attack the enemy. So the next day (which was the fifteenth of Rabi‘ul 4khir) the Khan Jahan issued orders to the Amirs of his own troops, and appointed to each the place he was to take. Then Muzaffar Khan reinforced him with 5,000 horse. And Da’tid with the greatest presumption and pride, being supported by his paternal uncle Junaid Kararan{i and other leaders, drew out of the fortress, and leaving his hiding- place offered battle. At the very first attack a cannoneball struck the knee of Junaid and shattered it. When the armies closed with one another, defeat fell on the Afghans. The horse of Daé’td stuck fast in a swamp, and Hasan Bég surrounded him, and brought him to Khan Jahan. Da’tid being overcome with thirst asked for water. They filled his slipper with water and brought it to him. But, when he refused to drink, Khan Jahan offered him his own private can- teen, and allowed him to drink out of it. He did not wish to kill him, for he was a very handsome man; but finally the Amirs said that to spare his life would be to incur suspicions as to their own loyalty, so he ordered them to cut off his head. They took two chops at his neck without success, but at last they succeeded in killing him, and in severing his head from his body, Then they stuffed it with straw, and anointed it with perfumes, and gave it in charge to Sayyid ‘Abd-ullab Khan, and sent him with it to the Emperor. They took many elephants and much spoil. And on the twenty-third of Jaméd’-as-sini? the Emperor went to Ajmir with the intention of returning thanks for the victory.

1 The fourth month, 2 The sixth month.

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And on the sixth of the month Rajab,} which is the anniversary of the decease of Hazrat (P. 139) Khwajah? (may God sanctify his glorious tomb!) the Emperor arrived at Ajmir, And Sultan Khwa- jab, son of Khwajah Khawand Mahmitid’ he appointed Mér Haji} and sent a sum of six lacs of rupees, in money and goods, to be dis- tributed among the deserving people of Mecea and Madina, and for building a Khdnah® in the sacred precincts. When the Emperor dismissed Sultin Khwajah on his road to the two Sacred Cities, he himself, with bare head and feet, and dressed in the Ihrdém, and in every respect clothed like a pilgrim, and having shorn his head a little, went a little distance in his train. At this a ery broke forth from the multitude,’ and he showed himself moved by their devotion. And Qatb-ud-din Muhammad Khan and Qulij Khan, and Agaf Khan were appointed to escort Sultan Khwajah, with orders that they should part from the caravan at Kokandah, and should scour the country of the Rana,’ and following his track wherever they should hear news of him, should bring destruction on him.

And contemporaneously with these events news arrived, that Shah Tahmasp had passed from the world’ and that Shah Isma‘il IL had succeeded him. And they found this mnemosynon for the date :—

“Jt is the beginning of Reign and Victory, and Oonguest.”®

And the Emperor made a general order, that any one who wished might go on a pilgrimage, and that his expenses should be paid from the Treasury. And a great number of persons attained that felicity. But the revese is now the case, for he cannot now bear even the name of such a thing, and merely to ask leave to go on a pilgrimage

is enough to make a man @ malefactor worthy of death: ‘“ We

alternate these days among men.”720

1 The seventh month.

2 Mutin-uddin Chisti Sigizf of Ajmir.

3 Dost. Blochmann.

4 Leader of the pilgrims.

5 See Burton’s Mecca and El Madina, Til.

$ They were afraid that he was about to become a devotee.

7 Rand Kika, see above.

3 Shéh of Persia, seo above.

®° The first letters of these words give 4 + 80 + 900 = 984. Al Qur’én IIT. 134.

{ 247 ]j

And at this time, when news arrived of the distressed state of the army at Kokandah, the Emperor sent for Man Singh, Agaf Khan and Qazi Khan, to come alone from that place, and on account of certain faults which they had committed, he excluded Man Singh and Agaf Khan (who were associated in treachery!) for some time from the Court ; while on the contrary Ghazi Khan Badakhshi, and Mihtar Khan, and ‘Ali Murad Uzbek, Khanjari Turk, and one or two others, of whom I was of the number (P. 240) were distinguished from these men, and were honoured with presents and promotion in rank. But all the rest, though they fell from the position of confidence, were dismissed without punishment.

On the 19th of this month the Emperor marched towards the country of the Rand, who was pillaging in the mountain district of Oudipir, Jounptr &e.

At this time Khwajah Shah Manetr, a Shirazi clerk, who at the beginning of bis career had been for some time clerk in the per- fumery department, and had been obliged to flee on account of the hostility and power of Muzaffar Khan, came to Mun‘im Khdn at Jounpir, and was received with the greatest respect, and appointed to be his divdn. And after the death of Mun‘im Khan he came to Court in accordance with an imperial firman, and on account of his exceedingly fine business qualities and soundness of judgment, he became divdn of the whole empire, and by degrees became associated in imperial affairs with the prosperous Rajah? :—

“‘ He is an incapable who does not rise to power, For at all events Destiny is on the look out for a capable

man ;”

But some one has just reversed the statement and said :—

“The incapables of the world have risen to power, How then can Destiny be on the look out for a capable man?”

1 The Tértkhi Nizdmi says that what displeased the Emperor was, that they would not suffer any plundering of the Ranéd’s country, and that it was this that caused the distress of the army. Flliof y. 401.

2 Rajah Muzaffar Khan,.

[ 248 ]

But the first is true, and the second is not a fair statement of facts.

And among the events of that year was the appearance of a comet in the west. And, when Shah Mangir took to wearing a long tail to the back of his turban, they dubbed him ‘ The Star with a tail’. And through his excessive economy and stinginess in the army expenses, and the pitch that he reached in grasping in season and out of season ; people forgot the tyrannies of Rajah Muzaffar Khén and kept heap- ing upon him abundance of abuse :—

“ For many bads are worse than bad,’

(P. 241) In this same year news arrived that Shah Isma’{l, son of Shah Tahmasp, Emperor of Persia,! had been murdered, with the consent of the Amirs, by his own sister Pari Jaén Khanam: and Mir Haidar, the riddle writer, found the ¢dr¢kh of his accession in the word :—‘‘ A king? of the face of the earth: ’’ and the térékh of his death in:—A king below the earth.” And the effect of the comet in that country became manifest, and in ‘Irdq the greatest perturbation resulted, while the Turks conquered Tabriz, Shirwan, and Mazandaran, And Sultan Muhammad Khudabandah, son of Shah Tahmasp by another mother, succeeded to the throne, as is related in its proper place. And the period of cursing and reviling the great Companions of the Prophet, which had lasted for 1,000 months in direct opposition to authority, and involved the use of improper language towards the sons of Ummaiya, came to an end ;3> but the heresy had already travelled from that country to this :—

“ Hrror* came to Hind from the land of ‘Iraq, Know that ‘Zrég rhymes with road to Nifig.”

While the imperial army was encamped at Mohani the Emperor wrote a firman to Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan, and Rajah Bagh- van Das ordering those two commanders to remain at Kokandah.

1 See p. 246.

2 Shahinshéh and Zamin give 768 in both cases. And in the first iif gives 216, while in the second zer gives 817. Thus the date of the accession is 984, A. H., and of the death 985.

Our writer means that while the preceding Shahs of Persia had been Shi’ ahs, the new Shah was a Sunni.

4 In Persian Nifag.

[ 249 ]

and Qulij Khan with other Amirs he ordered to accompany the pilgrim-caravan as far as dar, which is 40 cosses from Ahmadabad, and thence to send on a body of troops to convey thei as far as Ahmadabad, while he himself should lay seize to I’dar, and extirpate Nardin Das the Rajah of that place. So Qulij Khan in accords ance with his orders remained at I’‘dar, and sent on Timir Khan Badakhshi with 500 horsemen to escort the caravan to a place of safety. But the Rajah of Idar, like the Randal, after the fashion of robbers kept wandering from mountain to mountain, and from jungle to jungle :—

What does the Mocn, that the Halo does not imitate ?”

At this camping-place Shihab Khan, and Shah Bidigh Khan with his son ‘Abd-ul-Matlab (P 242) and Shah Paklr-ud-din Khan and other zamindars of Malwah, came and paid their respects. And the Emperor left Ghazi Khan Badakhshi, who had been raised to the rank of Commander of a Thousand, with Sharif Muhammad Khan Atgah, and Mujahid Khan, and Turk Subhan Quli, with 3,000 cavalry at the station of Mohani. And the military commanders ‘Abdurrahman Beg son of Jalaluddin Beg, and ‘Abdurrahman son of Mu’ayyad Beg he left with 500 troops in the hill district ; but he sent for Qutbuddin Khan and Rajah Bhagvan Das from Gogan- dah, and having stationed Shah Fakhruddin and Jaganath in Udiptr, and Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan and Rajah Bhagvan Das at the entrance . of the defile of Udipur, the Emperor went himself into the neigh- bourhood of Banswala and Dungarptir. At this place Rajah Todar Mal arrived from Bengal, and brought to the Emperor 500 elephants from the spoil of that kingdom, and other valuables.

While at this place he sent Qulij Khan (whom he had recalled from Idar, and appointed Acaf Khan as leader of the army in his stead) together with Kalyan Rai Baqqél an inhabitant of Cambay to the port of Curat to obtain an agreement from the Europeans, so as to set free the ships of Sultan Khwajah?, which for want of such an agreement were lying idle. Afterwards he was to come to Malwah and join the army.

1 TJ. ¢., Rané Kika.

? The conductor of the pilgrimage.

3’ The Portuguese held Bombay, and so were able to control the navigation

of Strat.

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In the month of Zihijjah! of this year took place the New Year’s day of the 28rd year from the Accession. He celebrated that festival in the castle of Dibalptr one of the dependencies of Malwah.

The compiler of this Compendium had on account of a severe sickness remained at Basdwar.? He now asked leave to proceed to the camp by way of Banswdlah. At Hindtn’ Sayyid ‘Abd-ulléh Khan consented, but representing that road was blocked up and full of difficulties, he caused me to return and brought me to Bajaunah. And after some days on account of my anxiety to per- form my duty as one of the Imperial Imams, I went in company with Razawi Khan by way of Gwalyar and Sdérangpar (P. 243), and Ujayn, and on the 12th of Zihijjah paid my respects to the Emperor in the confines of Dibalpur belonging to Malwah. Then I presented to the Emperor a valuable pocket-Qur’an, and a note-book of mar- vellous and rare sermons by Hatiz Muhammad Amin, a preacher of Qandahar, such a sweet-voiced preacher as whom had never been seen by any one in this generation. This Qur’an and note book had been carried off by some thieves from a certain halting-place a cos distant from Basaiwar, and Sayyid ‘Abdullab Khan had gone in pursuit and had handed over the things tome. When I brought them into his presence, the Emperor evinced great pleasure, and ealling Hatiz Muhammad Amin he said to him in joke: “They have brought me a pocket-Qur’4n from somewhere or other, I make it a present to you.” Hafiz recognizing it, was extremely delighted, and making profuse and boundless bows and prostrations by way of thanks, said: Your Majesty the very same day said to Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan, © If God will, you will find it, it can’t be really lost.” When the Emperor enquired of the author the circumstances of its discovery, I replied: “ A company of labourers, who in some of the villages of Basdwar are occupied in digging wells and tanks &e., and who under pretext of this occupation do a little in highway robbery had stolen these articles. But one of them, having had a difference with his companion brought word to Sayyid ‘Abdullah

1 The last month of the Muhammadan year. 2 Lak’hnou Lithograph gives Pashdwar. 3 That edition reads Windidn not Hindin,

[ 251 ]

Khan, so that he was able to seize them all, and so they confessed the thefts they had committed.” Then the Emperor said to Hafiz: “Tf God will, the rest of the articles will also be found, so be of good cheer!” To this he replied: “I have attained my wish in the recovery of my Qur’dn and note-book, which I received as an inheritance from my father and grandfather, and I cannot compose sermons myself. For the other things I don’t care much.” And eventually (P. 244) on the return from that journey those articles were all found among the things taken from the countrymen, as the Emperor had said would be the case, and Sayyid ‘Abdullah Khan brought them into the Imperial presence at Fathptr. While at Dibalpur I was reinstated in my office of Imam, and Khwaéjah Daulat Nazir had to keep me up to the mark, and in the old way one day and night out of the seven used to make me mount the pulpit, and the proverb became fulfilled: “Little Ahmad will not go to school, so they carry him?’ :—

“Wither thou goest, or otherwise they will carry thee, there is no choice”’, :

And on account of anxiety for the affairs of that kingdom, the Emperor remained some days at Dibalptir. And some of the great Amirs, such as Shahib-ud-din Ahmad Khan he sent, with the jagdr- dars of Malwah, against Rajah ‘Ali Khan in the direction of Asir and Burhanpitr, to subdue that district. And Shahbaz Khan, Bakh.- sh?, was to see to the branding of the horses and the mustering of that army. At that station Rajah Todar Mall, together with I‘timad Khan of Gujrat, was appointed to look into revenues of the country of Gujrat, and into the stores of that kingdom.

At this time news came of the defeat of Rajah Nardin Das, and the taking of Tdar. The particulars are as follows: When Qulij Khan, through the efforts of ‘Ali Murad Uzbek, who had been sent to fetch him, had left I’dar and returned to Court, and Agaf Khan! had been appointed to the command, the Rajah of Tdar, who had become an outcast and wanderer, had with the assistance of RAn4 Kika and other zamindars collected an army and advanced to within 10 cosses of the station of dar, intending to make a night attack,

1 See above, p. 249.

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Then Acaf Khan and Mirz4 Muhammad Muqim and Timitr Ba- dakhshi, and Mir Abu-l-ghays Bokhari, and Mir Muhammad Ma‘cim Bakri, &c. agreed that it would be the best plan (P. 245), leaving about 500 horse to guard the station, themselves to make a night attack on the enemy, and so anticipate him in his plans. Accord- ingly just at daybreak on the 4th of Z:hijjah, in the year nine hundred and eighty-four (984), when they had proceeded 7 cosses, Rajah Nardin Das met them coming in the opposite direction armed cap a pie, and immediately attacked them, and arrows and swords and javelins began flying in the air. And Mirzi Muhammad Muqim, who was in the van in advance of every one, in drinking the draught of martyrdom still showed his superiority. Defeat fell on the infidels, and they fled to a man and skulked like foxes in their holes. When the dispatch of Acaf Kha&n arrived, a firmaén of commendation was issued to the officers of that army.

In this year Mir Sayyid Muhammad Jf‘adal, who had been appointed to the government of Bhakkar, sent Sayyid Abu-l-Fazl and his other sons against Sabwi (?), and then reduced that fortress in a short space of time. And Mir Sayyid Abul Qasim son of Mir Sayyid Qafali (who is one of the most important personages of Bhakkar and had come to do homage at Court) was raised to the rank of a body-guardsman. And this line gives the date :—

“To the sons of the Prophet! belongs the taking of Sabwi’’.

And in this year the Mir ‘Adl? departed this life, and the date is given by the following :—Sayyid-t-Hazil’—May God deal with him according to excellence (fuza/) !

Among the events of this time was the arrival of Sharif of Amul, and his interview with the Emperor while he was at Dibalptr. The sum of the matter is as follows: This reprobate apostate (P. 246) had run from country to country, like a dog that has burnt its foot, and turning from one sect to another, he went on wrangling until he became a perfect heretic. For some time he studied after the

1 The brothers were Sayyids, ¢. e., descendants of the Prophet,

2 The father of the above-mentioned ‘sons of the Prophet.’

$3 These words mean ‘“‘ Excellent Sayyid’, and give 985, which is one too much. But, if we take /azal instead of fazal, the date is 984,

[ 258 ]

vain fashion of Cufiism, which is void of all -sophy, in the school of Mauléné Muhammad Zahid of Balkh, nephew of the great Shaikh Husain of Khwarizm (God sanctify his tomb!), and had lived with darveshes. But as he had little of the darvesh in him he set on foot abundance of vain talk and senseless effrontery, and blurted it out, so that they expelled him. The Maulana wrote a poem against him in which the following verse occurs :—

“There was a heretic, and Sharif was his name, Perfect he thought himself, not perfect all the same ! ”

In his wanderings he came to the Dak’hin, where from his want of self-restraint he betrayed the filthiness of his disposition, and the rulers of the Dak’hin wished to cleanse the tablet of existence of his image, but eventually he was only set on a donkey and shown about the city in disgrace. But since Hindustan is a wide place, where there is an open field for all licentiousness, and no one interferes with another’s business, so that every one can do just as he pleases, at this time he made his way to Malwah, and settled at a place five cosses distant from the Imperial camp. Every foolish and frivolous word that proceeded out of his mouth instead of being wholesome food was the poison of asps, and became the absorbing topic of general conversation. Many persons blind to God’s mercies, espe- cially the heretics of ‘Iraq (who separated themselves from the Truth of the Faith, like a hair from the dough, ‘ Nabatheans ”1 exactly describes them, and they are destined to be the foremost worshippers of Antichrist?) gathered round him, and at his orders spread abroad the report that he was the Restorer promised for the tenth century. The sensation was immense. As soon as His Majesty heard of him he invited him one night (P. 247) to a private audience in a long prayer-room, which was made of cloth, and in which the Emperor with his suite used to say the five daily prayers at the stated hours, Ridiculous in his exterior, ugly in shape, with his neck stooping forward, he performed his obeisance, and then stood still with his

1 The ‘Nabatheans’ are the ‘Bzotians’ of the Arabs. ‘“ Ces gens sont fort grossiers. O’est pourquoi ils passent ordinairement parmi les Arabes pour des idiots et des ignorants,”” D’Herbelot,

3 See p. 301, Text.

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arms crossed, you could scarcely see how his blue eye (which colour is said to be a sign of hostility to the Prophet—peace be upon him !) shed lies, falsehood, and hypocrisy. There he stood for a long time, and when he got the order to sit down, he prostrated himself as in worship, and then sat down duzdnt,! like an Indian camel. And there he held ¢ée a téte with the Emperor, and discussed various questions. No one except the Hakim-ul-mulk? was allowed to be present with them, but every now and then from a distance, when he raised his voice, I could catch the word ‘ilm { knowledge]. He chewed the cud of a host of foolish stories, and called them “ the Truth of Truths”, and ‘ the Foundation of Fundamentals ’ :—

“ A race both outwardly and inwardly ignorant Through ignorance is lost in folly,

They are immersed in heresy and call it Truth ! There is no power or might except in God !”

The whole talk of the man was a mere repetition of the ideas of Mahmiid of Basakhwan, who lived in the time of ‘Timtr the Lord of Conjunction, at Basakhwan, which is the name ofa village in the neighbourhood of Gilan. Mahmud had written thirteen treatises of dirty filth, full of such droppings of heresy as no religion or sect would suffer, and containing nothing but deceitful flattery, which he called ‘ science of expressed and implied language’.® ‘The chief work of this miserable wretch is entitled Bahr w Kuzah*, containing such loathsome nonsense, that when the ear eats thereof it turns sick. How the devil would have laughed in his sleeve, had he heard it, and what capers he would have eut ! And this gross fellow Sharif had also written a regular conflict of absurdities, which he named “First glimpses of the ruth,” in which he blindly follows Mir ‘Abdulawwal. ‘his book is written (P. 248) in loose, deceptive

} Kneeling and sitting on the heels, with the hands resting on the knees,

2 Shamsuddfn, of Gilan on the Caspian. Blochm. p. 542.

3 So Blochmann (P. 177) renders the words ‘ildm-¢ lufz u-hal. Our “ letter and spirit “’ (?). :

4 «The Ocean and the Jug,’ # ¢., God and the Soul, the Finite trying to reach the Infinite.

[ 255 }

aphorisms, each beginning with the word méfarmidand 2 it is a regular poser, and a mass of ridiculous silly nonsense. But in spite of this folly, in accordance with the saying: ‘ Verily God the King brings people to people,’ he so carried things before him, and knew so well how to turn to his own account the spirit of the age and mankind, that he is now a Commander of One Thousand, and one of the apostles of, His Majesty’s religion in Bengal, possessor of the four® degrees of Faith, and in his turn snmmoning faithful disciples to these degrees. An account of these degrees will be given later on :—

“ Regard not the reprobation or approval of the common people, For their business is always either to pray or to purr.

Common people believe in a Cow as a God,

And do not believe in Noah as a prophet.”

We make our complaint unto God on account of the world: if ever it does good, it immediately repents; and if it does evil, it goes on in its evil course. The following just suits his case :—

“T was last year a star of the lowest dimension, This year I am the Pole-star of religion.

If I last out another year,

I shall be the Pole-star of the religion of ‘Ali.”

And when the Emperor had satisfactorily settled the affairs of that district, he started thence by successive stages by way of Rine thambér, and hunting as he went along arrived on the 23rd of Cafr of the year nine hundred and eighty five (985) at Fathptir. And Shaikh Faizi, who now enjoys the title of the King of Poets, wrote an ode, of which the opening lines are:

“ The breeze that cheers the heart comes from Fathptr, For my king returns from a distant journey.”

1 7, ¢., ‘The master said’, comp. the Hebr. Midrash Yelammedénu ‘he used to teach us.’

2 Akbar said that perfect devotedness consisted in the readiness to sacrifice four things, Life, Property, Religion, Honour.

3 Al Qur’4n IJ, where “ Cow” is used for the “Calf” of Exodus.

Two or three months later news arrived of the troubles in Gujrat, the origin of which was as follows (P. 249). When Rajah Todar Mall went in the afore-mentioned capacity’ to Gujrat, Muzaffar Husain, son of Ibrahim Husain Mirzaé, who was daughter’s son to Kamran Mirzdé came from the country of the Dak’hin. At the time of the seige of Strat his mother Gulrukh Bégum had carried him off from there, at the age of fifteen or sixteen years. At the instigations of a scoundrel named Mihr ‘Ali, one of the old retainers of Mfrz&i Ibrdhim Husain, he gathered together a number of vaga- bonds and raised an insurrection in Gujrat. Then Baz Bahadur, son of Sharif Muhammad Khan Atgah, and Bab& Bég Diwdn of Gujrat, marched against Muzaffar Husain Mirza, attacked him in the pargana of Patlad, and were defeated. Then the Mirza went off to Cambay with some 2,000 or 3,000 horse. And Wazir Khan, governor of Gujrat, although he had a force of 8,000 horse, on account of the dissatisfaction among his troops, who were by no means to be relied on, determined to shut himself up in the fort, and wrote a statement of affairs to Rajah Todar Mall, who was at Patan. Then the Rajah marched towards Ahmadabad, upon which the Mirz& decamped from outside Ahmadabad? and retired on Dilaka. Wazir Khan and the Rajah pursued them, and a fierce battle took place in that neighbourhood, and defeat fell on the enemy, who retired to Jundgarh. At this juncture the Rajah returned suddenly to Fathpair. Then Muzaffar Husain returned from Jundgarh, and beseiged Wazir Khan (who for the aforenamed reason had, rather than risk an engagement, again shut himself up in the fortress) at Ahmadabad. He placed ladders against the walls of the castle, and endeavoured to take it by assault: in fact he had almost carried the fort, when suddenly a bullet reached the breast of Mihr ‘Ali, who was the Mirza’s absolute vicegerent, and the casket of his secrets, and brought him into a casket indeed :—

‘* Death comes unexpectedly, And the grave is a casket indeed ”.

1 See above p. 251. ? He had gone thither after remaining two or three days at Cambay. Taba- gat + Akbaré.

C 267 J

As soon as the Mirzd became aware of this catastrophe he took to flight (P. 250), and went towards Sult4nptir and Nadarbar.

The renowned Amirs who, under the leadership of Shihabuddin Ahmad Khan, had been appointed against Rajah ‘Ali Khan, and had driven him into the fortress, and keeping him closely beseiged had ravaged the country, were very near taking the fortress. Mean- while Qutb-uddin Muhammad Khan became anxious, and separating himself from the Amirs went towards Bahronch and Barodah, where he held a jég¢r, and which through the Mirzé! had been thrown mto the direst confusion. The financial affairs of Asir and Bur- hanpur had become so completely embarrassed, that the Amirs had to content themselves with receiving from Rajah ‘Ali Khan so much tribute as he was then in a position to pay, and sent it to Court, and themselves returned to their jagirs.

At this time Hakim ‘Ain-ul-mulk Shirazi, who in the year nine hundred and eighty-three had gone on an embassy in company with the waktl of ‘Adil Khan ruler of the Dak’hin?, returned and pre- sented the elephants and other valuable presents of ‘Adil Khan to the Emperor: and after the superseding of Deb Chand, Rajah of Majholi, in the military command of Bans Bareli, Hakim ‘Ain-ul- mulk was appointed to the command in the skirts of the mountain district. From that place he wrote a report consisting of ever so many sections. In one of them he said: “Since I am separated from the Court, and in this desolate wilderness I have not a single individual of my friends for a companion, if a certain Rajah who is well acquainted with the good and evil of this district, and the whole conduct of its affairs should mention my name, and if people should be inclined to restore their confidence to him, and he should have many unrequited services at Court, please send him: it would be a great kindness to him, and a great advantage to your humble servant. But your Majesty’s will is law.” Khwajah Shah Mangtr read over each section, and wrote an answer according to the Hm- peror’s orders, but when he came to this section His Majesty gave

him neither ‘ Yea’ nor ‘Nay’:

Y Muzaffar Husain. 2 He was the reigning prince of Bijapur..

[ 258 J

« Though hair should grow on the palm of the hand, Yet thy locks cannot come into my hand. (P. 251) Such is my hard fate, And such is thy hard-heartedness.”

And in the month of Rajab! (in the year nine hundred and eighty- five) which is the time of the festival the saint Khwajah Ajmiri, the Emperor turned his face towards Ajmir. And while he was at Todah, Shah Abu Turdéb one of the great Sayyids of Shiréz and counsellor of the Sultans of Gujrat, and Rajah Todar Mall, who after his victory over Mirzd Muzaffar Husain had set out for the Court, arrived. When not far from Mairt’ha he appointed Shah Abu Turdb Dir Héjjé over a caravan of pilgrims, and to I’timad Khan Gujréti he gave a large sum of money, and permission to: proceed to the sacred Makkah. And the Emperor issued a general order that any one who wished might go. And when I brought a petition from ‘Abd-un-nabi, I also received permission to go. The Emperor asked me: ‘Have youa mother still alive ?’ I answered = ‘Yes’. He said: ‘Is there one of your brothers who withdraws from the fulfilment of his obligations?’ I answered: ‘No, lam their only means of support.’ To this he replied : ‘If you were to obtain your mother’s permission first, it would be better’. But that. happiness £ was not fortunate enough to obtain: and now with the teeth of disappointment she gnaws the back of the hand of re- pentance :-—

“ Thy favour did not do one particular thing, And the time for the thing passed by. On one particular day I met not with thee, And the opportunity passed by.”

In the neighbourhood of the town of Ambir, in the district of Miltan, which is an ancient city which had become totally ruined, the Emperor commanded the rebuilding of the city. A lofty castle, and gates and a garden were apportioned out to the Amirs, and they expended the greatest energy in the work of building, so that in

1 The seventh month,

[ 259 |

eight! days it was finished. And the Emperor made tho rayats settle down in that district. He called (P. 252) the place after the name of Rai Manohar, son of Rai Lonkaran, governor of Sémbhar, and gave it the name of Manohar-pir. This Manohar, whom they called for some time Mirz4 Manohar, grew up and was educated in the service of the eldest prince, and attained to great proficiency. Now he composes poetry and bears the title of Tusani, and an exceedingly able young man he is. He will be mentioned in the sequel containing Memoirs of the Poets. Thence by way of Narnil the Emperor set out for Dihli: and Shaikh Nizim of Nani, one of the greatest Shaikhs of the time, came to meet him. After performing the pilgrimages at Dihli to the tombs of the great saints of that illustrious locality, the Emperor went on a hunting expedition in the neighbourhood of Palam.

At the beginning of the last decade of the blessed month of Ramazan in this year, news reached me at Rewari, that at Basdwar a son had been born to me, a happiness which I had been long anxiously expecting. I presented an offering of ashrafis to the Emperor, and requested him to name the child. After reading the Hatihah he enquired the name of my father and of my grandfather. I answered “ Mulik Shah was my father, and he was the son of Hamid”. He said, “This child is called ‘Abdul Hadi ”’—Hadi being a name which at that time was day and night upon his lips. Although Hafiz Muhammad Amin, the preacher, and one of the seven Imams*® kept urging me with the greatest importunity not to commit this folly, but to assemble some reciters of the Qur’an to my house to recite the whole Qur’dn in order to secure a long life to my son, I declined to do so, and at the end of six months my son died. If God will, may he be to me a reward and treasure, an intercessor and one accepted in the Day of Judgment !

From Rewari I took five months’ leave and went to Basdwar, on account of certain important affairs, or rather follies ; but I exceed- ed my term of absence and remained there a whole year. This neglect of duty and the machinations of my enemies caused me to

1 The Zabagdt-i Akbaré says 20 days. Elliott V, 407. 2 See p, 232,

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fall from the Emperor’s favour, and he took no further notice of me. Hven to this day (P. 258) although a period of eighteen years has elapsed since that event, and eighteen thousand worlds! have passed away, I continue still afflicted with this unrequited service, which offers neither chance of confirming myself in his favour, nor opportunity of leaving his service :—

“JT have not the fortune to have intercourse with the Beloved, I have not the fortitude to abstain from Love. I have not the power to fight against Fate, I have not the foot to flee from the field.”

And while the Emperor was at Hasdi, at the time that he was on his way to the Panjab, a despatch arrived at Court from Sher Beg Tawachi, to the effect that Muzaffar Husain Mirzé having fled from Gujrat and gone to the Dak’hin, had been captured by Rajah ‘Ali Khan, and was held prisoner by him. So at the beginning of Zi hajjah® in the year nine hundred and eighty-five (985) the Emperor despatched a farmdn to Rajah ‘Ali Khan concerning Mageud® Jauhart, which resulted in his sending the Mirza to the Imperial Court.

In the beginning of the sacred month of Muharram‘ in the year nine hundred and eighty-six (986) was the new year’s day of the Jaldli period, corresponding with the twenty-fourth year from the accession :—

“The Gafar® of the throne wins the day over the Sultan of the sky Verily his fame rises up to Aries.”

At Patan the Emperor had the honour of visiting the tomb of the saint Ganj Shakar (may God sanctify his glorious spirit !), and then went for a Qamurghah hunt in the neighbourhood of Nan- danah, and in the course of four days numberless game was enclosed.

1 He seemed to mean that monstrous changes had taken place in the course of that time.

2 The twelfth month.

3 See p. 265.

4 The first month.

5 The old name of Muharram. Whence the two first months are sometimes called Cafaréni.

{ 261 ]

And when it had almost come about that the two sides of the Qamurghah were come together, suddenly all at once a strange state and strong frenzy came upon the Emperor, and an extraordinary change was manifested in his manner, to such an extent as cannot be accounted for. And every one attributed it to some cause or other ; but God alone knoweth secrets. And at that time he ordered the hunting to be abandoned :—

(P. 254) “ Take care! for the grace of God comes suddenly, It comes suddenly, it comes to the mind of the wise.”

And at the foot of a tree which was then in fruit he distributed much gold to the faqirs and poor, and laid the foundation of a lofty building, and an extensive garden in that place. And he cut off the hair of his head, and most of the courtiers followed his example. And when news of this became spread abroad in the astern part of India, strange rumours and wonderful lies became current in the mouths of the common people, and some insurrections took place among the ryots, but these were quickly quelled.

While he was at Bahrah the Imperial Begum arrived from the Capital. At this time he confided the government of the Panjab to Sa‘id Khan Moghul, and appointed Qazi ‘Ali Baghdddi (who is the grandson! of Mir Qazi Husain Maibazf) to rearrange the boun- daries of the lands given as Madad-i Ma‘dsh and Aymah in the Panjab and elsewhere, which had been encroached upon. He had orders to abolish the old boundaries and re-measure the enclosures, and to put them all together into one village. Thus an exact distinction was made between the different grant-lands of the empire, and all this wag done in spite of Shaikh ‘Abdunnabi, and the dishonesty of his subor- dinates. Thence the Emperor set out on his return to Fathpir. And near to Khizrabid Sadhorah on the 5th of Jamada’-s-sinf? in the aforesaid year the Emperor embarked on board ship and the Amirs and nobles of the kingdom also went on board a vessel to accompany him, but the army went by land. And on the 29th of this month the Emperor arrived at Dihli. During the first part of the month Rajab he disembarking from the water-boat and mounted

1 The Lak’hnau edition has asterisks after the word naberah. 2 The 6th month,

[ 262 ]

a land-boat (which is a figurative expression for a desert-traversing steed), and on the 5th of this month he reached Ajmir and attended the festival held at the tomb of the Saint’. The next day at the same hour he started for the Imperial Palace, and travelling each day 50 cosses, he arrived at day-break on Friday the 9th. ‘The compiler of these pages, who had come from Basawar to meet him, paid his respects to him at that time, and presented (P. 255) the Book of the Ahddis®, which contains forty of them treating on the merit of war with Infidels, and the advantages of archery, and its names includes the date of it. It was admitted into the Library, and no mention whatever was made of any fault on my part in delaying to redeem my promise. And later that day the Emperor came to Fath. pur. There he used to spend much time in the ‘Lbdédat-khanah in the company of learned men and Shaikhs. And especially on Friday nights, when he would sit up there the whole night continually occupied in discussing questions of Religion, whether fundamental or collateral. The learned men used to draw the sword of the tongue on the battle-field of mutual contradiction and opposition, and the antagonism of the sects reached such a pitch that they would call one another fools and heretics, The controversies used to pass beyond the differences of Sunni, and Shi‘ah, of Hanifi and Shafid, of lawyer and divine, and they would attack the very bases of belief. And Makhdtim-ul-mulk wrote a treatise, to the effect that Shaikh ‘Abdunnabi had unjustly killed Khizr Khan Sarwdni, who had been suspected of blaspheming the Prophet (peace be upon him !), and Mir Habsh, who had been suspected of being a Shi‘ah, and saying that it was not right to repeat the prayers after him, because he was undutiful towards his father, and was himself afflicted with Shaikh ‘Abdunnabi replied to him that he was

hemorrhoids. Then the Mullis became divided into two

a fool and a heretic. parties, and one party took one side and on the other, and became very Jews’ and Egyptians for hatred of each other. And persons of novel and whimsical opinions, in accordance with their pernicious

1 Mu’in-ud-din Chishti Sigizi.

2 See p. 207, note 1.

3 Sabté is from the Hebrew Shéebhet ‘a tribe’ and is applied to Israel as descended from the twelve heads-of-tribes (Shebidtim), the sons of Jacob,

a ee

i lal a halla he ie aes

{ 268 J

ideas, and vain doubts, coming out of ambush decked the false in the garb of the true, and wrong in the dress of right, and cast the Emperor, who was possessed of an excellent disposition, and was an earnest searcher after truth, but very ignorant and a mere tyro, and used to the company of infidels and base persons, into perplexity, till doubt was heaped upon doubt, and he lost all definite aim, and the straight wall of the clear Law, and of firm Religion was broken down, so that after five or six years not a trace of Islim was left in him: and every thing was turned topsy turvy :—

(P. 256) The matter of me and you has fallen upside down, You purchase the very thing I blamel.

Of this there were many causes and reasons, but in accordance with the Proverb ‘ A little guides to the much, and fear points out the eulprit?,? a specimen of them is brought forward in the course of this history (and God is the assistant !). In a word crowds of learned men from all nations, and sages of various religions and sects came to the Court, and were honoured with private conversations. After enquiries and investigations, which were their only business and occupation day and night, they would talk about profound points of science, the subtleties of revelation, the curiosities of history, and the wonders of nature, subjects of which large volumes could give only an abstract and summary : and in accordance with the saying :-— “Three things are dangerous, Avarice satisfied: desire indulged: and a man’s being pleased with himself” everything that pleased him, he picked and chose from any one except a Moslem, and any- thing that was against his disposition, and ran counter to his wishes he thought fit to reject and cast aside. From childhood to manhood, and from manhood to his declining years the Emperor had combined in himself various phases from various religions and opposite sec- tarian beliefs, and by a peculiar acquisitiveness and a talent for selection, by no means common, had made his own all that can be seen and read in books. Thus a faith of a materialistic character became painted on the mirror of his mind and the storehouse of his

} The word case ‘blame’ is ey) ‘purchase’ written backwards, 2 Ex uno disce omnes,

[ 26% J

imagination, and from the general impression this conviction tool form, like an engraving upon a stone, that there are wise men to be found and ready at hand in all religions, and men of asceticism, and recipients of revelation and workers of miracles among all nations. and that the Truth is an inhabitant of every place: and that con- sequently how could it be right to consider it as confined to one religion or creed, and that, one which had only recently made its appearance and had not as yet endured a thousand years! And why assert one thing and deny another, and claim pre-eminence for that: which is not essentially pre-eminent ?

And Samanas! and Brahmans (who as far as the matter of private: interviews is concerned (P. 257) gained the advantage over every one in attaining the honour of interviews with his Majesty, and in associating with him, and were in every way superior in reputation to all learned and trained men for their treatises on morals, and on physical and religious sciences, and in religious ecstacies, and stages. of spiritual progress and human perfections) brought forward proofs, based on reason and traditional testimony, for the truth of their own, and the fallacy of our religion, and inculeated their doctrine with such firmness and assurance, that they affirmed mere imagina= tions as though they were self-evident facts, the truth of which the doubts of the sceptic could no more shake—

“Than the mountains crumble, and the heavens be cleft!”

And the Resurrection, and Judgment, and other details and tradi- tions, of which the Prophet was the repository, he laid all aside. And he made his courtiers continually listen to those revilings and attacks against our pure and easy, bright and holy faith, some of which are written in the book called ‘The Inspiration of Holy Scripture’: and urged and excited them to his own path by speech both set and extempore :—

“The guardian gave advice to that fair one: Do not smile on every face, as the rose through the wind, When the advice became past endurance, that coquette Knit her brow, and hung down her head.”

1 Buddhist ascetic, Sansk. ¢ramana.

[ 265 J

Some time before this a Brahman, named Puruk’hotam, who had’ written a commentary on the book Ahirad-afzd, had had private interviews with him, and he had asked him to invent particular Sanskrit names for all things in existence. And at one time a Brahman, named Debi, who was one of the interpreters of the Jfahd- bharata, was pulled up the wall of the castle sitting on a chdrpat till he arrived near a balcony, which the Emperor had made his bed-chamber. Whilst thus suspended he instructed his Majesty in the secrets and legends of Hinduism, in the manner of worshipping idols, the fire, the sun and stars, and of revering the chief gods of these unbelievers, such as Brahma, Mahddev, Bishn, Kishn, Ram and Mahama (whose existence as sons of the human race (P. 258) is a supposition, but whose non-existence is a certainty, though some in their idle belief look on them as gods, and some as angels), His Majesty, on hearing further how much the people of the country prized their institutions, began to Jook upon them with affection. He became especially firmly convinced of the doctrine of the trans- migration of souls, and he much approved of the saying :—‘ Zhere is no religion in which the doctrine of Transmigration has not a firny hold.” And insincere flatterers composed treatises in order to establish: indisputable arguments in favour of this thesis. And having in- stituted research into doctrines of the sects of the Hindi unbelievers, of whom there are an endless and innumerable host, and who possess numbers of saered books, and yet do not belong to the AA/-i- Kitab,» he took so much pleasure in such discussions, that not a day passed: but a new fruit of this loathsome tree ripened into existence. Some- times again it was Shaikh Taéj-ud-din whom he sent for. This Shaikh was son of Shaikh Zakariyaé of Ajodhan. ‘The principle ‘Ulama of the age call him ZUj-ul-‘arifin®. He had been a pupil of Rashid Shaikh Zaman of Panipat, author of a commentary on the Lawdih, and of other excellent works, was most excellent in Cifiism, and in the knowledge of Theology second only to Shaikh: Ibn ‘Arabi, and had written a comprehensive commentary on the Muzhat ul-arwih. Like the preceding he was drawn up the walk of the castle in a blanket, and his Majesty listened the whole night

} People of the Book, Jews, Christians, and Sabeites 4/7 Qur’dn 46’&c., xxix. ? Crown of the (ifis. 34

[ 266 }

to his Qifie obscenities and follies. The Shaikh, since he did not in any great degree feel himself bound by the injunctions of the Law, introduced arguments concerning the Unity of Existence, such as idle Cufis discuss, and which eventually lead to license and open heresy. He also interested the Emperor in the question as to the faith of Pharaoh (the curse of God be on him !), which is mentioned in the book Fugue wl-hikam, and as to the excellence of hope over fear, and such like questions, to which people, who naturally turn themselves from the warnings of Reason and the prohibitions of the Law, instinctively incline. Thus he became a chief cause of the weakening of the Hmperor’s faith in the commands of Islim. He allowed that infidels would be kept for ever in fire, but the eternity of the punishment he thought doubtful, and not actually established he also introduced many changes into the texts of the Qur’in, and (P. 259) the traditions of the Prophet (peace be upon him !). And the expression Insdén i kémil he said referred to the Khalif of the age, explaining it in the sense of ‘ holiest, and in- terpreting most things in a manner not wholly correet, and not a few of them quite wrong he uttered much such like nonsense. And he invented a sijdah [prostration] for him, and called it zamdn-bos [kissing the ground], and looking on the reverence due to a king as an absolute religious command he called the face of the king Ka‘bah i Murddét [sanctum of desires], and Qiblah 1 Hajdt [goal of necessities]. And in support of these matters he brought forward some apocryphal traditions, and the practice of the disciples of some: of the Shaikhs of India. And thus after a time the titles The Only One, The Absolute, The Perfect Man became commonly applied to. the just, majestic, and magnanimous Emperor. Similarly other of the great Shaikhs, such as Shaikh Ya‘qaib of Kashmir, who is a. well-known writer, and at present the greatest authority in religious. matters, mentioned some of the opinions expressed by that chief of the Qézis, Hamadani,! such as the following ; that Muhammad the Prophet of God (may God bless him and his race and grant him peace !) was a personification of the title Alkddi [the guide], and that Iblis [the devil] is a personification of the title Almuzil/? [the

1 Abdul-Jabbér Hamadani, seo D’Herbelot, Bib/. Orient. fol. 895, 3 Al Qur’dn xxviii 14,

ies

[ 267 }

tempter], and that both names, thus personified, have appeared in the world, and that both personifications therefore are necessary.

Mulla Muhammad of Yazd, too, was drawn up the castle wall in the same way, and uttered unworthy, loathsome abuse against the three Khalifs, and called all the companions of the Prophet, their followers and next followers, and the saints of past ages, (may God show favour to them !), infidels and adulterers, and represented the Sunnis and the AA/ i Jamd‘al! as despicable and contemptuable, and pronounced every sect except the Shi‘ah as erring and leading into error.

The differences among the ‘Ulam4, of whom one would pronounce a thing as unlawful, and another by some process of argument would pronounce the very same thing lawful, became to his Majesty a cause of unbelief. And since he looked on each of the ‘Ulamaé of his own age as superior in dignity and worth to Imam i Ghazzali and Imam i Razi, and since he knew the worthlessness of those of his own time, he inferred the unknown (P. 260) from the known and rejected also their predecessors.

Learned monks also from Hurope, who are called Pédre, and have an infallible head, called Pépd, who is able to change religious ordi- nances as he may deem advisable for tho moment, and to whose authority kings must submit, brought the Gospel, and advanced proofs for the Trinity. His Majesty firmly believed in the truth of the Christian religion, and wishing to spread the doctrines of Jesus, ordered Prince Murad to take a few lessons in Christianity under good auspices, and charged Abul-fazl to translate the Gospel. Instead of the usual Bismilléh-irrahmdn-irrahin® the following line was used :—

Ai nimt vey Gesu Christ, that is “ O thou, whose name is merciful and very bountiful.” Shaikh Faizi added to this the hemistich :— ; Subhdnaka la siwéka ya his

1 Those who in religious ordinances follow the iymd‘ ‘agreement’ or common consent of the Ist cent. of the Hejrah.

2 Jn the name of the gracious and merciful God.

® Our author seems to have imagined that ** Jesus Christ’’ meant “ merciful and bountiful.”

Praise be to Thee, there is none like Thee, O Hr!

{ 268 ]

And the attributes of the accursed Antichrist and his’ qualities were ascribed by those accursed men to his lordship The Best of the Prophets (God bless him and his family and preserve him from all Imposters !) i

The accursed Birbar tried to persuade the Emperor, that since the sun gives light to all, and ripens all grain, fruits and products of the earth, and supports the life of mankind, therefore that luminary should be the object of worship and veneration ; that the face should be turned towards the rising and not towards the setting! sun,

‘which is the west; that man should venerate fire, water, stones, and trees, and all nataral objects, even down to cows and their dung ; that he should adopt the sectarial mark, and Brahmanical thread. Several wisemen at Court confirmed what he said, by representing that the sun was “the greater light’’ of the world, and the bene- factor of its inhabitants, the patron of kings, and that kings are but his vicegerents. This was the cause of the worship paid to the sun on the Wouw-r6z-i-Jaldl/, and of his being induced to adopt that festival for the celebration of his accession to the throne. (P. 261) Every day he used to put on clothes of that particular colour which accords with that of the regent-planet of the day. He began also, at midnight and early dawn, to mutter the spells, which Hindits taught him, for the purpose of subduing the sun to his wishes. He prohibited the slaughter of cows, and the eating of their flesh, because the Hindus devoutly worship them, and esteem their dung as pure. Instead of cows they sacrifice fine men. This reason was also assigned, that physicians have represented the flesh of cows to be productive of sundry kinds of sickness, and to be difficult of digestion.

Fire-worshippers also came from Nousdri in Gujrat, proclaimed the religion of Zardusht as the true one, and declared reverence to fire to be superior to every other kind of worship. They also attracted the Emperor’s regard, and taught him the peculiar terms, the ordi- nances, the rites and ceremonies of the Kaidnians®. At last he ordered that the sacred fire should be made over to the charge of Abu-l-Fazl, and that after the manner of the kings of -Persia, in

1 T. e. towards Mecca. = An old Persian dynasty.

[ 269

whose temples blazed perpetual fires, he should take care it was

“never extinguished night or day, for that it is one of the signs of

God, and one light from the many lights of His creation, From early youth, in compliment to his wives, the daughters of Rajahs of Hind, he had within the female apartments continued to

burn the hom}, which is a ceremony derived from sun-worship ; but

on the New-year of the 25th year after his accession he prostrated himself both before the sun, and before the fire in public, and in the evening the whole Court had to rise up respectfully when the lamps and candles were lighted.

On the festival of the eighth day after the Sun’s entering Virgo in this year he came forth to the public audience-chamber with his forehead marked like a Hindu, and he had jewelled strings tied on his wrists by Brahmans, by way of a blessing. The chiefs and nobles adopted the same practice in imitation of him, and presented on that day pearls and precious stones, suitable to their respective wealth and station. It became the current custom also to wear the rake’ ht on the wrist, which means an amulet? formed out of twisted linen rags. [P. 262.] Every precept which was enjoined by the doctors of other religions he treated as manifest and decisive, in contradistinction to this Religion of ours, all the doctrines of which he set down to be senseless, and of modern origin, and the founders of it as nothing but poor Arabs, a set of scoundrels of highway- robbers, and the people of Islam as accursed. But in the course of time the truth of this verse® in its hidden meaning developed itself : “Pain would they put out the light of God with their mouths ! but, though the Infidels abhor it, God will perfect his light.” By degrees the affair was carried to such a pitch that proofs were no longer considered necessary for abolishing the precepts of Isl4m. I remember, that in the early days of these discussions I had an argument with Shaikh Abu’-l-Fazl in the privy audience-chamber at Fath-pir. He said: “It seems to me that there is a fair ob- jection to be made to all writers [on such subjects] on two grounds. First—Why should they not have written as circumstantial histories

1 The branch of a certain tree offered by Parsees as a substitute for Soma juice. 2 Sanscrit rakshikd. 3 A) Qur’én LXI, 8.

[ 270 ]

of the oid prophets, at they have done in the annals of their own Prophet (God bless him and his family, and give them peace !) ?” I answered; “ The stories of the prophets are numerous enough in all conscience!” He said: “ Nay, they are too compendious, they ought to have been written more in detail.” I answered: “ In times gone by just the amount now extant must have been thorough- ly sifted by critics and historians, and the rest not authenticated!” He said: ‘ This answer is not satisfactory. But secondly—There is no kind of handy-craft’s man, who is not mentioned in the tazkirat-ul-auliyd, and the nafahdt-ul uns &e., but the people of the Prophet’s own family what fault have they committed that they are not mentioned therein? This is a great subjeet of wonder.” On this topic whatever the time allowed was said, but who will care to hear it! Afterwards I asked : “ who will ever have a greater passion for all these notorious heresies, than yourself P” He said: “T wish to wander for a few days in the vale of infidelity for sport.” I said: “It will not be a bad thing if you eventually take the yoke of marriage,” as they have said :—(P. 263).

He took upon him the yoke of the Law, by the help of God, From off the neck of the world, Peace be to his memory !”

He smiled and went away, and as has been suggested by a man of the world :—

“ One favour of the Judge is better than a thousand witnesses”

he fell boldly into disputation in religious matters with such imbe- cile old men as the Qadr, the Qazi, the Hakim-ul-mulk, and Makh- dim-ul-mulk, and had not the slightest hesitation in putting them to shame, at which the Emperor was pleased. They sent privately a message to Abu-l-Fazl by Agaf Khan, Bakhshi: “Why are you always falling foul of us?” He returned answer: The fact of the matter is [am the servant of a mere mortal, and not of an

} History serves as a kind of filter for each generation, removing the im- purities of the traditions of the generation before. Addott. 3 Viz. to Orthodoxy.

i i hf

[ 271 J

ege-plant!”. By dint of his own exertions, and the assistance of his father, and the patronage of the Khalif of the age, and by the favour of fortune, he cast them all in a short space of time down to the ground of scorn and contempt, as we have already stated. And not one of the people of Islam, except Hakim Abu-] Fath and Mulé Muhammad Yazdi could keep pace with him in any of the discussions. When further enterprises and propositions were brought forward I retired into private life :—

“ When the desire is great Difficulties become light? ’’.

I read the verse of flight, and fell altogether out of the Emperor’s notice, and all that friendship became estrangement, But thank God that I am as well off as I am !—

“My heart did not go gadding about, anda good thing it didn’t!

Tt settled on nothing but thee, and a good thing it didn’t !

Thou saidest, ‘I shall grieve if thine affair turn out well.’

Thou sawest that it did not turn out well, and a good thing ib didn’t!”

I did not consider myself a fit recipient of favour nor His Majesty a fit object of service, and I was quite content :—(P. 264).

“ Come that we may wave all ceremony, You shall not rise to me, I will not bow to you.”

And at long intervals I used to come and prostrate myself in the ante-chamber, and was a witness to the truth of :—

“ Companionship will not arise, Where dispositions are not congenial :”

‘The egg-plant bears fruit all the year round, hence the Brahmans say (Chandi p. 69) when they fear that their patron is drowned, that he was an ege-plant to them, whereas his s’rdddh (funeral feast) will only yield once like aradish, Abu-l-I*azl seems to mean, that since his patron is a mere man and liable to die, or to change, he thinks it advisable to “make hay while the Sun shines,”

“Where there is a will there is a way.” ® Compare p. 48, ote,

| yt

{ 272 ¥ And afterwards according to destiny? :-—

“T saw that seeing thy face from afar was pleasanter, I left thy companionship, I ceased to be a spectator.”

Since the account of those trifles and particulars, and the stringing

of all these events in chronological order is of the number of im-

possibilities, thus much must be deemed sufficient, and my refuge is in the mercy of God (He is exalted !), who in all cases is the defender and protector of his servants, in fulfilment of the pro- mise” :—“ Shall not verily the party of God have the upper hand, is not God sufficient for his servants?” I have made bold to chronicle these events, a course very far removed from that of prudence and circumspection. But God (He is glorious and hon- oured !) is my witness, and sufficient is God as a witness, that my inducement to write this has been nothing but sorrow for the faith, and heart-burning for the deceased Religion of Islam, which ‘Anqa®-like turring its face to the Qaf of exile, and withdrawing the shadow of its wings from the dwellers in the dust of this lower world, thenceforth became a nonentity, and still is so, And to God I look for refuge from reproach, and hatred, and envy, and religious prosecution :—

“TJ am content with what God has decreed for me, And I commit my affairs to my Creator.

God has indeed been good in what is past,

So will He be good in what is to come.”

In this year a certain hakim came to Fathptr, who said that he

could construct a house having all its four sides in the water. And that he could plunge into the water and enter the house without the water’s penetrating it. With a view to this they made a tank in the court-yard of the palace twenty gaz by twenty gaz, and three

gaz deep. Inthis they built a stone cell, and (P. 265) on the

1 The Lak’hnau edition reads mugqaddar not migddar. 2 An adaptation of Al Qur’an LVIII, 22, V, 61, XX XIX, 87.

4 The fabulous bird (Sémurgh) said to dwell in the mountains surrounding

the world (Qaf).

=” —— Sl =

E 278 7

voof of it they built a high tower, and on all four sides of the eell they left steps. But the pretensions of the hakim, like his medicines, proved a lie, and he fled and was seen no morel. But Hakim ‘Ali of Gilén some seventeen years later did construct such a pond at Lahor, and Mir Haidar a riddle-maker found “ Lhe pond of Hakim ‘Ali?"” to give the date. And that pond the Emperor filled brimful of copper coins, which amounted to as much as 20: kror. One day he had an interview with one Shaikh Banj’hi by name, a singer with a sweet voice, and of Cufi tendencies, one of the disciples of Shaikh Adhan of Jounptr (whose name gives the date of his death?), and had a very agreeable time of it. Then he sent for Miy4n Ténsin, and other unequalled singers of Hind ; but he preferred him to any of them, and ordered that Shaikh Banj’h& should carry off the whole of that sum of money. But his strength was unequal to carrying it, so he asked for a little gold instead. The Emperor, accordingly, presented him with nearly 1,000 rupees in exchange. And the rest of that money the Emperor in the course of three years, more or less, got rid of by means of various: expenses. About this time he received from Shaikh Mubarak* a Tecture on his extravagant expenditure. Before that, at the-time- of the [musical] exhibitions, Shaikh Faizi had said: “ Our Shaikh® is not much of a courtier”. “ No,” replied the Emperor, “he has left all those extravagancies to you.” He sent Shaikh Banj’hi®, and Miyan 4nsin, and all the musicians to the Shaikh that he. might tell him what they were worth as musicians. He said to Miy4n TA4nsin: “I have heard that you can sing a bit.” At last he compared his singing to the noise of beasts, and allowed it no. superiority over it.

In this year Ma‘ctim Khan, foster-brother of Mirzd Hakim, who. was a brave youth, and was always performing valiant deeds, being vexed with the Mirzi came and did homage to the Emperor. He

1 For the expression seo Text p. 243, 1. 11. 2 The letters give 1002. 2 Shaikh Adhan = 300 + 10 + 600 + 6 + 5 + 50 = 970.

Father of Abu-l-Fazl. _% Meaning their father, Shaikh Mubarak. 8 Mubdrak.

[ 274 J

gave him a command of 500 and appointed him to the district of Bihar. There he fought a battle with Kallé Pahar, a general dis- tinguished among the Afghans for his might and prowess, (P. 266): and gained the victory over him, The Emperor from Fathpur sent. him a farmén making him a mangabdar of 1,000, together with a present of a horse and a dress of honour from his own wardrobe. They say that he saw in a dream the glorified ‘Ali (may God be gracious to his countenance!) so distinctly, that you would have said that the blessed hand had struck him on the back. Through this blessing he never turned his back from the foe; and the mark of the hand is visible on his back to this day :—

‘¢ What fear of the waves of the sea is there To him, who has Noah for his pilot.”

In the month of Shavval! of the aforesaid year the Emperor sent for Mullé Taib from Kit’hal, and patronized him, and appointed him Diwan of the province of Bihar and Hajipir. And most of his acts of patronage were of a like character. Also Rai Puruk’hotam in reward for his commentary? he made Bakhshi. And Mull&é Mujdi of Sarhind, who had formerly been warrant-writer to Islim Shah, he made Receiver-General of revenues. And Shamshir Khan, bhwd- jah-saré, he made Superintendent of the Exchequer. And these through the vileness of their birth, which necessarily produces vileness of character, having arrived at that place, were loyal neither to God nor their Emperor. They perpetrated all sorts of oppression and tyranny, and bending unsuitable and unfitting seasons to their wishes, so annoyed the soldiery that they compelled Ma‘gim Khan to revolt, as shall soon be narrated, if God (He is exalted }) will.

In this same month Mager Jauhar¢é Mirzi Muzaffar Husain brought the presents of Rajah ‘Ali Khan from Khandesh, and presented them to the Emperor, who after a time forgave him his transgressions, and then honoured him by raising him to the dignity of son-in-law%, and took him into favour.

2 The tenth month.

2 On the Khirad-afzd. See p. 265.

2 In the 36th year he married him to his eldest daughter, the Sultdn Khanum.

4 See p. 260.

SP Pr rrr

[ 2758 J

In this year the Emperor appointed Shahbiz Khan Bakhshi, with Ghazi Khan Badakhshi and Sharif Khan Atgah, and others to march against Rand Kikél, The Rand shut himself up in Konbhal- mir, which is a strong fortress. The imperial troops were victorious and ravaged that district. One night the Rand (P. 267) effected his escape from the fortress, and took refuge in another mountain- fastness.

In this year Sultan Khwajah returned from a pilgrimage to Makkah and brought with him horses of Arabian pedigree, and Abyssinian slaves, and other precious presents for the Emperor, who received him with favour and made him Gadr.

The office of Ir-Hajj for the year nine hundred and eighty-six was given to Khwajah Muhammad Yahya, one of the descendants of Khwajah Ahraér (God sanctify his spirit!). He left 4 lacs of rupees as a deposit at his ancestor’s shrine, and in the month of Shavval of this year started from Ajmir to go to Makkah.

Now Shaikh ‘Abdeun-nabi and Makhdém-ul-mulk having fallen out with one another had been the cause of people’s distrusting both the past and the future, and had brought about a great declension from true religion. In accordance with the [Arabic] saying ; When two people clash together, they fall together” the Emperor sent them to Makkah together with this caravan, The next year they arrived at the goal of their wishes, and in the end of the business (which deserves honour for that result) they became cleansed from the stain of their countenances, and returned in safety to the fold of Islam, and learning eventually brought about its natural result, and “ He is great, and man is little*’’ was found to give the date.

In the beginning of the year nine hundred and eighty-seven (987) news arrived of the death of Khan Jahén governor of Bengal. The Emperor wrote a farmdn of condolence to his brother Isma‘il Quli Khan, and he appointed Muzaffar Khan, who had been honoured with the post of Diwdn, as governor in his stead, and Razawi Khan

Algo called Pratab, or Partab.

On the frontiers of Udiptir and Joudpir.

3 The 10th month. 464+6+70+7+10+7+4+100+6+ 40 + 30 +6 + 700 > 987.

1 3

[ 276 J

he appointed Bakhshd, and Hakim Abu-l-Fath he made Qudr, and Rai Patr Dds with Mir Adbam as his colleague he made Diwan, and sent them off from Fathpir.

On the 19th of the month Cafar! of this year the Author (praise be to the Most High !) was blest with the birth of a darling son named Muhi-d-din (may God prolong his days, and furnish him with wholesome knowledge, and acceptable works!). He was born at Basawar.

In this year Mulla ‘Ashgi, who had the title of Khan, and had written a dévan® and a masnavi (a ridiculous one too!), and who had gone as vakil of Qazi Cadr-ud-din of Lahor to Kashmir (P. 268), came back, and in company with one Muhammad Qasim by name, ambassador of ‘Ali Khan governor of Kashmir, brought presents of ‘quantities of safron and musk and costus arabicus, and shawls and ‘other precious products of Kashmir and Tibet.

At this time the Emperor sent Hakim ‘Ali, a relative of Hakim- ul-mulk, of Gilan {who is now without an equal in philosophy, and medicine, and other rare sciences) in company with the vakdls of *Adil Khan of the Dak’hin to Bijdgarh.

At this time Mir Nizdm, sister’s husband to Mirzé Sh&hrukh, ame as ambassador from Badakhshén with presents of Badakhshi horses, and glittering rubies, and strings of camels.

In this year the Emperor was anxious to unite in his person the spiritual as well as the secular headships, for he held it to be an insufferable burden to subordinate to any one, as he had heard that the Prophet (God be gracious to him, and give him peace!), and his lawful successors, and some of the most powerful kings, as Amir Timtr Cdhibqiran, and Mirzi Ulugh Beg-i-Gurgan, and several others had themselves read the “huthah, he resolved to do the same, apparently in order to imitate their example, but in reality to appear in public as the Mujtahid of the age. Accordingly on the first Friday of Jumada’l-awwal$ of the year nine hundred and eighty- seven, in the chief mosque of Fathpur, which he had built near the palace, His Majesty began to read the xhugbah. But all at once

1 The second month.

3 Blochm., p. 598, 3 The fifth month,

a eT

[ 277 }

he stammered and trembled, and though assisted by others, he could scarcely read three verses of a poem, which Shaikh Faizi had com- posed, but came quickly down from the pulpit, and handed over the duties of !m4m to Héfiz Muhammad Amin, the Court Khatid. These are the verses :—

“The Lord, who gave to us sovereignty,

Who gave us a wise heart, and a strong hand,

Who guided us in equity and justice,

And drove from our thoughts all save equity,

His description is higher than the range of thought, Exalted is His Majesty, Allaéhu Akbar!”

(P. 269) And in these days, when reproach began to spread upon the doctrines of Islam, and all questions relating thereto, and ever so many wretches of Hindtis and Hindtizing Musalmans brought unmitigated reviling against the Prophet, and the villanously irreli- ‘gious Ulama in their works pronounced the Emperor to be without sin, and contenting themselves with mentioning the unity of God, they next wrote down the various titles of the Emperor, and had not the courage to mention the name of the Prophet (God be gracious to him and his family, and give them peace in defiance of the liars!) this matter became the cause of general disgrace, and the seeds of depravity and disturbance began to lift their heads in the empire. Besides this base and low men of the higher and lower classes, having accepted the collar of spiritual obedience upon their necks, professed themselves his disciples. They became disciples through the motives of hope and fear, and the word of truth could not proceed out of their mouths.

At this time Muzaffar Khan, governor of Bengal sent a present to the Emperor consisting of 5 lacs of rupees in ready money, and other notable gifts of elephants, and cloth, which were beyond cal- culation, also 39 elephants were presented by Muhammad Ma‘gim Kabuli,

On the second Friday of this month the Emperor assembled the poor and the deserving in the chaugdn-field, and came in person to the place. Nearly a Jac of persons, men and women, were present in that enclosure, And Sult4n Khwéjah the @adr, and Qulij Khan

{ 278 j

presented to each a piece of gold. On that day of assembly eighty persons, women and children, were crushed to death under the hands and feet. And from the girdles of some of the women, whose huse bands had died in Bengal, there fell purses full of ashrafis and rupees. This affair caused great suspicion to arise as to all the poor. An order was issued, that in future but few persons should be brought together at once, but he soon laid aside this rule also.

In these same days the Emperor appointed Qutb-ud-din (P. 270) Muhammad Khan Atgah as tutor to the eldest prince, and held a great levee. The tutor as is customary on such occasions pre- sented the Emperor with notable elephants, and other presents worthy of his new post, and taking the prince upon his shoulders he ordered dish-fulls of gold and jewels to be scattered to the people.

In this year an ambassador of ‘Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek came from Transoxiana with a letter containing assurances of friendship. The Emperor sent Mirza Fulad Barlas, with Khwajah Khatib, who was a native of Bokharé, to accompany him with presents and gifts, And the seal of the letter was as follows :—

“When we are friends with one another, Sea and land are free from confusion and evil.’’

At this time a document made its appearance, which bore the signatures and seals of Makhdtim-ul-mulk, of Shaikh ‘Abd-un-nabi gadr-ug-gudir, of Qazi Jalal-ud-din of Multan, gdzi-l-quzdt, of Cadr Jahan the muft7 of the empire, of Shaikh Mubérak the deepest writer of the age, and of Ghazi Khan of Badakhshan, who stood unrivalled in the transcendental sciences. The subject-matter of the document was the settling of the absolute superiority of the Imdm-i-‘adil over the Mujtahid and the investigation of the grounds of this superiority. In so doing they set right some doubtful tra- ditions containing some disputed points, so that no one of them might any longer have it in his power to pretend ignorance of the difference between what is religious and what is political authority, but that he might stand self-convicted. And the discussion of this matter was carried on with great prolixity. Such questions were discussed as; “ To whom is the title Mujtahid, and the word «jtihdd applicable?” And, “whetherit is the duty of the Imdém-i-‘édil,

[ 279 J

who is versed in politics and holds a higher rank than the Mujtahid, to decide according to the requirements of the times and the wants of the age all legal questions on which there exists a difference of opinion.” At last, however, all signed the document, some willingly and the rest against their convictions. I shall copy the document verbatim ;—

(P. 271) “ Petition.

Whereas Hindtistin is now become the centre of security and peace, and the land of justice and beneficence, a large number of people, especially learned men and lawyers, have immigrated and chosen this country for their home. Now we, the principal ‘Ulama, who are not only well-versed in the several departments of the Law and in the principles of jurisprudence, and well acquainted with the edicts which rest on reason or testimony, but are also known for our piety and honest intentions, have duly considered the deep meaning, first, of the verse of the Qur’4n!: “Obey God, and obey the prophet, and those who have authority among you,” and, second- ly, of the genuine tradition: “Surely the man who is dearest to God on the day of judgment is the Jmdm-i-‘ddil ; whosoever obeys the Amir, obeys Thee; and whosoever rebels against him, rebels against thee, and, thirdly, of several other proofs based on reasoning or testimony; and we have agreed that the rank of Sultdn-2-‘ddil?, is higher in the eyes of God than the rank of a Mwtahid’. Further we declare that the king of the Islam, Amir of the Faithful, shadow of God in the world, Abu-l-Hath Jaldl-ud-din Muhammad Akbar Padshih Ghazi (whose kingdom God perpetuate !) is a most just, a most wise, and a most God-fearing king. Should therefore in future a religious question come up, regarding which the opinions of the Mujtahids are at variance, and His Majesty in his penetrating understanding and clear wisdom be inclined to adopt, for the benefit of the nation, and as a political expedient, any of the conflicting opinions, which exist on that point, and issue a decree to that effect, we do hereby agree that such a decree shall be binding on us and on the whole nation.

1 TV, 62. 2. Just ruler.

Authority on points of law.

r 280 } |

Further, we declare that, should (P. 272) His Majesty think fit, to issue a new order, we and the nation shall likewise be bound by it, provided always that such order be not only in accordance with some verse of the Qur’4n, but also of real benefit to the nation ; and. further, that any opposition on the part of his subjects to such an order passed by His Majesty shall involve damnation in the world to come, and loss of property and religious privileges in this, This document has been written with honest intentions, for the glory of God, and the propagation of the Islam, and is signed by us, the principal ‘Ulama and lawyers, in the month of Rajab! of the year nine hundred and eighty-seven (987).” ‘ | |

The draft of this document, when presented to the Emperor,

was in the handwriting of Shaikh Mubarak. The others had signed. it against their will, but the Shaikh had added at the bottom that, . he most willingly signed his name; for this was a matter to which for several years he had been anxiously looking forward. , _ No sooner had His Majesty obtained this legal document, than . the road of deciding any religious question was open ; the superiority of the intellect of the Im4m was established, and opposition was. rendered impossible. All orders regarding things which our law allows or disallows were abolished, and the superiority of the intellect, of the Imam became law, . But the state of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl resembles that of the poet Hairati? of Samarqand, who after having been annoyed by the cook and sober people of Mdawara-n-nahr, joined the old foxes of Shi‘itic Persia, and chose the roadless road. You might apply the proverb. to him—“ J prefer hell to disgrace.”

On the 16th of Rajab of this year His Majesty made a pilgrimage to Ajmir. It is now fourteen years since His Majesty has been to. that place. On the 5th of Sha‘ban, at the distance of five kos from the town, the Emperor alighted and went on foot to the tomb of the Saint [Mu‘in-ud-din]. But sensible people smiled, and said, It was strange that His Majesty should have such a faith in the Khwajah of Ajmir, while he rejected the foundation of everything,

1 The seventh month. 2 See Blochmann’s Aén-+ dkbart, Translated p. 187, and Sprenger Catalogue

p. 424,

——

({ zt T

our prophet, (P. 273) from whose “skirt ” hundreds of thousands of saints of the highest degree had: sprung :—

“The Fairy has her face hidden, But the Demon is all ogles and blandishments : The Intellect is consumed with astonishment, What can this miracle mean ! In this Garden no one has ever gathered A Rose without a thorn: Nay, The Lamp of Muhammad is ever attended. By mischievous-sparks of Abu Lahab.”

After that the Emperor had started [for Ajmir], Makhdim-ul-mulk and Shaikh Abd-un-nabi tempted mankind by suggesting the forgery. of the Quran, and by going out of the way to show the impossibility of inspiration, and by throwing doubts on the aathority of prophets and .Imams, and utterly denying the existence of demons and angels, and all mysteries and signs and miracles. Also the integrity of the traditional Text of the Qur’dn and its verbal authority, and existence of the soul after the dissolution of the body, and reward and pun-. ishment other than by means of transmigration they deemed im-. possible, and tenaciously brought forward such verses as these :—

“How much of Truth is in the hand of the tomb !

The Qur’dn remains, and many an old Tomb.

The Tomb tells not a word to any,

For the secret of the Qur’an none searclies.

The Festival is come, and all shall be well—like tlie face of the: bride,

The cupbearer will pour pure wine into the cup—like the blood: of the cock,

The bridle of prayer, and the muzzle of fasting—Once again

It will remove from the necks of these asses—Aha! aha!”

His Majesty had now determined publicly to use the formula, ‘There

is no god but God, and Akbar is God’s representative.’ But as

this led to commotions, he thought better of it, and restricted the

use of the formula to a few people in the Harem, People expressed: 36

[ 282 ]

the date of this event by the words, “ Revolution of Religion!” The Emperor tried hard to convert Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan and Shahb4éz Khdén. But they staunchly objected. (P. 274). Qutb-ud-din Khan said: “ What would the kings of the West say, such as the Sultén of Constantinople, if he heard all this? For they all hold the same faith be it a travesty or no.” His Majesty then asked him, if he was in India on a secret mission from Constanti- nople, as he showed so much opposition; or if he wished to keep a small place warm for himself, should he go away from India, and become an honoured subject there. He might go at once. Shahbaz got excited, and took part in the conversation ; and when Bir Bar— that hellish dog—said: “ You cursed infidel, will you go on talking in this manner, until Iam able to pay you out!” Affairs became rather unpleasant, and the Emperor said to Shahbaz in particular,

and to the others in general; “ Would that they would beat your

mouths with a slipper full of filth!”

» At this time Tarsin Muhammad Khan, governor of Patan arrived

from Gujrat.

And in this year Q4zi ‘Ali of Baghdad, who had been appointed

in spite? of Shaikh Abd-un-nabi to look into the administration of the Madad-i-ma‘dsh lands, and their encroachment,? brought those

holders* of grant-lands, which brought in 1,000, or 500 down to

those which brought in 100, to Court, and cut off most of their lands, and taking the very calf§ from the cow left them precious little. By this means respect for the families of the great and noble, and the renowned and famous vanished from the cities, and the children of no race were left so helpless as the human beings of Hind: “ A generation came after, who neglected prayer, and followed their own lusts”. Schools and mosques were obliterated, and great numbers left their native country: and their children, who remained, in course of time got a reputation for mean conduct.

180’+.400 + 50+5+1+4+10+1 + 40 + 400 = 987, 4 Instead of @)_y! read peo as in p. 254, 1. 11. ‘3 Compare Text p. 254, 1.9; Translation, p. 261. »4 See Blochm. 274. -5 T propose to read ais 8 2938 instead of S488 (5908,

® Al Qur’an XIX, 60,

[ 288 }

The schools were as empty of learned men, As the wine-seller’s shop of wine-bibbers in the Fast-month. (P. 275) They turn the teacher’s black-board into a draught board, And the Reader’s Qur’4n into a gambling-stake.”

And the Emperor after showing much severity to Hakim-ul-mulk on account of his opposition to Shaikh Abu-l-Faz]l, whom he called Fazlah’, at last ordered him to make a pilgrimage to Makkah.

In the blessed month of Ramazan? of this year the afore-mention- ed Qazi ‘Ali brought me (who through my absence from Court had begun to look upon myself as one of those forgotten out of mind) before the Emperor in the city of Ajmir, and mentioned my 1,000 bigahs of subsistence-land, which he said caused me to waste my time :—

“To the Court of Princes in season and out of season Thou shouldest go in order to receive some grant?.”

The Emperor said: “I suppose that in the farmda for this grant there is some condition insisted on”. He replied: “Certainly, it was on condition of his attendance at Court.” The Emperor said: “ Make enquiries, perhaps he is not well, that he absents himself so long.” Ghazi Khan Badakhshi said in joke: “He is suffering from a purse-complaint”’: and all the courtiers made some reference to the duties of my late office of Imam, which together with public prayer, was at that time in abeyance. Shahbaz Khan said: “He ought always to be present.” ‘The Emperor said: “ We do not wish any one to attend against his will, if he does not care about attending at Court, let him have but half of the grant.” Immedi- ately I resigned it, and this was very annoying to the Emperor, and he turned his face from me. But when Qazi ‘Ali kept perpe- tually asking the Emperor: ‘‘ What does your Majesty decree con- cerning it ?’’ after a good deal of talk he said: “ Ask Shaikh ‘Abd.un-nabi (who is now at the Camp) how much he ought to

1 Fazl means “excellence”’, but Faziah “refuse ’’, ‘leavings’’.

2 The ninth month.

3 There is a play on the words dégah “ out of season”, and d4gah a measure of land, about 4 ucre,

[ 284 ]

have without condition of attendance.” Shaikh ‘Abd.un-nabi sent word by the late Mullin& [dahd4d of Amrohah: “Since he is a family-man, and the expenses he has are well known, we (P. 276)

approve of his having the amount, which your Majesty has decreed, 4 viz., 700 or 800 bigahs. But the courtiers did not see the fitness”

of this, and put great pressure on me to be more diligent in attend-

ance, so that nolens volens I fell again into the snare :—

Has to bear it as well as he can.”

All this arose from my not consenting to be branded as his disciple, and I used frequently to allude to it, and in extemporary verse to

“The clever bird, when it falls into the snare, , say :—

I am free from the bond of the king, and of the Prince too.”

In this year the Zamghd’, and the Jazyah®, which brought in several krors of déms were abolished, and edicts to this effect were sent over the whole empire. f

In the same year Ma‘cim Khan, son of Mu‘in-ud-din Ahmad Khan Farankhidi, who held the governorship of Jaunptir, came to the Court, and was afterwards sent back to Jaunpur. And Mulla Muhammad Yazdi the Emperor appoint Qazi’l-quzit of Jaunpur, and the governorship of Dihli was given to Muhibb ‘Ali Khan, son of Mir Khalifah.

Mulla Muhammad Yazdi, when he reached the province of Jaunpur, issued a fatwe insisting on the duty of taking the field and rebelling against the Emperor. The consequence was that -Muhammad Ma‘gim Kabuli, and Muhammad Ma‘g¢im Khan Faran- ‘ khiidi, and Mir Mu‘izz-ul-mulk, and Nayabat Khan, and ‘Arab Bahadur, and others, drew the sword, and in many places (as will be narrated) fought some desperate battles. The Imdms said, that the Emperor has in his dominion made encroachments on the grant- lands belonging to us and to God (He is magnified and glorified Nb

“Tam glad IJ have not a horseman nor a foot-soldier, _-

————

Inland tolls. 2 Tax on Non-Moslems,

[ 285 J

may the Allemerciful have mercy on him! Finally Mihtar Sa‘ddat who bears the title of Péshrau Khan, when he had been to Ma‘cim Khan Jaunpiri and returned to Court, informed the Emperor of the facts of this fatwé of Mullé Muhammad Yazdi, who accordingly on some pretext or other sent for Mir Mu‘izz-ul-mulk and Mulla Muhammad Yazdi from Jaunpir. When they arrived at Firozdbéd (P. 277), which is eighteen cosses from Agrah, the Emperor sent word that they should separate them from their guards, and put them into a boat, and take them by way of the Jamné to GwéAlyar. Afterwards he sent another order that they should be made away with. So they put the guards into one boat, and them into another old one, and when they were in deep water ordered the sailors to swamp the boat of the lives of the two in the whirlpool of destruc- tion. After some days Qazi Yaquib came from Bengal and the Emperor sent him to follow the other two. And one by one he sent all the Mullas, against whom he had any suspicions of dis- satisfaction, to the closet of annihilation. And having banished the Ulama of Lahor, he separated them from one another like a disheveled thread. Of the number of these was Qéazi Cadr-ud- din Lahori, whose free-thinking was greater than that of Makhdim- ul-mulk; him he appointed Qazi of Bahronch in Gujrat. And Mulla ‘Abdu-sh-shukur Guldar he appointed Qazi of Jounptr, and Mulla Muhammad Ma‘cim he appointed to Bihar. And Shaikh Munawwar he banished to Malwab, and made him (adr of that district. In this way each of them obtained the promotion he wished, but away from home. But on account of his advanced age, and because the Mullas had refused him the title of Shaikh, looking on him, as they did, as a mere travester, and a regular enemy and ill-wisher to the Faith, and an unfortunate old beggar, the Emperor made an exception in the case of Shaikh Mu‘in, grandson of Mullané Mu‘in, the celebrated preacher, and giving him no trouble left him at Lahor. He died in the year nine hun- dred and ninety-five. And Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi he made Qadr of Gujrat, and set him thither. He abstracted much treasure and gold from the fief-lands by means of bribes, and so heaped up quantities of gold. If they would not pay the bribes he used to confiscate their lands. This matter was represented to the Emperor,

[ 286 ]

and Haji Ibrahim had to sue for permission to retire to the Dak‘hin; until on suspicion of (P. 278) rebellion the Emperor sent for him; and committed him to the keeping of Hakim ‘Azim-ul-Mulk. His Majesty used to send for him to attend the evening séances, and he inventing such things as would please the Emperor presented a pamphlet containing all sorts of lies about the great ones of the Faith. But this forgery and deception was found out. The sum-total of it is that he wrote in a clumsy manner in an old worm- eaten book a spurious expression purporting to have emanated from Shaikh Ibn ‘Arabi (God sanctify his tomb!), to the effect that the Khalif of the age would have many wives, and would shave his beard; and he included many other peculiarities of the Em- peror. So his Majesty became again propitiated, and admitted him once more among his courtiers. And according to report Haji Ibrahim had interpolated in an old pamphlet, one of the works of Mulla Abu Sa‘id, nephew of Miydn Panipati, a tradition to the effect that a son of one of the Companions of the Prophet came in

shaven into his presence (God bless him, and his family, and grant_

them peace!), and that he said: ‘The people of Paradise will look like that.” When he took to boldly disputing with Shah Fath-ullh, and Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, and Hakim Abu-l-Fath, and satirizing them, the Emperor sent him to the castle of Rintam- b’hor. ‘There he died ; and after the razing of the fortress, they found his dead body, which was tied up with long strips of cloth, and the story got abroad that he had thrown himself down from the top of the fortress. This event took place in the year nine hundred and ninety-four :—

“Tast night our share in this world was in a garden like Paradise, But this morning we are without house, as if it had never been inhabited.”

And any piece of orthodox learning which a man might have acquired became his bane, and the cause of his degradation. And the Ulam4 and Shaikhs, the leaders of thought to all around, he sent for to the Court, and enquired into their grant-lands and pen- sions. He saluted and honoured them all in the Moghul® style, and

1 Al Qur’an X. 25. 2 See p. (46), note 3.

[ 287 ]

when they had had either a public or a private audience with him (P. 279), he settled upon them a certain portion of land according to the opinion he had formed of them. And any one, whom he knew to have pupils, or assemblies for dervish-dancing, or any kind of counterfeit! worship, he named “a shop,’’? and either sent him to prison, or dismissed him to Bengal or Bakkar. And this business was always going on. ‘Those Pirs who had reached a blessed old age, and those Shaikhs who were nearest eternity, were the best off, But to enter into details would be too long. And on account of these Jarmans the Qutis, who gave themselves up to dances and ecstacies, were subjected to the testamur of Hindi examiners, and through their evil state “ they forgot their religious ecstasy.°2 These were banished from their country and had to creep into mouse-holes, and the whole position was reversed :—

“There was one year such a famine in Damascus, That lovers forgot love. Heaven became so stingy towards earth, That fields and palms did not wet their lips.”

And in truth those wretched assemblies, and absurd ceremonies, and those worthless hypocritical Qafis were for the more part quite worthy of perishing :—

“ That is not Qufi-action or liberality, But rather deceitful action and bawdery. Theft and robbery are better than this, Robbing the dead of their clothes is better than this.”

However much I wish that this bit of sketch of a historical fact may be put together, my pen against my will slips from my guidance and turns in another direction to the description of this period of innovation, and the doctrines of the new sect and religion :—

1 That is, in the Emperor’s eyes.

.? He meant that he was making his religion a trade. Comp. one of the sayings of Hillélin Mishnah, A’both; and many similar sayings throughout the Zalmidim.

3 A pun on the two meanings of hdl, ordots and ekotacts,

[ 288 ]

“The virtues of Kaftr, if I wish to praise hin, = i Or if I wish not, they dictate to me and I write.” -

Hush! the master is coming to the house.” j hei Would that I were quit of their business; But what can : I do P— ia >

“They are gone under the skirts of those by whom we lived, And Iam left among the worthless like the skin of a , scabby camel.” ‘ (P. 280). I reproached heaven, that with sword of oppression thow hast slain Assembly-adorning kings, and the youth of the Bacniw

family.? : Thou hast placed thine own power of binding and loos rd ing in the hands of a people,

Compared with whom a dog is honourable in respect of generosity. ;

But in the ear of my soul the answer came: Be content, live happily! oF

For a period of eighteen days? pulls out the beard of every one.” at]

In this year Muzaffar Khan arrived in Bengal, and began a. course of great strictness in his administration, and commenced wrong. = ing and oppressing the Amirs of that district, and confiscated many : of their jdgirs. He practised the ddgh-u-mahall in the Court fashion, and the settlement of accounts in the old manner :— an

“Be not hard in reckoning with the world, For every one who is hard dies a hard death, In letting people be at ease spend thy time, = For he lives at ease, who leaves people at ease.” r

And Bébé Khén Qaqshél, and Kbélidi Kh4n, who were nobles of great importance, however much they tried to escape the ddgh,’

and begged to have their jdgirs confirmed, did not obtain their But Muzaffar Khén with a view to getting back the

request. 5 ep 1 Put to death by Harin-ur-rashid, —

2 T, ¢., a short time. : 8

f 289 ]

money from the jdgir, which Khalidi Khan had acquired through neglecting the ddagh-u-mahall, put him in prison and ordered him the bastinado. It so happened that at this time he received a farman addressed to him ordering him to bring to punishment one Roshan Beg by name, a servant of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, who had arrived in Bengdl from Kabul. Muzaffar Khan seized him from the midst of the Qaqshdls, and using harsh language to Baba Khan showed him the farmdn and ordered him to cut off Roshan Beg’s head at the head of the déwdn. All the soldiers of that place on beholding this affair trembled for their own safety, and with one accord scratching their heads, and putting on their Mughal helmets, broke out into open rebellion. They assembled in the city of Gaur, which in the ancient language (P. 281) was called Lak’hnauti, and looted the goods of Muzaffar Khan wherever they found them. Muzaffar Khan collected a number of boats, and ordered Hakim Abu-l-Fath and Patr! Das to march against the Qaqshals at the head of their own armies. It need hardly be said that by Hakim Abu-l-Fath, who was a bottle-man rather than a daté/e-man, and by Patr Das, who was a Hind writer, no great signs of valour would be likely to be shown in this time. Muzaffar Khan sent a farmén to the Qaqshdls, expressing his wish to conciliate them all, and promising to confirm them in their jdgirs. But they sent him answer, that he must send to them Razwi Khan and Patr Das as a guarantee of his sincerity. Accordingly he sent them the afore- named together with Mir Abu Ishaq, son of Mir Sayyid Rafi‘ud-din Muhaddis, all of whom they imprisoned, and then applied themselves still more vigorously to rebellion.

Meanwhile Mull& Tib and Rai Purushtam, Bakhshz, who had at one blow confiscated the jagirs of Ma‘eim Khan, and ‘Arab Bahadur and the other Amirs of Bihar, and had thus laid the foundations of unpleasantness, and allowing their violence and arrogance to exceed all bounds had forced them into rebellion, crossed the river Jos& with their whole force in order to attack Ma‘gim Khan. But ‘Arab Bahaddur came upon Rai Purushtam unawares, and having slain him took much spoil. Then having opened a correspondence with Baba

1533 appears to be a mistake for_,i3. 37

[ 290 ]

Khan Qédqshal with a view to co-operating with him, he hastened to Garhi.

On the side of Muzaffar Khién Khw4jah Shams-ud-din Muham- mad Khawdfi’ (who is now Diéiwdn-i-kul?) opposed their entrance into Garhi. ;

Then Ma‘gim IKh4n having been victorious and having succeeded in forming a junction with the Qaqshals, crossed the river Ganges to oppose Muzaffar Khén. Muzaffar Khan shut himself up in the fort of TAndah, which consisted of four old walls and nothing more. Vazir Khan Jamil Beg, who was one of the old loyal Amirs (P. 282), in conjunction with Jaén Muhammad Khan Bihbidi and other warriors, joined the rebels. They took Hakim Abu-l-Fath and Khwajah Shams-ud-din and most of the nobles prisoners. But these two leaders together with Rai Patr Das by some means or other effected their escape, and with the help of the zamtndérs managed to reach Hajipir. During these troubles Hakim Nur-ud-din Qardari lost his life. The Qéaqshdls and Ma‘cim Khan lured Muzaffar | Khan out of the fort of Tandah upon a solemn assurance of safety, and then put him to death with all sorts of tortures. And making his goods and chattels the fund from which they drew in inducing people to join them, they collected a force. So the whole of the province of Bengal and Bihar fell into their hands, and they col- lected a large force of horsemen and foot-soldiers. They released from prison Mirz4 Sharaf-ud-din Husain, whom the Emperor had sent from the prison of Qasim ‘Ali Khan Baqqg4l governor of Kabul to Bengal, and made him their general.

Then Rajah Todar Mal, with Cadiq Mnhammad Khan and Tarstin Muhammad Khan and other mighty Amirs were appointed from Fathptir to go and quell the rebellion. And Muhibb ‘Ali Khan, governor of Rohtas, and Muhammad Ma‘cim Khan Farankhidi, governor of Jaunptr, and the other jdégé7-holders of the neighbour- hood were ordered to assist the Rajah. While they were still on their way Shdham Khan Jaldir engaged with Sa‘id Khan Badakhshi

1 Khawéf is the name of a district and town in Khurdésin. Blochm. p. 445.

2 The 12 Diwdns who in 1003 had been appointed to the Gabahs, were under his orders. Déwdn-i-kulis the same as Vaztr-i-kul, or Vaztr-i-Mutlaq, or merely Vaztr. Blochm. p. 446, note 3.

| aa

[ 291 }

and slew him. Muhammad Ma‘cim Jounpuri joined the Rajah with 3,000 well-trained and perfectly appointed cavalry. But symp- toms of rebellion were apparent in all his actions. The Rajah detecting this tried to soothe him by every possible means. Mean- while he sent a report of the state of affairs to Court.

Muhammad Ma‘cim Khan Kabuli, and the Qaqshals and Mirzé Sharaf-ud-din Husain with 30,000 gallant horsemen, and 50 elephants and a number of boats and cannon in battle array seemed to intend to offer battle in the neighbourhood of the town of Mungir (P. 283). The Rajah since he could not quite trust his army, which was on the look-out for the slightest change of fortune, did not deem it prudent to fight in the open, and so shut himself up in the fortress of Mungir. Every day skirmishes took place, and the Imperial army was reduced to great distress. At this time Zain-ud-din Kambi, a relative of Shahbaz Khan brought by water a dae of rupees under a postal-guard, and delivered them over to the Rajah, This supported him for a few days. In the same way the Emperor sent a Jac of rupees every few days, one time by the hand of Darya Khan Abdar, another time by Sarmadi, and another time by a son of the banker! Bhagwan Das the treasurer, and so received news each time. Of the number of the postaleguard was one ‘Abd-uleHay Khawwas, a handsome man without brains, son of Qazi Cadr-ud-din Sambhali (who also in a blundering sort of way used to discuss ceremonial and religious matters), he died young, and his barque of life was drawn into the whirlpool of calamity.

At this time Humdytin Farmidli, a son of the celebrated Shah Farmtli, who had received the title of Humayun Quli Khan, and at the time of the discussions about the new Musalmanish customs, and the worrying and examining of men at Ajmir, had been a witness of those dreadful pieces of work, together with Tarkhin Diwdnah fled from the army of the Rajah and joined the rebels.

It so happened that during the course of the seige Baba Khan Qagqshal fell grievously sick, and was on the point of death. Then Jabbari, son of Majnin Khan Qagqshal, who was a strong pillar of that cause (and is now in high favour in the service of the Emperor) on account of the sickness of Bab& Khan showed an inclination to

1 Hindi Sé’h, Sanskrit. greshta “ excellont”, “« banker”.

{ 207 7

be off. And so the solidity of that confederacy began to be broken up. Ma‘gim Khan Kabuli was obliged to hasten towards Bihar. And ‘Arab Bahddur went from thence by forced marches to seize Patnah and get the imperial treasury into his hands, Pahar Khan Khagg-i-khail, who is generally known as Sayyid ‘Arif, shut him- self up in the fortress of Patnah (P. 284), And Rajah Todar Mal sent Ma‘g¢im Khén Farankhidi with a force to the assistance of Pahar Khan, ‘Arab Bahadur, being unable to withstand the force opposed to him, withdrew to Kachiti!, a well-known zamindar (?)?.

The Rajah and Gddiq Khan with the rest of the Amirs set off for Bihar with the intention of suppressing Ma‘gim Khan Kabuli. The latter made a night-attack on them. It so happened that he attacked the quarters of Gadiq Khan. On that night one Tormah Beg, a great leader, who in conjunction with Ulugh Khan the Abys- sinian had been appointed to keep guard, was slain. Ulugh Khan fell back but Gadiq Khan held his ground. Ma‘gim Khan fought bravely, and did all that was possible, but when he found that the attack was unsuccessful he retired, and became a bandit throughout that wide district. Eventually he took refuge with ‘Isé Khan, the zamindar of Orisa, who at that time by the hand of Sa‘id Khan Mughal sent to the Court two hundred and fifty elephants, and other precious gifts together with a sum of four dacs of rupees, and gold vessels, and aloe-wood, and fine linen and cloth beyond com- pare, and which are there to this day, Thus the whole of the pro- vince of Bihar as far as Garhi came into the possession of the imperial army.

At this time the Emperor sent for Shajd‘at Khan, and his son Qayim Khan (who had a stipend as one of the musical people about Court, and was a smart and clever young man) from Sarangpur to come to Fathptr. On the road their attendants on account of bad conduct and evil goings-on, and faithlessness, and worthlessness, which are inseparable qualities of a leader of our day, killed both him and his son, and then dispersed. They say, that one day a beggar asked for something of Shaja‘at Khan, and other Khans, who were in the audience-chamber. After he had importuned them

1 This is also the reading of the Lak’hnau lithograph. ® See Text, p. 285, 1, 7,8. Transl. p. 293.

ee:

eed shall

[ 293 J

much he answered him: (P. 285.) “ My good man, the door of alms which admits you, was not made by us.”

After this event the Emperor appointed Sharif Khan Atgah governor of Malwa in his place, and having visited him at his quar- ters and received the greatest hospitality, he despatched him to that district.

In this year the Emperor sent for Khan i-A‘zam from Agrah, where he had been for a long time under surveillance, and treating him with kindness sent him with 5,000 horsemen to assume the governorship of Bengal!. And having sent for Shahbaz Khan from the district of the Rana, he appointed him with a well-equipped army to assist Khan-i A‘zam, with orders that he should proceed to the confines of Hajipuir and traversing the jungle of Kachiti should compel ‘Arab Bahadur to come out of that place.

In this year Hakim-ul-mulk Gilani, being reckoned by the Emperor as one of those not to be trusted in matters of religion and faith?, was sent, as has been already narrated, to Mekkah with a sum of five /acs of rupees, to be given as presents to the worthy among the sharifs and poor. And there he remained for the rest of his life :—

JT will not move from the head of thy street, I am not the rolling-heavens, but the stationary earth.”

And however much the Emperor sent for him he still remained there, and committed himself to God.

In this year he sent for the renowned Shaikhs from all sides and quarters, and had a private interview with each, and investigated several matters Most of them made themselves agreeable, having a grant of some bégahs of land in view (may dust be scattered on their heads!), and indulged in flattery, and wheedling, and open blasphemy. And their real intentions broke through their cloke of dissimulation. ‘This is the portion of the enemies [of the Faith]: Morals remained after the loss of Renunciation, Solitude, Trust, Contentment, Aspiration ; and even that too men saw stripped from them all, and so suspicion of them crept into other quarters :—

a See Elliot, V, p. 419, note. 2 T, e,, He could not depend on him to side with himself.

[ 294 ]

“This lot of fools are clothed in rags, They mumble some mysterious words.*

(P. 286) They have never advanced far in sincerity and purity, Though they have destroyed many a good name.”

Of the number of these was Shaikh Chanildah, successor of the great Shaikh ‘Abd-ul-‘aziz, an inhabitant of the town of Siwahnah. In accordance with the Emperor’s command he went down to the Lbadat Khdnah? and began to display and sell perverted prayers. He fore- told that a certain lady of the harem would bring forth a son, but as it so happened that a daughter was born, the prophesy fell rather flat. In the same way Sayyid Hashim Firozabadi opened that kind of business with a hundred marvels; and they became the cause of discrediting former teachers. But when the Emperor sent for Shaikh Muttahi Afghan KA4si from the Panjab, in obedience to his summons he came from the monastery on foot in company with the messengers, while they carried his litter behind him. At Fathptr he alighted at the house of Shaikh Jamal Bakhtydr, and sent word: ‘ My eye has not rested on any blessed sign of the Emperor.” So the Em- peror without granting him an audience sent him quickly about his business. Also Shaikh-ul-hadyah Khairabadi came to Court in accordance with a message from the Emperor, who received him standing with great respect. He had traversed the desert of Poverty with the foot of Trust and Solitude, and had not accepted any land from the Emperor. He was very intimate with the own son of Abu-l-Fath, with whom the Author at Samb’hal towards the end of the reign of Islim Shah, in accordance with the command of the famous Moulawi, the great Master Miyan Hatim, Sambhali (God have mercy on him !), read the Irshad-¢ Qazi, and the commentary thereon. He has now succeeded his father, and is the great autho- rity on all knowledge and practice and Qifi-ism. When a question was asked Shaikh-ul-hadyah, he pointed to his ear and said: ‘I hear an exalted word!”’, and the Emperor having excused him hastily

dismissed him.

i! rs jis in allusion to certain letters of the alphabet with which some of

the Chapters of the Qurén, ¢. g., the second, begin. 2 See p. 200.

[ 295 ]

In this year low and mean fellows, who pretended to be learned, but were in reality fools, collected evidence (P. 287), that His Majesty was the Cahib-i-Zamén, who would remove all differences of opinion among the seventy-two sects of the Islim and the Hin- das. Sharif! brought proofs from the writings of Mahmtd of Basakhwan, that he had said that in the year 990 a certain person would abolish lies, and how he had specified all sorts of inter- pretations of the expression “ Professor of the true Religion,” which came to the sum-total 990. And Khwajah Moulina of Shiraz, the heretic of Jafrdin, came with a pamphlet by some of the Sharifs of Makkah, in which a tradition was quoted to the effect that the earth would exist for 7,000 years, and as that time was now over the promised appearance of the Mahdi would immediately take place. The Mouliné also brought a pamphlet written by himself on the subject. The Shiahs mentioned similar nonsense connected with ‘Ali, and quoted the following Rubd‘i, which is said to have been composed by Nacir-i-Khusrou, or according to some by another poet :-—

“ Tn 989, according to the decree of fate,

The stars from all sides shall meet together.

In the year of Leo, the month of Leo, the day of Leo, The Lion of God will stand forth from behind the veil.”

All this made the Emperor the more inclined to claim the dignity of a prophet, perhaps I should say, the dignity of something else.?

Meanwhile a despatch arrived from Rajah Todar Mal, stating that all this while he had kept Ma‘gim Khan Farankhidi along with him by conciliatory treatment, and all sorts of expedients. But that Khwajah Shah Mangir Dzwén had claimed a good deal of money due from him and Tarsin Muhammad Khén, and had written them exceedingly harsh and threatening letters and had caused them great annoyance. And, that at this critical juncture these payments were the cause of dissensions in the army. Since the exactions of Shah Manguir had several times been reported at Court, the Emperor refused him admittance, and after some days, thinking it the best thing to do, handed him over as a prisoner

1 Of Amul, see above p. 252. 2 Of God,

[ 296 ]

to Shah Quli Khin Muharram, and in his place (P. 288) appointed Vazir Khan, brother of Agaf Khan of Herat, as Déwdn-i-kul. And to Qazi ‘Ali Baghdadi, a heart-troubler, unlucky, preposterous, owl- like, rejected of God and mankind, he granted the honour of being his assistant, that in conjunction they might decide important cases. Glory to God! what a proper combination it was!

At this time they brought a man to Court, who had no ears nor any trace of the orifices of the ear. In spite of this he heard every- thing that was said to him, though the place of the ears was quite level. And in this year, in order to verify the circumstances of this case, an order was issued that several suckling infants should be kept in a secluded place far from habitations, where they should not hear a word spoken. Well-disciplined nurses were to be placed over them, who were to refrain from giving them any instruction in speaking, so as to test the accuracy of the tradition which says : by ascertaining what religion and sect these infants would incline to, and above all what creed they would repeat. ‘To carry out this order about twenty sucklings were taken from their mothers, for a con-

“ Bvery one that is born is born with a natural tendency,”

sideration in money, and were placed in an empty house, which got the name of “ Dumb-house” After three or four years they all turned out dumb, and the appellation of the place turned out pro- phetic. Many of these sucklings became the nurselings of mother earth :—-

“My mother is earth, and I am a suckling, The propensity of children for their mother is not strange.

Soon will it be that resting from trouble

I shall fall drunk with sleep on my mother’s bosom*.”

1 Compare Chaucer Pardoner’s Tale 12661—12672. “Ne Death alas ! ne will not have my life. Thus walk I like a restless caitiff, And on the ground which is my mvther’s gate I knocké with my staff, early and late And say to her, ‘‘ Leve mother, let mein,” &c. Also Cowley’s Old Man of Verona. And in Kustern literature Job i. 21, “Naked came I out of my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return thither,” scil. em tapyn eis untépa mdvrwy, Eccles, xl. 1. And Rig Veda (X, 18), as the body is committed to the earth, the hymn proceeds :—

| ai, a ee… ee

| et eam

[ 297 }j

In this year the Emperor sent the prince Déniyaél with Shaikh Faizi, who was his teacher, and Shaikh Jamal Bakhtydr, and a number of courtiers to Ajmir. And he presented a donation of 5,020 rupees to the fugérs of that monastery.

In this year Rajah Todar Mal and the other imperial Amirs passed the rainy season in Hajiptir. (P. 289.)

And Ma‘gim Khan Farankhidi, who was in a discontented state of mind went to Jounpur without the permission of the Amirs, and broke out into rebellion. The Emperor sent Peshrou Khan, known as Mihtar Sa‘ddat, the head of the chamberlain department (ddro- ghah-e-fardshkhanah), with a farmdn to appease him, and the government of Jounpir was given to Tarstin Khan, and that of Oudh to Ma‘gim Khan Farankhidi. He uttering some wild speeches like a crazy man, and considering Oudh an out-of-the-way corner of the Empire, went there and began to prepare for war.

Meanwhile Mihtar Sa‘édat came to Court, and again recounted how that Mull4 Muhammad Yazdi had issued a fatwdé authorizing rebellion and insurrection. This was the cause of Mullé Muham.- mad Yazdi and Mir Mu‘izz-ul-mulk being sent for, as has been narrated’.

At this time Niydbat Khan, son of Hashim Khan, Nishapuri, who at the time of the Emperor’s going to Patnah had found favour, revolted in Jhosi and Piyéj, which was his jégér ; and march- ing against Karah, which sided with Isma‘il Quli Khan: and an Afghan named Ily4s Khan, who was governor of that place, slew Tlyés Khan in battle. They then laid seige to the fortress, and began to ravage and lay waste the country. The Emperor appointed Isma‘il Quli Khan Vazgir Khan, and Mutlab Khan, and Shaikh Jamal Bakhtydr, and other Amirs, to march against Niyabat Khan.

Shah Quli Khin Muharram, and Birbar bddfarosh*, he sent to Oudh to try and appease Ma‘cim Khan Farankhudi.

’ “ Approach thou now the lap of earth, thy mother, The wide-extending earth, the ever kindly.” Such instances might be multiplied indefinitely. 1 Sce p. 285.

Minstrel, dealer in encomiums.

[ 298 ] After the departure of Vazir Khan, the Emperor released! Khwé- jah Shah Manoir, and reappointed him diwdn-i-kul.

When Niydbat Khan heard of the despatch of this army against him, he raised the seige of Karah, and went towards Gasht a depen- dency of the district of Patnah. The Amirs crossed the river and quickly attacked him. He turned back to offer battle, and alone against so many Amirs fought such a desperate battle, that imagina- tion fails to picture it (P. 290). At first he threw their army into utter confusion, and having dismounted Shaikh Jamal spared his life. But eventually he was put to flight, and retreated to Oudh to Ma‘gim Khan,

And ‘Arab Bahddur was at the same time defeated by Shahbaz Khan, and also took refuge with Ma‘gcim Khan. Shahbaz Khan 7 went in pursuit of ‘Arab Bahadur, first to Jounptr, and afterwards to Oudh. Ma‘gtim Khan, who had such a quantity of war matériel that, to use an hyperbole, he could have withstood the kings of Iran and Turan both at once, and had thirty or forty banners and tails and kettle-drums in his army, and paraphernalia in the same proportion, hastened to attack Shahbaz Khan, and in the twinkling of an eye overcame him. Shahbaz Khan fled in one day a distance of forty cosses as far as Jounptir. But by good luck Tarstin Mu- hammad Khan, who was in the right wing of Shahbéz Khan’s army, had remained hidden in the jungle, and at the moment that the troops of Ma‘gim Khan were dispersed after booty, he with a few followers seizing his opportunity charged in among his disorganized soldiery and defeated him. As soon as Shahbaz Khan heard this news, he hasted back just as quickly as he had gone, and joined the force of Tarstin Muhammad Khan. He attacked Ma‘cim Khan a second time, and a great battle was fought in the environs of Oudh. This time Ma‘cim Khan was put to fight, and disappeared. His mother and sister and wife and son and his goods and chattels, and all his paraphernalia of pomp and power were taken as spoil. He himself fled headlong, not knowing his crupper from his reins, and took refuge in the Sawalik mountains. This event took place in the month of Zi-hajjah? in the year nine hundred and eighty-eight (988).

1 See above p. 295. 2 The twelfth month,

[ 299 ]

At this time an organ, which was one of the wonders of creation, and which Haji Habib-ulléh had brought from Europe, was ex- hibited to mankind. It was like a great box (P. 290) the size of aman. A European sits inside it and plays the strings thereof, and two others outside keep putting their fingers on five peacock- wings}, and all sorts of sounds come forth. And because the Em- peror was so pleased, the Europeans kept coming at every moment in red and yellow colours, and went from one extravagance to ano- ther. The people at the meeting were astounded at this wonder, and indeed it is impossible for language to do justice to the descrip- tion of it.

At one of the meetings the Emperor asked those who were present to mention each the name of the man, who could be considered the wisest man of the age; but they were not to mention kings, as they formed an exception. Thus Hakim Humém mentioned himself, and Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl his own father.

During this time the four degrees of devotion to His Majesty were defined. The four degrees consisted in readiness to sacrifice to the Emperor Property, Life, Honour, and Religion. Whoever had sacrificed these four things possessed the four degrees; and whoever had sacrificed one of these four possessed one degree. All the courtiers now put down their names as faithful disciples of the Throne.

In the month Muharram* of the year nine hundred and eighty- nine (989) news arrived that Mirza Muhammad Hakim on the invita- tion of the two Ma‘cims’, and at the instigation of Faridin Khan, who was his maternal uncle, and a regular leprous spot‘, set out with the intention of conquering Hindistén. He sent his servant Shadman over the Indus, but Man Singh, son of Bhagwan Das marched to oppose him, and slew him. On hearing the news the Mirza crossed the Indus, and encamped in the environs of Sayyidptr.

Upon this the Emperor, having advanced the soldiers eight months’ pay out of the treasury, and leaving the prince Daniydl with

1 Probably the bellows.

2 The first month.

3 Viz, Ma‘cim Kébuli, and Ma‘gim Farankhadi.

4 There is a play on the word “ha/, which means both “ uncle” and “ mole.”

[ 300 ]

Sultdn Khwajah Qadr, and Shaikh Ibr4bim the Abyssinian, as vice- gerents, marched from Fathptr towards the Punjéb. At the saraé of Bad, which is fifteen cosses from Fathpur, news arrived of the victory of Shahbaz Khan.* (P. 292). Man Singh found in the portfolio of Shadman three letters of Mirz&4 Muhammad Hakim addressed respectively to Hakim-ul-mulk Gilani, Shah Manctir Diwan, and Qasim Khan Mir-bahr. He sent them verbatim to the Emperor, who read them, but kept the matter to himself. At Dibli news arrived, that the Mirzé was encamped at Lahor in the garden of Mahdi Qasim Khan, and that Rajah Bhagwan Das, , and Man Singh, and Sa‘fd Khan had shut themselves up in the fortress.

At Panipat Malik Sani Kabuli, vaz¢r of Mirz4 Muhammad Ha- kim, who had the title of Vazir Khan, having been vexed by the Mirza arrived at the quarters of Shah Mangir, and got him to introduce him at Court Since there had not been in times past

any such manifest intimacy and connection between these two | persons, the absence of Sani Khan from the Mirza at such a june- ture seemed to the Hmperor to be accounted for by some design on the part of the Mirza, and as not being devoid of interested motives, so it confirmed his previous suspicions of Khwaéjah Shah Mangtr. Accordingly he had him arrested and showed him the letters. However much he swore to his own innocence it did him no good, for it is an acknowledged principle, that “A denial on oath is no proof of innocence.” Jn the neighbourhood of Shahabad Malik ‘Ali, brother of Qazi ‘Ali, who is now Kotwdl of Lahor, sent to the Court in one parcel two obscure letters. One was addressed to Shah Mangtr from one Musharraf? Beg, who was a servant of Shah Mangtr. The second was from a person, whose identity was suspected, containing an account of his interview, first with Faridtin Khan, and secondly with the Mirz4, and how the Mirz4 had settled the affairs of a certain parganna, which was either known or suspected. And this much became known by inference and conjecture, that Sharaf Beg, a servant of Shéh Mangur, who was

? Over Ma‘otim Farankhédi, 3 Called Sharat lower down, and also in the Tabagdt-i-Akbari.

[ 301 ]

Shikkdir* on his behalf in the parganna of Firozptir, thirty cosses from Lahor, had written to his master; “I have had an interview with the Mirza through the intervention of Faridtin Khan, he has sent his agents everywhere, but he has exempted our parganna.” (P. 293) And suspicion became a certainty. Most, nay all, of the Amirs, who had received many annoyances from Shih Mangitr, were longing for his fall. With one consent they exerted them- selves to secure his execution. In the morning the Fmperor ordered the Captain of the guard? to hang him on gallows at the Manzil of Kajh-kot’. His numerous oppressions of the people formed the halter round his neck, and may it remain clinging there till the day of Resurrection, ‘‘ Beware of the service of kings, for they pride themselves on giving an answer in peace, but they think nothing of cutting off your head in punishment :—

Be of good cheer, for no tyrant Completes his course in peace.”

The Emperor came by way of Sarhind to Kaldnor and Rohtas, and reached the Indus. When the Mirza heard this news, he crossed the river of Lahor, and turned his reins back to Kabul. And so the mystery of the verse*: “On that day shall a man flee from his brother ’’ became manifest.

In the month of Rabi‘us-s4ni> of this year the Emperor ordered to be built on the banks of the Indus®, which is generally known as the Sind-sdgar, a fortress, which he called Atak Bandaras, to distinguish it from Katak Banaras’.

From this place he sent the prince Sultan Murad with Qulij Khan and other Amirs to Kabul. And prior to this he had sent Man Singh with a body of Amirs towards Pashawar.

“1 Revenue.-collector.

2 The Khidmatiyyah were foot-guards on duty in the environs of the palace. These chiefs received the title of KAidmat-rd¢. Blochm. p. 252.

3 Called in the Akbarndmah the Saraé of Kot K’hachwah. Blochm p 481, n.

Al Qur’4n LXXX, 30,

‘fhe fourth month.

& Néldb.

7 These were the two frontier towns of his empire, and he wished them to haye similar names, Blochm, p. 374 n.

isis

[ 302 ]

At this time the Mirzé sent Khwajah Abu-l-Fazl Naqshbandi, and Muhammad ‘Ali Diwdnah as ambassadors to the Court to sue for pardon for his offences. The Emperor sent back with them Haji Habib-ullah with the message: “ Forgiveness is conditional on repentance for what is past, and an oath for future conduct, also on your sending to the Court your sister, who is married to Khwajah Hasan.” The Mirza said to Haji: “ Khwajah Hasan will not agree to sending my sister, for he has taken her away to Ba- dakhshdu. But I am very sorry for what I have done :-—

I have repented, and am sorry for what I have done, (P. 294) Call me no more a Kafir, for I am become a Muslim.”

On the 15th of Jamada’s-sini having crossed the river Indus the Emperor sent Khwajah Nizim-ud-din Ahmad in haste to Jala- l&béd to the prince Shah Murad and the Amirs, with the request : “ Please send me your advice.” They replied: ‘The best thing you can do is to come as quickly as possible.” And both Nizém ud-din Ahmad, and Haji Habib-ullah came together from that place, and at Pashdwar gave each his own message to the Emperor. Niz4meud-din Ahamad said: “ Although the Amirs in their usual talk say : ‘ We ourselves are sufficient’; yet in the language of present facts’ they say: ‘ Victory follows on the footsteps of the Emperor.’” Accordingly the Emperor left the prince Sultan Salim with Rajah Bhagwan Das and Qazi ‘Ali Mirbakhshi in the camp, and travelling express at the rate of twenty cosses a day arrived at a place called Surkhab, fifteen cosses from the camp of Prince Murad. Then Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim at seven cosses from Kabul, at a place called Khurd-kabul had a severe engagement with his nephew’, who was like the king’s son in the game of great chess®. The Mirzd at last took to flight with the intention of taking refuge with Abd-ull4h Khan Uzbek. Prince Murad entered Kabul.

1 This juxtaposition of qd ‘‘yoice”, and Adi “present circumstances” reminds one of Demosthenes, 1st Olynthiac 6 map&y katpds povovovx Aéyet gwviy aprels.

2 Prince Murad.

3 See Bland in Asiatic Society’s Journal, Vol. 13 (old series).

f 3038 ]

The day before the action Faridtin Khan had attacked the rear of the Prince’s army, and had slain many men. He had plundered the treasury of Qulij Khan and the other Amirs, and carried off much spoil. Haji Muhammad an Afhaat, who had preceded the Emperor by means of postal-relays, arrived on the spot just as the plundering was going on. When he saw what had happened, he returned to Surkhdb and told the tale to the Empersr in an incohe- rent manner, and caused him much annoyance, ‘The next day, as the Emperor was recommencing his march, news of the victory was brought,

On the tenth of the month Rajab’ the Emperor entered the fortress of Kabul. He spent a week enjoying himself in the gar- dens (P. 295) of that city. When he enquired of some trusty followers of Mirzé Muhammad Hakim the history of the affair of that letter to Shah Mangir, and examined closely into the matter, he found out that Karam-ulldb, brother of Shahbéz Khan together with other Amirs had concocted all this forgery and deception, and that the last letter also, which had been the cause of his being put to death, was a forgery of the Amirs. So the Emperor was very much grieved about the execution of Shah Manctr :—

“Thy noble death, which was intended [by God], Was brought about by the instrumentality of man.”

But that repentance was like the drinking of the elixer by Sohrab?.

The Emperor sent Latif Khwajah Jr shikdr to the Mirzd to tell him that his offences were forgiven, and so prevented his taking refuge in the territory of the Uzbeks. Mirzé Muhammad Hakim took in his presence on oath of alleigance, and executed an engages ment, which he sent by ‘Ali Muhammad Asp along with him to the Court.

His Majesty conferred Kabul upon Mirza Muhammad Hakim, and leaving the army he returned quickly to Jalalabad, where there was a large encampment. At this time Khwajagi Muhammad Husain, brother of Muhammad Qasim Khan Jz bahr, who was

2 The seventh month. 2 That is, it was too late.

{ 804 ]

one of the confidential Amirs of the Mirza, came and did homage to the Emperor.

From Jalalabad he sent an army to plunder and lay waste the mountain district of Kator’, which is a well-known stronghold of Kafirs, and then stage by stage he marched to the Sindsagar?, which he reached on the twelfth of Sha‘ban’. There he crossed over and transported his whole army by a bridge in one day, and by successive marches went quickly to Lahor, where he arrived in the latter part of Ramazan‘.

He again committed the government of the Panjab to Sa‘id Khan, and Rajah Bhagwan Das, and Man Singh. And with a view to making inquiry into the management of the grant-lands of that province, he appointed a Gadr to each Dodb®, These were Mulla Lahdéd of Amrohrah, Mullé Il4hdid Nabawi of Sulténptir, Mull& Shah Muhammad of Shahabad, and Mulla Sheri (P. 296) the poet. The first and fourth were remarkable for their good-heartedness, and the sccond and third for their bad-heartedness. And Mullé Shah Muhammad wrote a mandate to Shaikh Ishaq Kakawi, a holy and God-fearing sage, with such pomp, that [you might apply to it the verse] “ Our people obey God’s preacher$!” And Shaikh Faizi he appointed Cadr of the Dodb?7, And Hakim Humam, and Hakim Abu-l-Fath the (adr of the metropolis, he sent to the other side of the Ganges.

When His Majesty arrived at Panipat, Shahbaz Khan (who during the Emperor’s avsence had more swo turned the whole of the imperial dominions right away from Karhi to the Panjab into people’s jagzts,

? Lak’hnau Lithograph has Gantir. ~2 See above p. 801. The eighth month. The ninth month, The five rivers which enclose the Panjab are, according to the spelling usual on our maps, the Indus, Jelum, Chenab, Ravee, and Garra. The four Doabs referred to are the Doab of Sindsagar between Indus and Jelum, Doab of Jetch between Jelum and Chenab, Doab of Rachna between Chenab and Ravee, and Doab of Baree between Ravee and Garra.

Probably that between the Satlaj and tho Biyah.

Ce)

a &

[ 305 ]

and had given to any one any post that he wished for) arrived at that station with great magnificence, pomp, and circumstance to pay homage to the Emperor. When His Majesty enquired the cause of all this bravery, he replied: “ If I had not thus won over the soldiery, they would have revolted with one consent. Now the empire is yours and the army is yours. You may give what you like to whom you will, and take away appointments and jégirs from whom you please’? :—

“ From whom you please take away, To whom you please give.”

_ On the twenty-fifth of Shavval* the Emperor returned to Dihli, and the younger prince, and the queens came out to meet him, and on the fifth of Zi-qa‘dah? he made his entrée into the metropolis.

During this journey since I had been left behind on account of a bond of great friendship which I had contracted with one Mazhari, who was one of the divine objects’, and on account of my freedom and abandon which lasted a whole year at Basdwar4, and brought me in the course thereof into many strange and difficult circum- stances, when I arrived at Fathptr on the 6th of this month, I paid my respects to His Majesty. He asked Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl “How was he left behind on this journey ?”’ He replied: “ He is one of the pensioners, and is dead.’? And before this, when near Kabul he had directed the Cadr-i-Jahin to make out and present to him a list of all the people of piety (P. 297), who were attending with the army, or who were absent. When my name came up, the late Khwajah Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad, author of the Zdértkh-i- Nizdmt, with whom I had become acquainted about a year before that time, but who was as friendly as if I had known him a hundred years, in the great kindness and consideration which he showed to all his friends, and to me in particular, caused me to be put down and returned as sick. And certainly the devotion to created things

1 The tenth month.

2 The eleventh month.

8 A play on the word mazhar, 4 Lak’hnau ed. has Pashdwar.

[ 306 ]

and the desire of concupiseence, and fear, are much worse than any disease. During this period of absence he kept sending me letter upon letter, saying : “Since you have certainly been remiss in your coming, you must make as far as possible an effort to come to Lahor, or to Dihli, or to Mit’hra, for it is a matter of public im- portance, and of attention to stipulated duty.” But since one hour of that state was better to me than life eternal, how could I find an opportunity of occupying myself with thoughts of the future, or any other pain or loss, and so the verse!: “ I commit my affairs to God” eventually became fulfilled :—

‘*‘ Leave thy business with God, and be content, For if He does not show mercy, it would make Him a preten-

”

der.

And at this time, every now and then, verses would occur to me in my sleep. And among them one night I composed the following in my sleep, and after waking I had a great deal of trouble and restlessness to recover it :—

“Our mirror is ready to receive the reflexion of thy face, If thou doest not appear, the fault is not with us.”

By the favour and grace of God, though seventeen years have elapsed since that time and this present time of writing, yet the delight of that taste has never left my heart, and every time I remember if I sigh: “ Would that at that time I had become from head to foot stripped of the world, (P. 298) and had escaped the pain of se- paration :—

Happy is he that hath seen thy face, And has surrendered his soul;

And is no more aware what is Absence and what is presence,”

But I had an experience, and such grace came to my heart, that if I spent ages in describing it, and thanking God for it, the tithe of a tenth part of my bounden duty would not be performed :—

? Al Qur’an XL, 47,

[ 307 ]}

’ “Tn the ear of heart there sounded a murmur of love, From the murmur I am full of love from head to feot. It is but the truth, that in whole ages I should not escape,

From the obligation of giving thanks for one moment of love.”

At the time that the Emperor went to Kabul, Bahadur son of Sa‘id Badakhshi had the khutbah read, and coins struck, in his name in the district of ‘Tirhut, and took the title of Bahadur Shah. ‘They say that the following rhyme was composed for his signet (but God knows) :—

“ Babadur-ud-din Sultan

Son of Asfid Shah Sultdn.

His father was Sultin, and himself Sultan, Bravo! Sultan bin Sultdn.”

Eventually he was slain by the servants of A‘zam Khan :—

“A base person, when dignity, and gold, and silver come to him, Requires of necessity a slap on the head.

Have you not heard what Plato said,

It is best for the ant* that its wings should not grow.”

When Ma‘cim Khan Farankhiidi had become thoroughly bewilder- ed and forlorn in the mountains of Sawalik? through the intervention of A‘zam Khan he made confession of his fault, and received a farmdn of pardon. He came and did homage at Fathpur. Some days afterwards he left the Darbar at midnight, and mounting a litter was setting off on his return home, when an armed troop fell upon him outside the gates of the city, and cut him in pieces.

(P. 299). Niydbat® also, by the intervention of the imperial Begum, on the very day that Ma‘gam did homage, was admitted to

1 In India immediately before the setting in of the rainy season the ants grow white wings, and fly about in swarms, and are eaten by the birds. Hence the Hindiisténi proverb: ‘‘ When the ants are about to die, their wings come forth.” The Spaniards have a similar proverb (see Don Quixote), “ Por su mal nacieron alas & la hormiga,”

2 See p. 298.

® See p. 297.

[ 308 ]

His Majesty’s presence. The Emperor, to please his uncle Shihab - ud-din Ahmad Khan, governor of Mélwah, spared his life for some time and sent him to the fortress of Rintamb’hor. ‘There he was confined, and performed many exploits, which we cannot now relate. In conjunction with his fellow-prisoners of that plaee he attempted a great outbreak. Eventually in the year nine hundred and ninety- seven the Emperor sent a farmédn, and had him executed.

At this time Haji Begum,’ who was a second mother to the Emperor, and attended on the tomb of the late Emperor, a very pillar of holiness, and purity, and virtue, and good works, hastened to the world of eternity. And the greatest distress fell upon the guardians of the tomb, and the dwellers in that holy ‘place.

At this time the Emperor sent Shaikh Jamal Bakhtydar, to bring Shaikh Qutb-ud-din of Jalésar, who was a majzéb,° and intoxicated* with the Divine Love. When Qutb-ud-din came, the Emperor brought him to a conference with some Christian priests, and philo- sophers, and great law-authorities of the age. After a discussion the Shaikh exclaimed, “ Let us make a peat fire, and in the presence of His Majesty we will pass through it, and whichever gets safely through it, will prove thereby the truth of his religion.” The fire was made. The Shaikh pulled one of the Christian priests by the coat, and said to him, “ Come on, in the name of God!” But none of the priests had the courage to go. Soon after the Shaikh was sent into exile to Bakkar, together with other fag7rs, as the Emperor was jealous of his triumph. ‘There he died.

A large number of Shaikhs and Faqirs were also sent to other places, mostly to Qandahar, where they were exchanged for horses.

About the same time the Emperor captured a sect of Shaikhs, who called themselves ‘ Disciples,’ but were generally known as ‘ Jldhis.’ They used to utter all sorts of foul lies and nonsense. His Majesty asked them whether they repented of their vanities. They replied, “Repentance is our maid-servant.” And so they had invented

She was daughter of the brother of Humdyiin’s mother.

2 This is the meaning of Jannat-dsténé quoted by Blochm. p. 465, and so also apparently of our expression Junnat-dshydnt,

8 De Sacey, Pendnameh LY, n. f.

Kharddt is the same as mast.

[ 309 J

similar names for the laws and religious commands of the Islam, and for the Fast. At His Majesty’s command they were sent to Bakkar and Qandahar, and were given to merchants in exchange for Turkish colts.

(P. 800.) His Majesty sent for the grandsons of Shaikh Adhan, who were some of the great Shaikhs of Jounpur, with their wives and families, and sent than to Ajmir, and gave them a fixed provision. One, two, or three of them died, and some of them are living now in poverty.

Shaikh Husain, grandson of His Reverence Khwajah Mu‘in-ud-din (God sanctify his tomb !) he banished to Bakkar, because, when he had been to Makkah and come back again, he did not make obeisance in the manner approved by the Emperor, but came in his utter un- worldliness to pay his homage to His Majesty in the old fashioned manner, who understood this neglect to be meant as a sign of dis loyalty. In the year one thousand and two Nizim-ud-din Ahmad, on the occasion of the Emperor’s sending for Iltimds Qazi Fathpuiri, and Shaikh Kamal Biyabani, from Bakkar, mentioned the name of Shaikh Husain also. So His Majesty sent for them all, and since they performed the Zaminbos the Emperor considered that he had gained all that he required, and gave orders for their release. But Kamal Biydbani, whose being found in fetters* in the prison of Bakkar they attributed to the Khan Khanan, the Emperor sent to Rintamb’hor. And to Shaikh Husain he again ordered a pension in Bakkar, and appointed him to that same place, as shall be narrated further on, if God (He is exalted!) will.

On the 9th of the month Muharram? in the year nine hundred and ninety (990) A‘zam Khan came from Bengal. And one evening in course of conversation the Emperor said to him, ‘We have found out proofs for part of the reality of metempsychosis, Abu-l-Fazl shall convince you of it!’ And he accepted it all. The Emperor then appointed some Amirs who were absent from the army of Kabul to accompany him, and sent him (back to Bengal] to repulse Mugim Kabuli,

1 Vol. III, pp. 87-88 Text. Qal/db is given there as his takhalluc. 2 The first month,

aS ese

[ 310 }

On the 15th of the month Qafar* of this year the New Year came round again, and the twenty-seventh year of the Reign commenced :—

“ When the Pen of the Worker of Spring came into action, It made the Pearl of the Equinox into a paint-palate at the time of Aries.” *

(P. 801.) And the Emperor commanded both the private and the public audience chamber to be deccorated with all sorts. of precious materials. And they prepared costly articles of various colours, and European curtains, and they made most incomparable paintings, and erected lofty pavilions. And they decorated the bazaar at Agrah and at Fathptr in a similar manner, and kept high festival for eighteen whole days. And the Emperor sent for all sorts of troops of singers and musicians both Hindt and Persian, and dancers, both men and women, by thousands of thousands: and each day one of the renowned Amirs came and was honoured with his society, and received from him a considerable present, and other proofs of hos- pitality.

And since, in his Majesty’s opinion, it was a settled fact, that the 1000 years since the time of the mission of the Prophet (peace be upon him!), which was to be the period of the continuance of the faith of Islim, were now completed, no hindrance remained to the promulgation of those secret designs, which he nursed in his heart. And so, considering any further respect or regard for the Shaikhs and Ulama (who were unbending and uncompromising) to be un- necessary, he felt at liberty to embark fearlessly on his design of annulling the statutes and ordinances of Islam, and of establishing his own cherished pernicious belief [in their stead].

The first command that he issued was this: that the ‘ Era of the Thousand” should be stamped on the coins, and that a Zurdkhé Alfé, commencing with the Death of the Prophet, should be written, And many other wonderful and strange innovations, by way of

1 The second month,

= I e. The pale Winter’s sun, like a colourless pearl, becomes the source of Spring colours.

® A history of a thousand years.

[ ei 4

politic and wise expedients, did he devise. For one thing he decreed that Sijdah,* under the name of Zamén-bos,? ought to be offered to kings. Another was that wine might be drunk, if for the healing of the body? by the advice of the physicians. But, lest confusion and wickedness should become more common on this account, he laid down severe punishments on excessive drinking, carousals, and disorderly conduct. And in order to keep the matter within due hounds he set up a wine-shop near the palace, under the charge of the Porter’s wife who belonged by birth to the class of (P. 302) wine-sellers, and appointed a fixed tariff. Persons who wished to purchase wine, as a remedy for sickness, could do so by having their name, and that of their father and grandfather, written down by the clerk. Some by deceit had false names written down, and so obtain= ed wine—for who could accurately enquire into such a matter? And {in point of fact] a shop for the benefit of drunkards was opened. They say, moreover, that swine-flesh formed a component part of that wine, but God knows! In spite of all precautions confusion and wicked- ness raised its head, and, however many persons were every day punished, no practical result was effected. And there was another matter, which comes within the meaning of [the saying], ‘ Bend, but do not break in pieces,”* viz. that of the prostitutes of the imperial dominions, who had gathered together in the Capital in such swarms as to defy counting or numbering. These he made to live outside the city, and called the place Shazténpdrah.e And he ap- pointed a keeper, and a deputy, and a secretary for this quarter, so that any one who wished to associate with these people, or take them to his house, provided he first had his name and condition written down, might with the connivance of the imperial officers have con- nection with any of them that he pleased. But he did not permit any man to take dancing-girls to his house at night, without con-

1 Prostration, in which the toes, knees, hands and forehead touch the ground,

? Ground-kissing.

8 Comp. I Tim v. 23.

A saying, the meaning of which is much disputed, but which seems to imply ‘temper severity with kindness,’ comp. Isaiah xli.3, See further in Vuller’s Lexicon Persico-Latinum.

5 Devilsville.

t 812) a

forming to these conditions, in order that he might keep the matter under proper control. But if any one wished to have a virgin, if the petitioner was a well-known courtier, he sent a petition by the Deputy, and obtained permission from Court. Nevertheless, in spite of the rule, all the libertines carried on these affairs under assumed names, and so drunkenness and debauchery led to many acts of bloodshed, and however many were brought to punishment, another troop [of delinquents] would strut arrogantly past the Inspector of that department :—

‘“ Her endless beauty, as often as it slays a lover, Another troop in love makes its appearance from the unseen.”

And a number of well-known prostitutes he called privately before him, and enquired (P. 103) who had seduced them. And after learn- ing their names, several important Amirs were severely reprimanded and punished, and imprisoned for a considerable time. Among them one mentioned the name of Raja Bir Bir, who had become a disciple of His Majesty’s religion, and had made such progress in the four degrees, that he had become conspicuous as endowed with the essentials of the Four Virtues,’ and scarcely ever left the society of his own daughters. At the time he happened to be in the parganna of Karrah in his own j4gir. When news of this reached the veil of his door, he wished to become a Jogi.? But on the Emperor’s send- ing for him in reassuring terms he came to the Court.

Another thing was the prohibition to eat beef. The origin of this embargo was this, that from his tender years onwards the Emperor had been much in company with rascally Hindus, and thence a reverence for the cow (which in their opinion is the cause of the stability of the world) became firmly fixed in his mind. Moreover he had introduced a whole host of the daughters of eminent Hindi Rajas into his haram, and they had influenced his mind against the eating of beef and garlic and onions, and association with people who wore beards—and such things he then avoided and still does avoid. And

1 Viz. hikmat wisdom (prudenoe) shujd‘at courage (fortitude), ‘ifat chastity (temperance), and ‘add/at justice. Blochm. p. 193, z. 2 See p. 95.

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these customs and heretical practices he introduced pur et simple into his assemblies, and still retains them. And in order to gain their love and goodwill and that of their castes, he abstained entire- ly from everything which was a natural abhorrence to these people, and looked on it as a mark of special devotion to himself if men shaved off their beards—so that this became a common practice. And certain pandering pimps brought forward proofs in favour of shaving the beard. ‘They affirmed that the beard drew its nourish- ment from the testicles, and that since for this reason they never saw any eunuch with a beard, what could be the virtue and distine- tion of preserving it ! Moreover that ascetics of olden time had looked. upon letting the beard grow, as a kind of mortification, because it exposed them to reproach, but that, since the foolish Lawyers looked now on the cutting of the beard, not the letting it grow, as a dis- grace, ib was pow a courting of the reproach of the world, and a mortification to cut it and (P. 304) not to let it grow. But if any one looks at this argument from an unbiased point of view, he will see that it tends to the opposite conclusion. Unprincipled and scheming Muftis quoted also an unknown tradition. Kamd yaf‘alu ba‘d-ul-quzdt, they interpreted as meaning that some of the Qézis of ‘Irék were in the habit of shaving their beards, whereas the true reading is Kamd yaf‘alu ba‘d-ul-‘ugat ‘as some obstinate sinners do.’ One day Hakim Abu-l-Fath, at the beginning of my atten- dance at Court, observed that my beard was a little shorter than it was the custom to wearit. He said: “ A short beard does not become you.” I replied: “It is the barber’s short-coming not mine.” He said: ‘“ Well don’t do it again, for it is neither proper nor becoming.” Some time after this he himself becoming one of the Shi‘ahs and religi- ous mendicants, or rather of the Hindus, and shaving his head, became so utterly smooth-faced, as to be the envy of the handsome beardless youths :—

‘“« He who vexes his brother about a fault, Dies not until God has tried him in that very thing.”

2 In which it was stated that “some Qazis”’ of Persia had shaved their beards. 40

f 314]

And beating the gong after the manner of the Christians and ex- hibition of the Form of One Person of the Trinity,* and of Ounabula which is their way of keeping Festival,? and other such like childish games became of daily occurrence: and ‘ Unbelief became common’ they found to give the date.* Ten or twelve years later things had come to such a pass, that abandoned wretches, such as Mirza Jani, Governor of Tattah, and other apostates, wrote their confession to the following effect—this is the form—‘ I who am so and so, son of so and so, do voluntarily, and with sincere predilection and inclination, utterly and entirely renounce and repudiate the religion of Islam, which I have seen and heard of my fathers, and do embrace the “ Divine Religion” of Akbar Shah, and do accept the four grades of entire devotion, viz., sacrifice of Property, Life, Honour, and Religion ?’ And these lines—than which there could be no better passport to damnation—were (P, 805) handed over to the Mujtahid* of the new religion, and became the source of confidence and promotion. Well nigh did the heavens burst asunder thereat, and the earth gape, and the hills crumble !

And in contempt of Islam ceasing to consider swine and dogs as unclean, he kept them in the Aaram and under the fort, and regarded the going to look at them every morning as a religious service. And the Hindis who are believers in Transmigration, persuaded him, that the boar® is one of the ten forms, which the Divinity (praise to Him, glorious is his Majesty !) assumed in coming down :—

“ His glory is more exalted than they say.”

And he quoted the saying of some of the sages, that a dog has ten virtues, and that if a man were possessed of but one of them he would be a saint, in support of this. And some of the courtiers who were

2 Meaning the Crucifix.

2 See Blochmann in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, May 1870. . 3 20 + 80 + 200 + 300 + 11 + 70 + 204 = 985, which is five too little,

Abu-! Faz]. (Blochmann, p. 194.) 5 Sanscrit vardha avatdra.

[ 315

most entertaining in all sorts of music, and in the realm of poetry became a very proverb, by taking dogs to table with them, and eating with them. And some heretic poets, of ‘Iraq and Hind, so far from objecting to this, followed their example, and even made a boast of it and vied with them, taking the dog’s tongues into their mouths :—

“Say to the Mir, under thy skin thou hast a dog, as well as a carcase.

A dog runs about in front of his door, make him not thy messmate.”

Another thing was this. The ordinance of washing the whole body after an emission of semen, was considered as altogether unworthy of observance. And he brought forward the following argument. The sperma genitale is the very essence of man, for the semen is the origin of the existence of the good and the pure. What sense then could there be in ceremonial ablution being unnecessary after evacua- tion of parva and magna, while the emission of so tender a fluid should necessitate it. It would be more fit [he argued) that people should perform the ablution first, and then have connection.

Similarly [he argued] that there could be no sense in offering

food,? which is material, to the spirit of a dead person, since he cer- tainly could not experience any benefit from it: much better, there- fore, would it be, on the day of any one’s birth to make that a high feast day. And this he named (P. 306) A’sh-z haydt ‘ Food of life.’

The flesh of the wild boar and the tiger was also permitted, because the courage, which these two animals possess, would be transmitted to any one who fed on such meat.

It was forbidden to marry one’s cousin or near relation, because in such cases the sexual appetite is but small. Boys were not to marry before the age of sixteen, nor girls before fourteen, because the off- spring of early marriages is weakly.

2 Vddtis the Sanscrit Vddya ‘music, comp. Text. p. 42,1.5. It does not mean ‘department’ as Blochmann Aén-i Akbaré, p. 194 paraphrases it. ® Compare p. 50, note 6.

orem)

The wearing of gold and silk dresses [at prayer-time] was made obligatory. One day I saw the Mufti of the imperial dominions clothed in a garment of unmixed silk. I enquired: “ Perhaps a tradition about this matter has come to your notice? ” He said, “ Yes, in any city where silk is used, it is allowable to wear silken garments.’”’ I replied: ‘“ One ought to get a sight of that tradition, for one cannot swallow a mere decree of the Emperor.” He said:

T don’t blame you either. But God knows!”

The prayers of the Islam, the fast, nay even the pilgrimage, were henceforth forbidden. Some bastards, such as the son of Mulla Mubarik, a worthy disciple of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, wrote treatises, in order to revile and ridicule our religious practices, of course with proofs. His Majesty liked such productions, and promoted the authors.

The era of the Hijrah was now abolished, and a new era was introduced, of which the first year was the year of the Emperor’s accession, viz., nine hundred and sixty-three. The months had the same names as at the time of the old Persians kings, and as given in the Wigab-ug-gibydn.1 Fourteen festivals also were introduced corresponding to the feasts of the Zoroastrians ; but the Feasts of the Musalmans and their glory were trodden down, the Friday prayer alone being retained, because some old, decrepit, silly people used to gotoit. The new era was called the Tértkh-i-Iléhi.* On copper coins and gold muhurs the era of the Millennium was used, as indicat- ing that the end of the religion of Muhammad, which was to last one thousand years, was drawing near. Reading and learning Arabic was looked on as a crime; and Muhammadan law, and the exegesis of the Quran (P. 387), and the tradition, as also those who studied them, were considered bad and deserving of disapproval. Astronomy, philolosophy, medicine, mathematics, poetry, history, and novels, were cultivated and thought necessary. Even the letters which are peculiar to the Arabic language, viz., & ¢ cT uw V4, and & were avoided. Thus for 4Ujoss ‘Abd-wlldéh people wrote Vox} Abd-dllah ;

1 A vocabulary in rhyme by Abu Naer of Farah a town in Sijistén. Bloch, p. 41, note 2. 2 Divine era.

[ 317 ]

and for ¢s95! Ahadi they wrote qs>4} Ahad &. All this pleased His Majesty. Two verses from the Shahndmah,*? which Firdtsi of Tus gives as part of a story, were frequently quoted at Court :—

“ Through the eating of the flesh* of camels and lizards The Arabs have made such progress,

That they now wish to get hold of the kingdom of Persia. Fie upon Fate! Fie upon Fate!”

And so any verse which involved something of dubious tendency favouring his sect he heard gladly from the doctors, and considered it a great point in his favour, such as the verse from the Sajahrak (?) in which the loss of the Prophet’s teeth in an action against infidels is alluded to,

In the same way every command and doctrine of the Islam, whe- ther special or general, as the prophetship, the harmony of the Islam with reason, the doctrines of Riuyat, Taklif, and Takwin,? the details of the day of resurrection and judgment, all were doubted and ridiculed. And if any one did object to this mode of arguing, his answer was not accepted. But it is well-known how little chance a man has, who cites proofs against one who will reject them, especi- ally when his opponent has the power of life and death in his hands; for equality of condition is a sine gud non in arguing :—

“A man whom you cannot convince by the Qur’4n and the Tradition, Can only be replied to by not replying to him.”

Many families plunged into these discussions, but perhaps ‘ discus- sions’ is not the correct name; we should call them ‘meetings for arrogance and defamation,’ People who sold their religion were busy to collect all kinds of exploded errors, and brought them to His Majesty, as if they were so many rarities. Thus Latif (P. 308)

1 Tt occurs in the letter of the Persian general Rastam to the Arabian general Sa‘d. See ed. Macan LV, p. 2066,

2 On the effect of food upon a race see Herodotus tn jin.

% See Blochm. p. 196 notes.

Pease]

Khwajah, who came of a noble family in Turkistan, made a frivolous remark on a passage in Tirmizi’s Shamd’il,* and asked how in the world the neck of the Prophet could be compared tv the neck of an idol. Other remarks were passed on the “ straying camel.”? Some again expressed their astonishment, that the Prophet in the beginning of his career plundered the caravans of the Quraish; that he had four- teen wives; that any married woman was no longer to belong to her husband, if the Prophet (peace be upon him!) thought her agreeable. And many other things which it would take too long to recount :—

“ The woes caused by thy tresses, and cheek, to explain Would require a long night, and moon-light.”

At night, when there were social assemblies, His Majesty told forty courtiers to sit down as ‘the Forty®,’ and every one might say or ask what he liked, Ifany one brought up a question con- nected with law or religion, they said: ‘ You bad better ask the Mullads about it, as we only settle things which appeal to man’s reason.” But it is impossible for me to relate the blasphemous remarks which they made about the Companions of the Prophet (God be merciful to them !), when the historical books happened to be read out, especially such as contained the reigns of the first three Khalifahs, and the quarrel about Fadak, the war of the Ciffin &c. would that I were deaf! The Shi‘ahs, of course, gained the day, and the Sunnis were defeated; the good were in fear, and the wicked were secure. Hvery day a new order was given, and a new aspersion or a new doubt came up; and His Majesty saw in the discomfiture of one party a proof of his own infallibility, entirely forgetting the proverb that, a man may be hoisted with his own petard.4 And so those who were before in favour now fell out of favour, and those who were before out of favour came into favour, those who had been near, became afar, and those who had been afar became near. Praise

1 A collection of Traditions regarding the figure and looks of the Prophet.

2 Referring to the charge of adultery against Aishuh, the Prophet’s favourite wife. Al Qurdn XXIV.

® The 40 Abddl. See Blochm. p. 197 note.

Lit. ‘Hyery one who rejects is rejected,’

[ 319 ]

be to Him ! who ruleth absolutely in his kingdom as it pleaseth him. And the common people with as little sense as brute beasts repeated continually nothing but “ Al/dh Akbar.” This caused great commotion, Mull& Sheri (P. 309) at this time composed a gif‘ah of ten verses, of which the following are some :—

“ Until in each age there arise some overwhelming calamity,

Disturbance in the street of events will be a householder.

By the punishment of the debt-exacting sword on heretics

The obligation of the head will be paid by the bond of the neck.

The collar of the lying philosopher will be torn,

And devotion clothed in rags will have its piety established.

It is utter confusion of brain, if a fool take into his head,

That love of the Prophet can ever be banished from mankind.

I cannot help smiling at that couplet, which so glibly

Will be recited at the tables of the rich, caught up by the beggar :—

The king this year has laid claim to be a Prophet,

After the lapse of a year, please God, he will become God!”

At the new year’s feasts His Majesty inveigled many of the Ullam4é and the pious, nay even the Qazis and Muftis of the realm into the ravine of toast-drinking :—

‘ Love for thee brings news from the world of madness, It brings pious people to wine-bibbing.

Thy memory, O Love, what a masterly potion it is, For it makes us forget all that we have learnt.”

At last the Mujtahids [of the Divine Faith], especially [Faizi, who called himself] the king of poets, called out: “ Here is a bumper to the confusion of the lawyers!’’ On the last day of this feast, when the sun enters the nineteenth degree of Aries (a day called Sharaf-ush-sharaf, and considered particularly holy by His Majesty) the grandees (P. 310) were promoted, or received new jdgirs, or horses or dresses of honour, according to the rules of hospitality, or in proportion to the presents they brought.

[ 320 ]

At this place Sh4ham Khan Jaléir arrived from Bengdal, and Rajah Bhagwaén Das from Lahor.

During the absence of A‘zam Khan and the other Amirs, who had come to the metropolis from Hajiptir, one Khabisah* by name, a servant of Ma‘cim Khan Kabuli, together with Tarkhan Diwanah, and Sarkh Badakhshi, raised a rebellion in Bihér. And Muhammad Cadiq Khan, together with Muhibb ‘Ali Khan defeated them in an engagement, and slew Khabisah.

In this year the prince Sultén Salim? went to Ajmir to meet Gulbadan Begum, and Salimah Sultén Begum, who had returned from the pilgrimage, On this occasion they paid a gratuitous visit to the shrine of the saint Mu‘in-ud-din, and left their gifts there.

At this time Muhammad Gadiq Khan came from Bihdr, and was quickly ordered off again, in conjunction with A‘zam Khan, to repulse Ma‘cim Kabuli. And Shah Quli Khan Muharram, and Shaikh Ibrahim Chishti, and other Amirs, who had not gone in the army to Kabul, were appointed to assist Cadiq Khan.

At this time Shah Abu Turdb, and I‘timad Khan Gujrati, who had been together on a journey to Hijaz, returned, and brought with them a stone of very great weight, which required a very strong- bodied elephant to lift it. A foot-print was clearly to be seen on it, and Shah Abu Turab declared it to be the impression of the foot of the Prophet (God bless him and his family and give them peace !):—

“On the tablet at the head of our grave, We have engraved thy image.

Until the day of the resurrection

Our head and thy foot are together.”

The Emperor went a distance of four cosses to meet it, and com- manded the Amirs to carry it by turns (P 311) a few steps, and in this manner they brought it to the city,

1 See Blochm , p. 856 note. 2 Who succeeded his father with the title of Jahangir.

[ 321 ]

On the nineteenth of the month Sha‘ban’ the weighing of the eldest prince took place.

In this year, or the year after, Shaikh ‘Abd-un-nabi, and Mukh- duim-ul-mulk, who had received the decree of eternal banishment,? hearing the news of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim’s insurrections, came from Makkah to Gujrat, and set their hearts on their former posi- tions of authority, forgetful of the saying, ‘ The fleeting does not return ’ :—

“The world is wide, O my child,

Thou art our corner, our corner.

Like the locust from the field of the king, Thou art our ear of corn, our ear.”

Makhdim-ul-mulk died at Ahmadabad, and in the year nine hundred and ninety Qazi ‘Ali was sent from Fathpir to ascertain what property he had left. When he came to Lahor, he found such vast treasures as defied the key of conjecture to open their lock. Several ingots of gold were discovered in his sepulchre, where he had caused them to be buried as corpses. And the wealth which lay open to the eye of the world was such as none but the Creator (glorious is His Majesty!) could ascertain, All these ingots of gold, together with his books, which were as precious to him as in- gots, were placed in the public treasury. His sons after being some time on the rack of distress fell at last into the most abject poverty. Shaikh ‘Abd-un-nabi came to Fathpir, and having made use of some rude language, the Emperor was unable to restrain his passion, and struck him in the face. He said: “ Why don’t you strike with a knife??? Then with a view to make him settle his account about the 7,000 rupees, which the Emperor had given him when he set off for Makkah, he was handed over as prisoner to Rajah Todar Mal, and for some time, like a defaulting tax-gatherer, they imprisoned him in the counting-house of the office; and one night a mob strangled him, and he went to God. And the next day, until after-

1 The eighth month.

2 That is, were about to die.

3 For this habit of seizing a master’s property on his death, see Zlphinstone, p. 673.

[ $22 }

noon prayer, the minarets resounded with nothing but this: “ Verily in this man ye have a warning (P. 312) ye that have eyes to see ” This event took place in the year nine hundred and ninety-two. And “A Shaikh like a prophet}? was found to give the date, in accordance with the verse :—

Although they used to say, The Shaikh is like the Prophet, It is not the Prophet, our Shaikh is like @ Prophet.”

‘* Heaven’s nature is to throw down heads,

You must not withdraw your head from what is written. She has never nurtured any, that she has not killed,

For she is tender in love, and stern in hatred.’

In this year that crucible of austerity, and devotion, that imper- sonation of piety and religious fervour, that spiritnal effigy, and mirror of divine grace, that paragon of people of rapture and ecstasy Shaikh Jalal of T’hanésar (God rest his spirit !) became an inhabitant of the garden of Paradise: and “ The Shaikh of Saints ”’ ? was found to give the date,

In the same year Agaf Khan, IW Bakhshi Sdént, who had the title of Mirz& Ghiyds-ud-din ‘Ali, gave up his place to his own nephew Mirz& Ja‘far (who afterwards obtained the title of Agaf Khan), and then chose the last journey. And “ May God be his help!” was found to give the date.

And at this time His Majesty deposed Haji Ibrahim of Sarhind, as has been narrated, from the Qadrate of Gujrdt. And when he heard that he had received many bribes, and that he kept many women, and that he desired to escape to the Dak’hin, he had him seized. For some time he entrusted him to Hakim ‘Ain ul-mulk, but after a time he sent him to the fortress of Rintamb’hor. ‘Till at last having cast him from the pinnacle of exaltation, to the abyss of misery, he fulfilled every dream of vengeance.

In this year Shaikh Mubarik of Nagor said in the presence of the Hmperor to Bir Bar: ‘“ Just as there are interpolations in your holy books, so there are in ours; hence it is impossible to trust either.”

1300 + 610 + 20 + 50 + 12 = 992.

2 300 + 10 + 600 + 81 + 1+ 6 + 30 + 11 = 989,

[ 323 ]

Some shameless and ill-starred wretches also asked His Majesty why, since a thousand years from the Hijrah were passed, he did not bring forward, like Shah Ismé’il the First, some convincing proof. But His Majesty was at last convinced, that (P. 818) confidence in him as a leader was a matter of time, and good counsel, and did not require the sword. And indeed, if His Majesty, in setting up his claims, and making his innovations, had spent a little money, he would easily have got most of his courtiers, and much more the vulgar, into his devilish nets :—

‘TI see in 990 two conjunctions,

T see the sign of Mahdi and that of Antichrist ; Hither politics or religion must change,

I clearly see the hidden secret.”

At a council held for the renovating of the religion of the empire Rajah Bhagwan Das said: “I would willingly believe that Hindts and Musalmans have each a bad religion, but only tell us what the new sect is, and what opinion they hold, so that I may believe.” His Majesty reflected a little, and ceased to urge the Rajah. But the alteration of the decisions of our glorious Faith was continued. And ‘The innovation of heresy’?! was found to give the date.

At this time His Majesty sent Qazi Jalal Multdni, together with Kbwajagi Fath-ullah dakhsh?, who was a great opponent of the vile Shi‘ah sect, to the Dak’hin. The cause of his banishment was this, that he had forged in a farmdn a draught for five lacs of tankahs, which he had drawn from the treasary for his own use. The Em- peror thought it likely, that the rulers of that part, who were exceed= ingly bigoted in that heresy, would put Qazi to death with various tortures, and ignominy. But they, having heard of his constancy in the faith of the Islam, and his support of the word of God against liars, secretly believing in him considered his arrival as a great gain. Besides giving him the districts granted to him as madad-i-ma‘ash they showed him every attention, and reckoned the very dust of his feet as collyrium. ‘Thus through his innate good luck he became at the end of his life so honoured and respected, that however much he asked to be allowed to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, they could

71484+4+1+4+ 500 + 2+ 4 + 70 + 400 = 990.

[ 824 J

not make up their minds to part with him. (P. 314) But at last he gained this felicity, and having arrived at Batha wa Yathrab (may God magnify them both!) in glory and dignity, he obtained eternal acceptance, and there passed away from this old dust-bin:—

“ A life, about which thou hast been informed beforehand, From it seek not a happiness, which is eternal. A life, into which death can find an entrance, Say to it, Be long, or short, as you please.” And in his place the Emperor appointed, as Qdzi-l-quzdt, Qazi ‘Abd-us-sami‘ the Transoxonian of Miydnkél,! of whom the poet Qasim Khan Mouji might have composed the verse :—

“‘ An elder from an honoured tribe, With a beard, like a white rose, a yard long.”

He used to play chess for a wager, and to give away a great deal. His cup-draining was notoriously a congenital habit, and in his sect bribery and corruption were considered as a duty for the moment, and the making profit on bonds for debt, and on signing judicial de- crees, as a positive command. But verily since there was no reference to faith or religion left, even this amount was something towards the removal of opprobrium.

During those days also the public prayers, and the azdn, which was chanted five times a day for assembly to prayer in the state hall, were abolished. Names like Ahmad, Muhammad, Mugtafa &c. be- came offensive to His Majesty, who thereby wished to please the infidels outside, and the princesses inside the Harem, till after some time those courtiers, who had such names, changed them ; and such names as Yar Muhammad, Muhammad Khdén, were altered to Rahmat. To call such miserable wretches by the name of our blessed prophet would indeed be wrong, and there was not only room for improvement by altering their names, but ib was even necessary to do so, according to the proverb, ‘It is wrong to put fine jewels on the neck of a pig.’ This destructive fire broke out first in Agrah (P. 815), and burnt down house and home of both great and small, and eventually the fire extended to the graves? of those who kindled it (may God abandon them !)—

1 A hilly tract between Samarqand aud Bukhaéré. Blochin. p, 645 n,

That is they went to hell.

[ 825 ]

“ Thou, O man, fond of words,

Who for some worthless handfuls

Desertest the Faith of God,

In the confidence of thine own sophistry,

What weakness hast those seen in the ‘‘radition, That thou wentest towards the irreligious ? What fault didst thou find in the Qur’n,

That thou followest the present world ? ”

In Rabi‘-usesani* of the year nine hundred and ninety the Sayyid Mir Fath-ullah of Shiraz, who in the regions of Theology, Mathe- matics, and Physics? and in all branches of science both logical and and traditional, and in talismans, and incantations, and discovering treasures, was without his equal in that age, in obedience to a farmdn requiring his presence, left ‘Adil Khan of the Dak’hin, and came to Fathptr. ‘The Khan Khanan, and Hakim Abu-l-Fath in accordance with the Emperor’s command went out to meet him, and brought him to the imperial presence. He was honoured with the post of (adr, whose only duty was erasure, in order that he might confiscate the lands of the poor, not give them. When the Emperor heard that he had been an immediate pupil of Mir Ghiyds-ud-din Mangtr of Shiraz, who had not been over strict in religious matters, he thought that Fath-ullah would be only too glad to enter into his religious scheme. But Fath-ull4h was such a staunch Shi‘ah, and at the same time such a worldly office-hunter, and such a worshipper of mammon and of the nobility, that he would not give up a jot of the tittles of bigoted Shi‘ism. ven in the State hall he said with the greatest composure his Shi‘ah prayers, a thing which no one else would have dared to do. His Majesty, therefore, put him among the class of the bigots, but he connived at his practices (P. 816), because he thought it desirable to encourage a man of such attainments and practical knowledge.

He married him to the younger daughter of Muzaffar Khan, and treating him with regal promp associated him in the vazér-ship with Rajah Todar Mal. And he, entering boldly into negotiations with the Rajah, came to an agreement with him. He became devoted to

1 The fourth month 2 Aristotle’s three-fold division of science, codoyixh, pobjmatixn, Puoikhe

{ 326 ]

teaching the children of the Amirs, and every day would go to the houses of the courtiers, and would act the elementary teacher, first of all to the servant of Hakim Abu-l-Fath, and at another time to the son of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, and to other children of Amirs of seven or eight years of age, and even younger, and taught them to point, and to draw straight lines and curves, and even taught them the Alphabet :—

“Tn the hands of children new to instruction

Do not place a tablet of astronomical calculations. A horse, which is of Arab breed,

Do uot mark with a Grecian brand.’*

Putting a gun on his shoulder and a belt of ammunition round his waist, like a Runner, he used to accompany the Emperor at his stirrup in the chase, and all the glory of the knowledge, which he had not already lost, he utterly trampled in the dust. But in spite of all this want of dignity, and vileness, and baseness, he practised such heroism in bluff honesty, that no Rastam could have sur- passed. The date of his arrival is given by the hemistich :—

“ Shah Fath-ulliéh Imam of saints.’

One night the Emperor, in Fath-ullih’s presence, said to Bir Bar, ‘‘ T really wonder how any one in his senses can believe that a man, whose body has a certain weight, could in the space of a moment leave his bed, go up to heaven, there have 90,000 conversations with God, and yet on his return find his bed still warm!” So also was the splitting of the moon ridiculed, “ Why,” said His Majesty, lifting up one foot (P. 317), “ it is really impossible for me to lift up the other. What silly stories men will believe!’? And that wretch {Bir Bar] and some other wretches—whose names be forgotten, —said “‘ Yea, Your Majesty is right,’ and chirped in confirmation. But Fath-ullih—His Majesty had been every moment looking at him, because he wanted him to say something: for he was a new- comer—looked straight before him, and did not utter a syllable, though he was all ear.

1 That is, what a pity that a man of such attainments should spend his time n teaching children. 2 300 + 80 + 400 + 8 + 31 + 85 + 41 + 41 + 7 + 30 + 11 = 990,

{ 327

About this time Mullé Ahmad of Tat’hah, who was a bigoted Shiah, and had made himself a hakiém by pure affrontery, came from the Dak’hin and was presented at Court, His ancestors, who resided in Sind, had been very scrupulous orthodox believers, and this wretch used to shower anathemas on those unfortunate persons. But, in accordance with the saying of the Prophet (Peace be upon him!)

God curses him, who curses his father,’ his cursing recoiled on his own head. When, in the time of Shih Tahmasp, he associated in ‘Iraq with some old Tabara’is, he became orthodox. Then he de- serted them. When Shah Isma‘il the second, becoming an excessive Sunni in opposition to the opinions held by his father, proceeded to kill and ill-treat the Shi‘ahs, Mull4 Ahmad in the company of Mirz& Makhdim (who was a Sharvf, and a zealous Sunni, and wrote the A7ztdb-un-ndgiz in blame of the Shi‘ah, which contains the date of its composition), went to Makkah. ‘Thence he proceeded to the Dak’hin, and afterwards to Hindustan, and finding no opposition to the prosecution of his designs, he began to teach his absurd doctrines, and invite converts to the Shi‘ah persuasion: but in a short time he met the penalty of his evil deeds. He had as yet had no interview with Shaikh Faizi, and had not yet assumed that air of confidence, with which his intimacy with that minister inspired him, when I saw him one day in the bdzar, where some ‘Iraqis took the opportunity of mentioning my name to him in terms of praise. Upon this he addressed me and said: “I see the mark of a Shi‘ah stamped on your forehead.” (P. 318) I replied promptly: ‘“ Just as much as I see Sunni stamped on yours!”’ The friends, who were present, all laughed, and were pleased. I shall, if God (He is exalted !) will, notice the close of his life in its proper place.

The year 1,000 of the Hijrah era, which is in general use, being now on the point of completion, the Hmperor ordered a history of all the kings of the Islim to be written, which should in reality supercede all other histories, and directed that such a name should be given to the work as to denote the year of its composition. It was for this reason that the work was entitled Ad/v. He further ordered the word rih/at* to be substituted for hzjrah? in the different

1 Marching. 2 Flight,

ics

[ 328 ]

dates, and employed seven persons to undertake the compilation from the date of the death of the last of the Prophets (the blessing of God be upon him, and may He give him peace!) up to the present day, and to mention therein the events of the whole world.

He assigned the first year to Nagib Khan, the second to Shah Fath-ullah, and so on to Hakim Humdim, Hakim ‘Ali, Haji Ibrahim Sarhindi (who had just then arrived from Gujrat) Mirzi Nizém-ud- din Ahmad, and myself. And after that another seven years, and in this way the distribution of 85 years was provided for.

During the time that I was compiling the events of the seventh year, and was engaged on the life of the second true Khalifah (may God be propitious to him!) I had just finished the account of the foundation of Kifah, and the building and destruction of Qagr-ul- imarat, which was narrated in detail together with the cause of its destruction, and the marriage of Amm Kulstin, daughter of the Amir-ul-muminin ‘Ali (God be propitious to them both !), as well as the institution of five stated times for prayer, the fall of the city of Nacibin, and the scorpions big as cocks, which were made use of to effect its capture, when one night Agaf Khan SAlis, who was the same as Mirza Ja‘far, thought proper to dispute the correctness of these facts. Notwithstanding this, Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl and Ghazi Khan Badakhshi confirmed my assertions shortly afterwards. When I was asked whence I got this information, I replied that I had seen it in books, (P. 319) and had written accordingly, and that it was not my own invention. Immediately the Rauwzat-ul-Ahbadb and other historical books were called for from the library, and given to Naqib Khan to verify the accuracy of the statement, which by God’s grace, being found correct, I was relieved from the charge of invention.

At the recommendation of Hakim Abu-l-Fath the compilation of the work from the thirty-sixth year was entrusted solely to Mulla Ahmad of Tat’hah, who, however, wrote whatever coincided with his sectarian prejudices, a fact which is well known. The compilation of two volumes was finished up to the time of Changiz Khan, when Mirz4 Fulad one night, pretending that the Emperor had sent for Mullé Ahmad, summoned him from his house, and murdered him in a street of Lahor, in revenge for some injury which he had suffered at his hands, as well as because he was violently opposed to him in matters of religion. He was put to death in retaliation.

[ 329 j

_ The remainder of the work was done by Acaf Khan up to the year nine hundred and ninety-seven. In the year one thousand I was ordered to proceed to Lahore, to revise the composition, compare it with other histories, and arrange the dates in their proper sequence. I composed the first two volumes in one year, and entrusted the third to Acaf Khan.

_ Among the remarkable events of this year is the translation of the Mahabhérata, which is the most famous of the Hindi books, and contains all sorts of stories, and moral reflections, and advice, and matters relating to conduct and manners, and religion and science, and accounts of their sects, and mode of worship, under the form of a history of the wars of the tribes of Kurus and Pandus, who were rulers in Hind, according to some more than 4,000 years ago, and according to the common account more than 80,000. And clearly this makes it before the time of Adam (P. 820): Peace be upon him! And the Hindé unbelievers consider it a great religi- ous merit to read and to copy it. And they keep it hid from Musalmans.

The following considerations disposed the Emperor to the work, When be had had the Shahnamab, and the story of Amir Hamzah, in seventeen volumes transcribed in fifteen years, and had spent much gold in illuminating it, he also heard the story of Abt Muslim, and the Jami‘-ul-hikayat, repeated, and it suddenly came into his mind that most of these books were nothing but poetry and fiction ; but that, since they were first related in a lucky hour, and when their star was in the act of passing over the sky, they ohtained great fame. But now he ordered those Hindi books, which holy and staid sages had written, and were all clear and convincing proofs, and which were the very pivot on which all their religion, and faith, and holiness turned, to be translated from the Indian into the Persian language, and thought to himself, ‘‘ Why should I not have them done in my name? For they are by no means trite, but quite fresh, and they will produce all kinds of fruits of felicity both temporal and spiritual, and will be the cause of circumstance and pomp, and will ensure an abundance of children and wealth, as is written in the preface of these books.’ Acccordingly he became 42

f 3380 ]

much interested in the work, and having assembled some learned Hindfis, he gave then directions to write an explanation of the Mahabharata, and for several nights he himself devoted his atten- tion to explaining the meaning to Naqib Khan, so that the Khén might sketch out the gist of it in Persian. On the third night the Emperor sent for me, and desired me to translate the Mahdbha- rata, in conjunction with Nagib Khan. The consequence was that in three or four months I translated two out of the eighteen sections, at the puerile absurdities of which the eighteen thousand creations may well be amazed. Two parts were written. Such discussion as one never heard! as, Shall I eat forbidden things? Shall I eat turnips? But such is my fate, to be employed on such works. Nevertheless, I console myself with the reflection, that what is predestined must come to pass.

After this Mullé Sheri and Nagib Khan together accomplished a portion, and another was completed by Sultan Haji of Thanessar by himself. (P. 821) Shaikh Faizi was then directed to convert the rough translation into elegant prose and verse, but he did not complete more than two sections. The Haji aforesaid revised these two sections, and as for the omissions which had taken place in his first edition, those defects he put right, and comparing it word for word with the original, one hundred sheets were written out closely, and the work was brought to such a point of perfection that not a fly-mark of the original was omitted. Eventually for some reason or other he was ordered into banishment, and sent to Bakkar, and now he resides at his own city. Most of the scholars, who were engaged in this work, have now been gathered to the Kurus and Pandus, and to those who still remain may God (He is exal- ted !) grant deliverance, and grace to repent, and may He hear the excuse of: ‘‘ Whoso after he hath believed in God denies Him, if he were forced to it and if his heart remains steadfast in the faith [shall be guiltless]”.1 “ Verily He is the merciful Pardoner,’

The translation was called the Ltdzm-ndmah, and when fairly

1 Al Qui’an XVI, 108. ? Al Qur’an I], 35 &e.

[ 381 J

engrossed, and embellished with pictures, the Amirs had orders to take copies of it, with the blessing and favour of God. Shaikh Abu-l- Fazl, in opposition to the commentary on the Kuwrsé* verse, which he had formerly composed, now wrote for it a Khutbah extending to two sheets—we flee to God for refuge from infidelities and un- profitable words !

The author (may God forgive him!) begs leave here to request, that the reader will excuse him if in the account of the events of this year (which have been introduced as a digression, written down by his rapid pen in an abridged form) he has not observed a strictly chronological order, nor preserved the exact sequence of events,

When the twenty-eighth year day from the accession was com-

pleted, the new year’s day of the twenty-ninth, corresponding to the twenty-fifth of the month Gafar? of the year nine hundred and ninety-one (991), was celebrated, and according to the old

) custom, stalls in the fancy Bazar were distributed to the diffe- rent Amirs, and arranged by them, and all sorts of festivities and amusements were the order of the day. And Shih Fath- ullah in his stall exhibited all sorts of skill, such as the dragging about of weights, and other strange contrivances.

At this time His Majesty promulgated some of his new-fangled decrees. The killing of animals on the first day of the week was strictly prohibited, (P. 8322) because this day is sacred to the Sun, also during the first eighteen days of the month of Farwardin ; the whole of the month of Abdn (the the month in which His Majesty was born) ; and on several other days, to please the Hindts, This order was extended over the whole realm and punishment was inflicted on every one, who acted against the command. Many a family was ruined. During the time of these fasts the Emperor abstained altogether from meat, as a religious penance, gradually extending the several fasts during a year over six months and even more, with a view to eventually discontinuing the use of meat al- together.

1 Al Qur’an IJ, 256. 2 The second month.

———— cn

f 3382 J

A second order was given that the sun should be worshipped four times a day, in the morning and evening, and at noon and midnight. His Majesty had also one thousand and one Sanserit names for the sun collected, and read them daily, devoutly turning towards the sun; he then used to get hold of both ears, and turning himself quickly round about, used to strike the lower ends of his ears with his fists. He also adopted several other practices connected with sun- worship. He used to wear the Hind& mark on his forehead, and ordered the band to play at midnight and at break of day. Mosques and prayer-rooms were changed into store-rooms and into Hindt guard-rooms. For the word jamd’at, His Majesty used jimd’.? and for hayya ‘ala? he said yalalé talalé4 The cemetery within the walls was allowed to run waste.

He gave the sum of one /ae of rupees in ready money, together with some elephants, and precious stuffs and gold and gilded vessels to his illustrious mother, and in the same way to his aunt Gul- badam Begum, and to the other Begums,

He also issued a general order, that every person from the highest to the lowest should bring him a present.

In this year A’zam Khan, and other great Amirs were appointed, and went and took possession of Tandah. Khaldi Khan Jabbari, and Mirz& Beg Qaqshal deserted Ma‘cim Khan Kabuli, and came and had an interview with A’zam Khan. Then Ma‘eim Khan took refuge with some zamindars, and the whole province of Bengal became settled and quiet.

In this year in order to gratify the feelings of the rulers of the Dak’hin (P. 323), His Majesty gave the governership of Bengal to I’timad Khan, and made Shah Abu-Tiraéb Amin, and Khwajah Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad Mir bakhshi, and Abu-]-Qasim Tabarizi, brother of Moulana ‘Abd-ul-Qadir, the Emperor’s tutor, he made Diwan ;

1 Public prayer congregation.

2 Cohabitation, copulation.

’ A phrase which occurs in the form of calling to prayer (azdn). A phrase used by drunkards in the height of mirth. Blochm.

[ 388° j

and a number of people, such as Muhammad Husain, and Mir Abu- 1-Muzaffar, son of Ashraf Khan, and Mir Hashim, and Mir Calih Da’i, and Sayyid Abu-Ishigq, and he ordered to hold jagirs in that province.

In this year the Emperor who had imprisoned Shahbéz Khan on account of some insolence, having taken a strict account of all his improper and unprofitable behaviour, now set him free from clutch of the Rajah,* and through the intervention and patronage of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl he released him from captivity. On the eighteenth of Jamadda’s-sdni® the Emperor sent him off to Bengal, With instructions to hand over all that district to the jagirdars, and to drive Ma‘¢tim Kabuli (of whose movements news had arrived) from the province of ‘T’sa,3 for “ when the river of God comes, the river of ‘Ysié is useless’’; and if in this context for Wahr-w’-llah you read Shahr-u’-lidh, the svying is not without point and appro- priateness.4 Meanwhile news arrived that Khan-i-A’zam had sent Shaikh Farid Bokhari to Qatli Afghan Nohani,> governor of Oris with a view to pacification. Qatli on account of his confidence in the Shaikh Farid’s holy descent went out to meet him, and assumed the post of servant tohim. After this bond of friendship bad been tied, Bahadir Kur Farah® one of the zamétnddrs of Bengal, coming up very unceremoniously wished to be hale fellow well met with the Shaikh, but the Shaikh assumed zaméndér-ish airs. Upon this

2 Rai Sél Darbari. Blochm p. 400.

2 The 6th Month.

3 ‘Ts4 Khan, saménddr of Orisé. Blochm. p. 352.

4 In the original proverb the (Freytag i. p. 139) name is Ma‘qil, one of the companions of the prophet ; Nahr-u-Ma‘qil being the name of a river near Basrah. Our author seems to call the Mahdnadé of Oris&é the Nahr-u-‘Isd after the name of the zaminddr of the place, The month Rajab, which follows Jaméda’s-sini is also called Shahr-i-Khudd, t. q., Shar-ulléh. He means that when Rajab came in, Orisé was conquered,

5 Generally spelt Lohdnt.

6 Another reading is Kurdah. Tabagdti Akbart, Wiiot, V, p. 422, has Gau- riya.

[ 334 ]

Shaht, son of Shaikh Raji Bokhari, of Sarhind, who was not (P. 324) always just in his behaviour, and some other Bokharis, all show- ed some ill-tenper. Bahadur was so enraged that at the time of the Shaikh’s return, when Qatli was travelling in his retinue, he seized the road and opposed his progress by force of arms. Shahi, with a number of men was killed, and the Shaikh escaped without injury.

In this year Burhdn-ul-mulk, brother of Murtazi Nizim-ul-mulk, governor of the Dak’hin,? fled from his brother. First he came to Malwah to Qutb-ud-din Khén. From thence, in obedience to the Emperor’s command, he came to Court in the north Rajab,? and did homage. Some time before this an unknown vagabond, who falsely called himself Burhan-ul-mulk, had come to the Court, and had received a jdgér in Oudh. But since he was unable to bring proof * that he was Burhdn, he had fled and hid himself among the Jogis. After the lapse of a week the Emperor detected him from the rest, and had him imprisoned. After these transactions that ignoble fellow was never heard of again, for he lived a donkey, and was a donkey, and died a donkey.

In the same year His Majesty built outside the town two places for feeding poor Hindis and Musalmans, one of them being called Khaipirah, and the other Dhkarmpirah. Some of Abu-l-Fazl’s people were put in charge of them. They spent His Majesty’s money in feeding the poor. As an immense number of Jog7s also flocked to this establishment, a third place was built, which got the name of Jogiptirah.

His Majesty also called some of the Jogis, and gave them at night private interviews, enquiring into abstract truths; their articles of faith; their occupation; the influence of pensiveness: their several practices and usages ; the power of being absent from the body ; or into alchemy, physiognomy, and the power of omnipresence of the soul.4

1 That is of Ahmadnagar. Elphinstone, p, 622.

2 The seventh month.

3 A play on the name Burhdn, which means proof.

4 So Blochmann, p. 201. But might not rémiyd be formed from rimén = Alrimdn, after the analogy of the two preceding words #tmiya alchemy, and s(miyd natural magic, and mean “ devilry ?”

[ 335 J

His Majesty even learned alchemy, and showed in public some of the gold made byhim. Ona fixed night, which came once a year, a great meeting was held of Jogis from all parts (P. 325). This night they called S¢vrat.1 The Emperor eat and drank with the principal Jogis, who promised him that he should live three or four times as long as ordinary men. His Majesty fully believed it, and connec- ting their promises with other inferences he had drawn, it became impressed on his mind as indelibly as though it were engraved on arock. Fawning court doctors, wisely enough, found proofs of the longevity of the Emperor, and said that the cycle of the moon, during which the lives of men are short, was drawing to its close, and that the cycle of Saturn was at hand, with which a new cycle of ages, and consequently the original longevity of mankind, would again commence. Thus they said, it was mentioned in some holy books that men used to live up to the age of one thousand years; and in Thibet there was even now a class of Ldmahs, or devotees, and recluses, and hermits of Cathay, who live two hundred years, and more. For this reason His Majesty, in imitation of the usages of these Limahs, limited the time he spent in the Haram, curtailed his food and drink, but especially abstained from meat. He also shaved the hair of the crown of his head, and let the hair at the sides grow, because he believed that the soul of perfect beings, at the time of death, passes out by the crown (which is the tenth opening of the human body) with a noise resembling thunder, which the dying man may look upon asa proof of his happiness and salvation from sin, and as a sign that his soul by metempsychosis will pass into the body of some grand and mighty king. His Majesty gave his religious system the name of Zuwhtd-i-[lahi? ;—

“ You want to have this world at your wish, And also the right Religion : These two are not compatible, Heaven is not your slave. ”

1 Sanscrit Sivardtrd, “night of Siva.” ? Divine Monotheism.

RR EL a a

[ 886 }

And a number of disciples, who thought themselves something particular, he called Chelah, in accordance with the technical term of the Jogis. And another lot, consisting of wolves among the sheep, and hunters of the weak, who were not admitted into the palace (P. 326), stood every morning opposite to the window, near which His Majesty used to pray to the sun, and declared that they had made vows not to rinse their mouth, nor to eat and drink, before they had seen the blessed countenance of the Emperor. And every evening there was a regular Court assembly of needy Hindds and Musalmans, all sorts of people, men and women, healthy and sick, a queer gathering and a most terrible crowd. No sooner had His Majesty finished saying the thousand and one names of the “‘ Greater Luminary,” and stepped out into the baleony, than the whole crowd prostrated themselves, Cheating, thieving Brahmans collected an- other set of one thousand and one names of “ His Majesty the Sun,” and told the Emperor that he was an incarnation, like Ram, Krishna, and other infidel kings ; and though Lord of the world, he had assumed his shape, in order to play with the people of our planet. In order to flatter him, they also brought Sanscrit verses, said to have been taken from the sayings of ancient sages, in which it was predicted that a great conqueror would rise up in India, who would honour Brahmans and cows, and govern the earth with justice. They also wrote this nonsense on old looking paper, and showed it to the Hinperor, who believed every word of it :—

“ Byery one to whom thou saidst, Welcome! was welcome.”

And some of these different bands, whichever they may be, they called Ahad?, who will in the world of “ Monotheism”’ obtain com- plete salvation, and in the deluge of water or fire will form an army that will sacrifice themselves :—

« O my heart do not make a boast of offering thyself,

Whenever the Beloved may happen to come.

The doings of every individual will be known,

When the time for action comes,”

1 Instead of wy92 ole oS Yih y} read O93} ole y G& Sto of

In this year also in the State Hall of Fathptr having filled the 100 square cubits of the Hanafis, and the Quilatain* of the Shafitis and Shi‘ahs, and drawn off the water, the quantity of the Hanafis (P. 827) was greater than that of the others,

His Majesty once ordered that the Sunnis should stand separately from the Shi‘ahs, when the Hindistanis, without exception, went to the Sunni side, and the Persians to the Shi‘ah side.

But, as we have often said, it is not possible for the most voluble historian to explain fully all the particulars, and minutizw of his pro- ceedings, and therefore, giving up all idea of so doing, we must take our own course.

When I‘timid Khan was appointed to the governorship of the province of Gujrat,? which was the ladder of his ambition, he went to Saréhi? He severed that district fram Sarnal, and entrusted it to Jakmal, brother of the Rand. On the twelfth of the month of Sha‘ban‘ of this year he arrived at Ahmadabad together with the Amirs, who were appointed to accompany him.

Shih4b-ud-din Ahmad Khan, who was absolute ruler of that place and had repelled all calamities and quelled all disturbances, upon this came out of the town with the intention of proceeding to the Gourt, and encamped at Osmanptir. Here his lords and attendants, who detested their supersession and removal, deserted him, and to- gether with other malcontents,’ went to Kathiwdr to seek Muzaffar bin Sultén Mahmtid Gujrati, who had fled from the Court, and taking refuge with his mother’s relatives in the mountain districts, kept himself hid by day, and only dared to appear by night. Him they proclaimed Sultan.

I’timéd Khan, although Shihab-ud-din had the means of quieting these people, would not accept his assistance, but said: ‘“ These men have sought their fate from God, and have tried to kill me,

2 See Blochm, p. 202, note. 2 Text, 322, last line. 3 A small district of Rajpatana.

The eighth month. 5 Compare Text, p. 249, 1. 10. 43

Meebin

Now the matter has passed out of my power to pacify, as you and all the kingdom know.” So he retired to the town of Kari, which is twenty cosses from Ahmadabad.

One or two persons on the part of I‘timad Khan and Nizam-ud- din Ahmad went, and tried to quiet those rebels, but without success.

On the twenty-seventh of Sha‘bin Muzaffar with the people of Kat’hiwdr and the rebellious Muguls came to Dholqah, which is twelve cosses from Ahmadabad. s

Meanwhile I‘timdd Khan, and Nizim-ud-din Ahmad abandoned the city,’ and together (P. 328) went to Kari with the intention of bringing back Shih4b-ud-din Ahmad Khan, and appeased him by offer= ing to restore to him his old pargannahs as jagir on the same terms as before, and by giving him two dacs of rupees in ready-money as a sub- sidy. They left the care of the town of Kari in charge of Sher Khan, son of I‘timéd Khaén, and left Mir Muhamand Ma‘¢im there with a strong force, in order that making that place the base of operations they might rally the scattered troops.

The next day Muzaffar moved from Dholqah, and some of the devotees of Sarkij,? which is three cosses from Ahmadabad, took from the tombs of the late Sultén’s an umbrella, which was ready to hand, and placed it over his head by way of omen, and congratulated him on his Sultanate. Thus, haying heard good news from the unseen world, he entered Ahmadabad.

Two* Amirs, imbecile in their actions, to whom the following verse applies :—

“J and my tutor are two poor old men, Who want, the two of us, two good tutors.” with twisted reins, and broken crupper :— “Their body not strong, their heart not patient, Their fortune not friendly, their intellect not their guide,” rode by night from Kari with a few followers, and arrived in the morning at Osmanpur. Muzaffar made his entrée without fear or

1 Ahmadabad. 2 Blochmn. p. 507 note. 3 I‘timdd Khén and Shihdéb-ud-din Ahmad Khan.

[ 339 ]

shame, with his troops drawn up as an istigbal,! and stood on the sandy shore of the river of Ahmadabad. Meanwhile those two old men asa means of scattering the rebels, and with a view to re-encouraging the scattered royalists were occupied in collecting debts, and writing re- quisitions,and despatching letters! And when things became desperate, not having any confidence in their followers they did not dare to offer battle, but helpless as sheep for the slaughter fled to the town of Patan, which is the same as Nahrwalah, and situated four or five cosses from Ahmadabad, which they reached in one day. All the goods and chattels of the army were looted, and the wives and families of the soldiers were made prisoners (P. 329). Muhammad Sharif, son of Nizim-ud-din Ahmad with his soldiers abandoned the pro- tection of house and family, and managed to join his father. The fugitives, together with another body of Amirs, who had come to their assistance from Fathptr, and amounted to one thousand horse, repaired the fortress of Patan, and made a stand there.

Muzaffar gave all sorts of grand titles to his worthless soldiery, and exciting their hopes of recovering the kingdom, grew so in dignity that, thanks to the power of God !? he who had been a Court menial with a monthly stipend of thirty rupees, is now lord of thirty thousand clients. And sending for Sher Khan Filadi, who had been formerly governor of Patan, from the province of Stiraét, where he had been in misfortune, sent him with 4,000 horse against Patan.

’ The leaders at Patan sent Zain-ud-din Kambi, brother of Shah- biz Khan, to Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan requesting him to march on Ahmadadbid from one quarter; while they would do so from the other, and so surround Muzaffar. But Muzaffar was too quick for them, and advancing with his army gave battle to Qutb- ud-din Muhammad Khan at Barodah. And that person of great hopes and little management, who in comparison with the energy of those two old men, was a paragon of the age :—

2 A troop of horse which meet a person as a guard of honour See Atkinson’s Shahndmah, p. 522.

2 Nazam is from Ndztdan to boast. Nazam baqudrat-i-Khudé is an exclama- tion in admiration of the power of God, who made an insignificant person rise to so high a dignity.

[ 340 ]

“There are two fortunate heavenly bodies, the Sun, and the Moon, And time hath found thy fair cheek a third,”

made but little resistance, and was defeated and shut himself up in the fortress of Barodah. And the chief of his army, and his auxilia- ries with one consent went over to Muzaffar.

Before this incident Sher Khan’ with 5,000 horse, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the village of Miydnah, fifteen cosses from Patan. And Shihdb-ud-din Ahmad Khan and I‘tim4d Khan after much hesitation and cowardice determined to flee towards Jalor. But by the exertions of Nizim-ud-din Ahmad they were restrained and remained at Patan.

The rest of the leaders with some veterans, who did not number more than 2,000, all told, (P. 830) marched with Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, and a great battle took place between the two armies. The breeze of victory and success fanned the banners of Nizim-ud-din Ahmad, and Sher Khan fled and retreated in haste towards Ahmadé- bdd. But, however much Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad strove to impress on the Amirs the importance of following up the victory by proceeding against Ahmadabad, they would not consent. And this was the very crisis of affairs, for they had not yet received news of the defeat of Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan, In this battle a greal deal of spoil fell into the hands of the Amirs, so that they went to Kari and waited there twelve days waiting for the soldiers, who had gone with the spoil to Patan. Meanwhile intelligence arrived, that Mu- zaffar had bombarded the fortress of Barodah, which has a wall old as the building of his age, and weak? as the sense of Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan. Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khan, the foundations of whose life were even weaker than theirs, sent out Zain-ud-din to Muzaffar to make terms of capitulation. Muzaffar at a moment’s acquaintance treated Zain-ud-din as if he had known him for a thousand years. To Khwajagi Muhammad Gialih, a former Qadr3 who had been appointed to accompany I‘timaéd Khan, he from a

1 Son of I‘timad Khan, not Sher Khan Filadi.

We follow the Lakhnou lithograph, which reads, sos¢ after Muhammad Khan, 3 See Blochmann, p, 628.

[ 341 ]

feeling of generosity granted his life, and allowed him to go on a pilgrimage. And.to Qutb-ud-din Muhammad Khian, the eye of whose penetration was blinded by the injury of fate, and whose bark was fonndering through calamity, he gave quarter, and so enticed him out of the fortress. He, little suspecting the treachery of Muzaffar, came out with the greatest weakness, and when he saw him offered him boundless salutations :—

** Fate is a person which has five fingers, When she wishes to get her will on any one, She puts two on his eyes, and two on his ears, And one on his lips, with the words ‘ Be silent !’ ”

(P. 331) Muzaffar at the time of their meeting advanced towards him with greatest respect, and gave him a place on his own private sofa, and although he treated him in a conciliatory manner he did not cease to oppose his being put to death. At last at the instigation of one named Nawari, a zaminddér of Rajpiplah, and others of the soldiery, he had the ground levelled over his head like his own buried Qartin treasures.* Then going from Parwar to Baronch, he took that fort from the wife and dependants of Qutb. ud-din by capitulation. And there he found fourteen Jacs of rupees from the treasury of Cambay, which I‘timad-ud-din, the sror¢, had carried off, together with all the property moveable and im- moveable, and the immense private treasures of Qutb-ud-din Khan which exceeded 10 rors ; and collected them together. And as for the other goods and chattels how can one describe them! And, which is very strange, Naurang Khan, the able son of Qutb-ud-din Khan, together with Qulij Khan, and Sharif Khan, and Tulak Kh4n, and other Amirs of Malwah, in these harrowing circumstances® did not stir a fcot from Nazarbar and Sultanpur, which were very near, and so could not receive any news of his parents :—

“ When once you know that Destiny is all tangles, Nobody is anything to you.”

1 The Arabic name for Korah. 7 2 Lakh’nou lithographed (edit. reads &s31, not dal),

[ 342 ]

And the army, the number of which has been before mentioned, consisting of Moguls, Afghans and Gujratis, gathered round Mu- zaffar. On hearing this news Nizim-ud-din Ahmad and the other commanders went to Patan, and joined those two! renowned Amirs. There they kept expecting the arrival of Mirza Khan, son of Bairam Khan Khéndn, and all the Amirs who had been appointed to go from the Court, and were marching towards Ahmadabad through Jalor and Patan. Mirz4 Khan remained one day at Patan, and then marches ing on halted at Sarkich.2 And (P. 832) Muzaffar returned from Barodah, and committing the charge of the fortress of Baronch to his wife’s brother, Nacir by name, and to a Rimi named Jarkas,3 (who was a servant who had fled from the imperial Court,) and having pitched his tent in the neighbourhood of the burial place of Shah B’hekan (?), (God sanctify his glorious tomb !), which was but two cosses distant, he there encamped. The next day a fierce battle took place, and Muzaffar was defeated, and retired to Ma‘mtrabad. And Sayyid Hashim Barhah and Kizr Aqa the wakil of Mirzé Khan were stained in the gore of victory,* and many men were wounded ; and on the side of the enemy, who could number the slain! This action took place on 16th of the forbidden month of Muharram in the year nine hundred and ninety-one (991). And, since Mirz4 Khan before the victory had vowed that if the bride of victory showed her face from behind the veil, he would give all the goods and chattels that might be among the baggage, as a thank-offering for that event,° to the poor and needy, with a view to paying this vow he ordered some of his servants to fix a price on all stuffs and horses and elephants and fur- niture, that he might expend that money in disbursements. These untrustworthy, deceitful, irreligious valuers set such a price on them, that not a fourth, or a fifth or even a tenth of the market-value

came to the poor. And some things they gave away in order to

1 Text 329 last four lines.

2 Text 328. 1. 6. 3 Possibly a Greek named George Tedpytos. 4 To become the “ Rose of Victory’‘ means to be slain in gaining a victory.

5 Rnadnu, “ showing of face,’ “event” a double entendre,

{ 348 ]

bring joy to their own hearts, and to comfort their own hearts, and soit did! And some domestics,’ who were servants of Mirzé Kh4n, such as Daulat Khan Afghan Lodi, Mullé Mahmidi, and others, represented to him: “ Ever since we have been your attendants, we have not committed a fault. How comes it then that we should be so lorded over and oppressed by the imperial servants, and that they should always take precedence of us at assemblies, when they are really our inferiors with respect to salutations and other points of court etiquette? Mirza’ Khan found these weak and fallacious arguments very agreeable and reasonable, and having got ready some dresses of honour and many horses destined for each one of the Amirs, and having caused their names to be written on them, (P. 833) he prepared a great /evée. He himself went into an attiring room, and became engrossed in the occupation of making his guests sit down, and in putting their dresses on them. ‘Then he sent for Nizim-ud- din Ahmad (who some time during the life of Bairaén Khan Khan Khdnén had married his foster-sister) and put the case before him, He gave the following advice. These followers? of yours are possess- ed by a spirit of wrong-headedness in this matter, if the Emperor were to hear of it, what would he order? As far as salutation on your part is concerned, what reason would there be in his ordering you to salute Shihab-ud-din Khan who is your superior both from the dignity of commanding 5000 and also from being older in years® ? and similarly, how would it be right for him to order I‘timdéd Khan, who once upon a time was commander of 20,000, horse, to salute you? And since Payandah Muhammad Khan Moghul has most unmistakably declared himself opposed to it, and the others are not in the least worth considering, you had better ignore the matter altogether. Mirzi Khan accepted their advice, and gave up the pretension.

1 See p, 194 note 4.

? Lak’hnou Ed. reads 4.4 a corruption of Ar. @ with addition of Pers. plural termination.

% Since you would do it naturally without being ordered.

ee ee

[ 844 J

Three days after the victory Qulij Khan and the other Amirs of Malwah came to Ahmadébéd. And when they heard that Muzaffar, had gone to Cambay from Ma‘mirdbad, which is on the banks of the river Mahindra, and a company of 20,000 horsemen had gathered round him from the fugitive, Mirz4 Khan with the Amirs went in that direction in pursuit. Muzaffar betook himself to Barodah, and thence towards Rajpiplah, and Nadot. And Mirz4 Khan having come to Barodah, sent an army against a servant of Muzaffar’s, named Daulat to the gates of Cambay, and brought him out, and then hastened to Nadot ; Qulij Khan and the rest of the great Amirs he appointed to go to the mountain district of the interior, where Muzaffar had taken refuge. And everywhere Nizdm-ud-din Ahmad kept that force continually on the move, which entailed much baggage and munitions requiring heavy dragging about, and showed a gallant perseverance quite exceeding what could be ex- pected of one in his poor position, (P. 334) nay even beyond the limits of human power. At last through his efforts a great battle, like the first battle of Sarkich, took place with Muzaffar. They gained the victory, and Muzaffar’s forces were dispersed in all directions. Mirzi Khan came to Ahmadébdd, and directed the Amirs of Mdlwah, and the rest, to besiege the castle of Baronch. After seven months, Jarkas Rumi, who held the command of that fort on the side of Muzaffar, was killed, and Nacir Muzaffar’s wife’s brother capitulated.

This year after sending Mirzé Khan and the army of Malwah to Gujrat the Emperor started from Agrah in a boat on a pleasure ex- pedition to Ilababad, which is a new erection on the site of Prayag, an old sacred city of the Hindtis, where they had built several fortresses, On the day of his starting they brought from Makkah the news of the death of Shaikh Badr-ud-din, son of Shaikh Islam Chishti, who had kept a voluntary fast for seven whole days, and in intense ecstacy had made the circuits of the Ka‘abah barefooted until his feet were blisted, and violent fever supervened. On the Feast of Qurban in the year nine hundred and ninety he drank the draught of martyr- dom of death, in the path of God from the hand of the cupbearer

of eternal grace :-~-

[ 345 ]

Last night on account of my sincerity and purity of my heart In the wine tavern that soul-gladdener of my heart Brought me a cup, saying ‘Take and drink,’ I said ‘No!’ he said‘ Do! for my heart’s sake.’ ”

This news the Emperor sent to Haji Husain, the attendant of the monastery of the said Shaikh, and great dismay and distress found its way into that family, and the line of guidance (P. 335) and teaching which he had left was cut short. The Emperor stayed four months there, and sent Zain Khan Kokah, and Bir Bar, who. had formerly been a servant of Rajah Ram Chand B’hatta, on an em- bassy to Choragarh. Ram Chand agreed to submit, and after paying Zain Khan all sorts of hospitality, he kept him with him, until he came in his company to Fathptr, and did homage there. There he offered 120 rubies, and other jewels in the same propor- tion as a proper present. And among those jewels was one, the worth of which was 50,000 rupees. He left his son, named Baba, in the service of the court, and himself after some time obtained leave togo home. And soon after he went to his natural abode—Hell, where he got into hot water! This Ram Chand in his natural disposition was of such high spirit, that he has none equal in our days, And among his presents was this: he gave in one day a hkror of gold pieces to Miyan Tansingh, the musician. And I have mentioned above,? how that he gave to [brahim Str the ensigns of royalty. Miy4n Taénsingh did not wish to leave him. Finally Jalal Khan Qurchi came, and brought him back to his sense of duty.

At that time A‘zam Khan came in haste from Hajiptr to Waéhabdd and did homage, and receiving leave to depart he went quickly back again to bring his army. And the Amirs laid in that city the foundations of a great building; and it was determined that thence- forth that place should be the Capital. And they struck a new coinage, and Sharif Sarmadi, the registrar of outposts of whom some one said :—

“There were two registrars, and both were coarse, One was Sharif and not Nafis,

1 A pun on Jahim and hammim. 4 Vol. I, p. 432, text. Compare Erskine’s Humayun, ii, p. 501. 44

[ 346 ]

The other was Nafis and not Sharif,’ wrote this verse for the coin :—

“« Ever may it current be, Like the gold of sun and moon,

(P. 836) From east to west of the world, The coinage of [lahabad.”

About this time Mull4 Il4hd4d of Amrohah and Mell Sheri at- tended the Court in order to flatter the Emperor; for they had been appointed to Cudr-ships? in the Duéb of the Panjab. Mulla Sheri presented to His Majesty, a poem composed by him, entitled Hazdr Shu‘a@’,> which contained 1,000 qit‘aks in praise of the Sun. His Majesty was much pleased.

In the month Zi-hajjah* of this year the Emperor returned thence, with a view to going to Fathptr to quell the disturbances in Gujrat ; but in environs of Atawah news arrived of the victory of Mirza Khan.

And in the month Qafar in the year nine hundred and ninety-two (992), when the Emperor returned to the capital gracious faurmdns were issued to the Amirs of Gujrat. To Mirz4 Khan was given the title of Khdn Khdndn, and a horse and a dress of honour, and jewel- led girdle and dagger, and a éwmantog,® and the rank of a commander of 5,000, which was the highest dignity of Amirs. And to Nizim- ud-din Ahmad, who had been the cause of their persevering in the conquest of that country, he gave a horse and dress of honour, and a risein rank. And the ranks of tho others also he increased, viz., raising them from 10 to 20, or from 10 to 80 according to the cireum- stances of each.§

In this year the Emperor commanded me to make a translation of the Rdmdyana, which is a superior composition to the Mahdbha-

1 T suppose the other was called Nafés “ precious.’ Sharéf means “ noble.”

2 See p. 295 of Text.

® The thousand rays.

4 The twelfth month.

5 A standard of the highest dignity. Bloch. p. 50.

® These are the three lowest ranks. He means that each was promoted either one step or two.

[ 347 ]

rata, It contains 25,000 couplets,! and each ¢/ok-portion consists of 65 letters.2 The story is about Ram Chand Rajah of Oudh» whom they also call Rim. And the Hindés pay him worship as a godin human form. And the sum and substance of it is that a demon with ten heads named Ravan, ruler of the island of Lanka deceived his wife Sita and carried her off. And Ram Chand with his brother Lach’hman went to that island. And a great army of monkeys, and bears (P. 887) whose number the intellect cannot count, gathered together, and threw a bridge of the length of 400 cosses over the briny ocean, And some of the monkeys they say leapt that distance, and others of the monkeys went on foot. And there are many contradictory idle tales like this, which the intellect is at a loss whether to accept or reject. At any rate Ram Chand mounted on the monkeys passed over the bridge, and for a whole week made a tremendous fight of it, and killed Ravan and all his children and relatives, and put an end to his family which had lasted a thousand years. And having entrusted Lanka to Ravan’s brother? he turned to his own city. And in the opinion of the Hindus he reigned 10,000 years over the whole of Hindtstan, and then re- turned to his original abode. And the opinion of this set of people is, that the world is very old, and that no age has been devoid of the human race, and that from that event 100 thousand thousand years have passed. And yet for all that they make no mention of Adam, whose creation took place only 7,000 years ago. Hence it is evident that these events are not true at all, and are nothing but pure in- vention, and simple imagination, like the Shahndmah, and the stories of Amir Hamzah,* or else it must have happend in the time of the dominion of the beasts and the jinns—but God alone knows the truth of the matter.

1 Cloka.

More accurately _32 syllables. }

® He joined Ram early in the conflict. His name was Vibhishana.

An uncle of Muhammad, who named him Asad-ulldh “‘ Lion of God” on

account of his courage and valour. His wonderful exploits are celebrated in

the Hamzahnamah.

[ 348 ]

And among the remarkable events of this time was this. They brought a low-caste woman into the Audience hall, and said that she had become a man, and one of the translators of the Rdmdyana went out of the company of the translators, and saw her, and came back and testified that she was a woman, who through shame cover- ed her face, and uttered not a word. And the doctors brought for- ward many proofs confirming this matter, and said that such things often occurred, (glory to God who rules in his kingdom as he will!)

And in this year Mulla Alim of Kabul, who was very learned, and sweet-voiced, and of pleasant (P. 838) conversation, and was the most cheerful fellow imaginable,’ died, and the date was found to be given by: “ The greedy man’s hair is covered with dust,*” and the Hawatih-ul-waldyats is his work.

At this time the thirtieth year from the accession, and the Wow- 102z-t-Sulédnz,* which corresponds with the Wowroz-i-jalali,® arrived. On the eighth of the month Rabi’-ul-awwal® of the year nine hun- dred and ninety-two (992) the entrance of the Sun into Aries took place. And the customary fancy bazzaar and festival was held,’ and a great concourse came together, and new-fangled customs came in- to vogue, and beards were sent flying. And bells—brazen bulls, like the calf of Sdmari8—were played, and made a great noise. And bilan,® which are tents looking like domes, and are an invention of the Huropeans, were set up. And they sacrificed their wealth, and life,

2 T.¢., by no meansa saint. He was no favourite with our author. See Vol. iii, p. 153. Text., and Blochm. pp 159, 546. 30 + 70 + 500 + 9 + 41 + 70 = 991. First steps towards saintship. The new year’s day of the I/dhé era. See Blochm pp. 183, 276. The third month See above, p 321 Text. A relative of Aaron according to Al Quran.

ow a mn mm w wv

® Apparently a mistake for wd, the Portuguese Pavelhdo, Pavillion. Lakh- now edition has wily,

{ 349 ]

reputation, and religion? to their friendship for the Hmperor. And s0 many holy souls rushed upon this trial, that they cannot be num- bered. And sets of twelve persons, by turns, and in exactly the same same way, became disciples, and conformed to the same creed and religion. And instead of the tree-of-discipleship? he gave them a likeness; they looked on it as the standard of loyal friendship, and the advance-guard of righteousnness, and happiness, and they put it wrapped up ina jewelled case on the top of their turbans. And Allah Akbér was used by them in the prefaces of their writings. And dice-playing and usury were allowed, and other forbidden things in like manner. And gambling houses were set up at the Court, and the Emperor lent money to the players at interest from the treasury. And borrowing on interest, and giving money away to the spectators was looked on as a branch of economy.® He forbade girls before twelve, and boys before sixteen years of age to be married. And the story of the consummation of the Prophet’s marriage with Qadégah* (God bless him and his family and give them peace!) he utterly abhorred And all his other hereti- cal attacks on otliodoxy who can speak of ! Would that my ears were filled with quicksilver, so that what things would they escape hear- ing! And the failings of all the prophets (God’s blessings, and His peace be on them all!) the Emperor cited as reasons for disbeliey- ing, especially the story of David (P. 339) and Uriah, and the like. And whosoever did not agree with his creed, he considered worthy of death, and a reprobate, and eternally damned, and gave him the nickname of Lawyer and Enemy of the State, but in accord- ance with the proverb :— ‘What a man sows that shall he reap,”’

they themselves became notorious throughout the world for the errors of the most infidel religion ; and the Mzujtahid and spiritual director,>

1 The 4 grades of devotion, see abeve.

2 Bloch. 208, note.

3 This is a philosophical uso of UAly, The word LS means “ econo- my,” as well as “ ability ’’, “ sufficiency.’’ The whole is sarcastic.

4 T. e. Aishah, who was only 9 years old at the time.

Viz, Abu-l-1-Fazl,

[ 350 }

got the name of Abu-l-l-jahl, yea “when the ruler is oppress sive, the vazir becomes deceitful.’ The Emperor considered his secular power as subservient to his spiritual power, and so he consi- dered these affairs the most important of all,and other things as mere accessories. And in order to abolish the stall of the glory of our religion, he ordered the stalls of the nowréz to be thrown open from time to time for the amusement of the Bégums and people of the haram, and the wives of high and low, and on such occasions distributed gold. And the important affairs of those, who were outside the haram, and marriage contracts and betrothal of sons and daughters were transacted in those assemblies. Nothing except an official post, and an eye to the Emperor’s friendship, was looked on as worth anything. And, however much the Emperor endeavoured to remove this bond, yet of Hindd& infidels, (who are indispensable, and of whom half the army, and country will soon consist, and as whom there is not among the Moghuls! or Hindtstdnis? a tribe so powerful), he could not have enough. But to other people, whatever they might ask for, he gave nothing but kicks and blows, and utterly disregarded all their devotion, and zeal, and complaisance.

In those days A‘zam Khan came by forced marches from Hajiptir [opposite] Patnah in accordance with his promise. And representa- tions arrived from Mirzi4 Muhammad Hakim to the effect, that Badakhshan had entirely fallen into the power of Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek, for that Mirzi Sulaimdén, who had come back from a pilgrimage to Makkah, had seized Badakhshén, and that Mirza Shahrukh had fought with the Uzbek, and being defeated by him, they had both of them fled for refuge to Hindustan.

(2. 840) In the first part of the month Ziqa‘dah® of this year a communication arrived from Man Singh from the banks of the Indus, saying that Mirz&é Shahrukh had arrived at the Indus, and that he had gone to meet him, and had offered him as a present 6.000 rupees, and much cloth &c., and five elephants, and that Mirza Shahrukh

1 The then dominant race.

2 Native Musalméns. 3 The elevanth month.

[ 351 ]

had then crossed the river Indus. This service of his was favour- ably received by the Emperor,

In this year many of the Amirs and magnates of the Empire died, and among them was Muhammed Baqi Khan, brother of Ahdam Khan, in the district of Karahkatangah, which was his jagir.

Another was Ghazi Khan Badakhshdn, who had obtained leave to go from [lahabad towards Oudh, and there he answered to the Apparitor of God. During the latter days of his life he had been so weak, that they used to take him up in a blanket and bring him to the palace. When any one asked him “ How are you?” He would answer “Thank God, my appetite for avarice is still hearty!” And to any one of his importunate servants, when he asked him for anything, le used to say: “ My God! you will also become a commander of a thousand, for you appreciate my power of getting on’. One night in front of the house of Qulij Khan, where a great company had gathered together to break the Fast, he interpreted the Surah “ dana fatahné.”? I struck in; he made his statement, and then was angry. I said: “Thank God, that the dispositions of the great ones of the kingdom are becoming known.” He said: Perhaps you may have imagined that this vehemence was for the sake of a mangab of a thousand horse.” I said, ‘‘ So it seems.” Many were angry at this. Afterwards by the intervention of Acaf Khan, bakhshi, we read the verse® ‘‘ Peace is best,’’ and that trouble was got over. On another occasion when he was going from llahabad, I had a discus- sion with Ghazi Khan for a part of the way on scientific matters and the traditional words of the Shaikhs, and then we took leave of one another, and that was the last time I met him,

Aud another was Sultén Khwajah. He also was one of the elect disciples of His Majesty. After burying him in his tomb (P. 841) which was of a peculiar new-fangled kind, they put a grating facing the light of the sun, so that its rays, which cleanses from sins, might every morning fall on his face. And they say that tongues

2 That is, You will never lose anything for want of asking for it. 2 The initial words of Al Qur‘an, XLVIII. ® Al Qur’an, IV. 127. Seep, 48 note 1.

[ 352 }

of fire used to rest on his mouth ; but God knows best the truth of the matter. And Mulla Ahmad of Tattah found out a mnemosynon with one unit short :—

“Yhe Sultan of heretics.’’#

At the beginning of the year nine hundred and ninety-three (993) which was the end of the thirtieth year of the Emperor’s reign, Mirza Shahrukh and Rajah Bhagvan Das arrived near Fathpur, and having sent the Prince Danyal with Shaikh Ibrahim Chishti, and a num- ber of the Amirs to meet them, they conducted them to the Court. And the Emperor gave him a dae of rupees in ready money, and goods ont of the wardrobe, and three Persian horses, and five ele- phants, and ever so many camels and mules and servants.

Mean while the Emperor, in accordance with his established cus- tom,® married the Prince Sultén Salim to the daughter of Rajah Bhagvan Das. And going himself to his house the Emperor cele- brated the ceremony of mariage in the presence of the Qazis and nobles. And the sum of two rors of tankahs was fixed as the marriage settlement. And they performed all the ceremonies, which are customary among the Hindas, such as lighting the fire &c., and over the litter of the Princess the Emperor ordered gold to be scat- tered all the way from that house to the palace :—

“ From the quantity of jewels and gold, that were scattered,

Peoples hands were weary of picking them up.”

And Rajah Bhagvan gave as his daughter’s dowry, several strings of horses, and a hundred elephants, and boys and girls of Abyssinia, India, and Circassia, and all sorts of golden vessels set with jewels, and jewels, and utensils of gold, and vessels of silver, and all sorts of stuffs, the quantity of which is beyond all computation. And to each one of the Amirs, who were present, according to their station and rank, he gave Persian, Turkish, and Arabian horses, with golden saddles, &e. (P. 342).

And on Thursday the nineteenth of Rabi‘ ul-awwal’ of the year

160 + 30+ 9+1 + 501 + 30 + 600+ 6+ 1+ 200+ 3 = 991. 2 Viz., of connecting himself with Hinda families. 3 The third month.

[ 358 ]

nine hundred and ninety-three, the scouts of the army of spring, and the advance-guard of the Nourdz-i-Sultdni came up, and according to the writings of Mirz4 Nizim-ud-din Ahmad, who has preserved all the dates in his history, the thirtieth year from the Accession began. But the fact is the beginning of the second cycle from the Ac- cession started in Atak Banaras from 25th of Rabi‘ul-awwal of the year nine hundred and ninety-four, as shall be related’ hereafter if God, He is exalted, will. And at the same time the origin of the mis- take on the part of the Mirza was forgetfulness of the fact that, on account of the intercalated days, which every three years makes a difference of one lunar month, there is a difference in each cycle of a whole year, between the solar and the lunar years. And I, as I had no almanack with me, allowed myself necessarily to follow the Mirza, and the responsibility rests on him (but God knows best !). More- over the Mirz&i during these years was in Gujrat, and not with the Imperial Camp.

To return to our story. He kept the festival in the old manner, and held a high feast. And every day he received hospitality from every stall-holder? among the Amirs, and suitable presents, so that even food, and scents, and presents fit for dancing-girls, were admit- ted into the treasury. And from a commander of 5000, down to an Ahadt they were all obliged to bring presents and gifts and offerings. And even this worthless atom, who is of no account at all, except that I am called an Hazéré on account of my being honoured with 1000 b¢ghahs of land, followed the example of the old father of Joseph (peace be on him!) and brought my 4.0 rwzpees,° and they had the honour of being accepted :—

“ My service is not according to my liking,

Pray give me another service.”

At this festival they gave to the eldest prince the rank of comman- der of 12,000, and to the next 9,000, and to the third 7,000, and

1 Text, p. 351.

7 See p. 321 Text 4 infra,

§ Referring to the ‘small sum of money which Jacob’s sons brought to Pha- raoh, Al Qu’ran XII, 88.

[ 354 J

gave them a separate wardrobe, and royal insignia, and a tumantogh,* and kettle-drum.

And at the beginning of this year Mir (P. 343) Murtaza’, and Khadawand Khan, the Amirs of the Dak’kin, who had gone from the district of Berar against Ahmadnagar, which is the metro- polis of Nizim-ul-mulk, were beaten in a battle with Galabat Khan, the Vazir of Nizim-ul-mulk. Then they went to Rajah ‘Ali Khan to Burhanptir. And Rajah ’Ali Khan plundered them of all their elephants, sent 150 of them by his son, Ibrahim Khan, to the Court, where he arrived at the festival of Nouwrdz. After he had done homage he presented the rest of the goods,? which remained over, and stimulated him to conquer the Dak’hin. In consequence of this the Emperor made Shah Fath Ullah (whom he afterwards called Mir Fath Ulléh), with the title of ‘Azud-ul-doulat and a present of 5,000 rupees, and a horse and a robe of honour, Cadr-in-chief of the districts of Hindtstan, and appointed him to the Dak’hin; in order that looking after Khan-i-A’zam and Shihdb-ud-din Ahmad Khan and the other Amirs, and leading an army into that district he might become a rallying point for the Amirs.

And he left his servant Kamalai Shirazi at home as his Deputy, to bring to Court the lackland Aimahdars, some of whom still re- mained scattered here and there. And under him the Cadrate reached its acmé,® but afterwards little by little things reached such a point, that Shah Fath Ullah, for all his pomp and circumstance, could not make a grant of 5 bigahs of land! Nay, after with- drawing the whole of the grants of lands, his duty of collecting* from them became a mere phantom. The very land in the same manner became the dwelling-place of wild animals, and of noxious beasts and reptiles, not of Azmahddrs and ryots. And now those oppressions are chronicled in the books of the acts of the Cadrs, al- though their names are forgotten :-—

1 See P. 346, note 4.

2 Instead of aspani the Lak’hnou reads asbabt. 3 Kamdil, a pun on his name,

See Blochm. 274.

[ 355 ]

Of all the Great Gadrs naught remains In the heart of the Harth but the bones of the Qadrs.*

In the month of Rajab? of this year news arrived from K4bul, that Mirz& Sulaimdn, who after being defeated had gone from Badakhshan to Mirzé Muhammad Hakim, had been satisfied (P. 844) with one village called Asali(?). Then with the help of the Uy- maqs* he fought a battle with the Uzbeks within the boundaries of Badakhshén, and gained the victory. He put many of them to the sword, and to those whom the sword had spared he gave dresses of honour, and dismissed them. And that district found as it were a second life: “He it is who sendeth down rain, after that they have despaired?”,

And in the month of Shaban® of this year the Khan Khandn, in accordance with orders, came by forced marches from Gujrat to Fathpur, and Muzaffar once more created a disturbance in Gujrat. And on account of the great trouble which the Jam,® and Amin Khan Ghori, governor of Juindgarh, gave him, and the tricks they had played him, he went and laid seige to the fortress of Junagarh, Qulij Khan remained in Ahmadabad, and Nizam-ud-din Ahmad sent the Amirs of that district against Muzaffar, who was not able to with- stand them. He crossed the marsh of the Rin’ (which is separated from the salt sea by a distance of from ten to thirty cosses, and enter- ing the sandy desert of Jaisalmir, there loses itself), and came into the district of Kachh.

At this time Nizim-udedin Ahmad wrote a letter to me from Gujrat, saying that since the Khan Khanan at the time of setting out [for Fathpur] made a promise, that if he got the Nmperor’s leave he would at this time bring with him Mullé [l4hd4d Amrohah, and

1 A play on QCudir-i ‘tzdm and ‘izdm-i Cudir.

2 The seventh month.

3 Blochm. 3711.

4 Al Quran, XLII, 27.

5 The eighth month.

® Blochm p. 516. Elliot, VI, 356; V. 438, and especially I, 496. 7 The printed text has by accident (.,}.

[ 356 ]

yourself frora the Court. Consequently it is right that he should treat you both with every proper politeness, and having got leave for you from Court should bring you at once hither. As a wise man has it :— “ And afterwards, whatever may be best.’’—

So I saw at once the Khan Khaénan, when he came into the write ing office, which had been set apart in Fathpur as the translation- department. But he, as quickly as possible, was sent off to Gujrat (P. 845), and then immediately afterwards Kabul came in the way, and so my hope of employment, which I had looked on as the key of salvation, and a secured provision for life, became clouded over: “ wish for nothing, but what God wills.”

And the Khan Khan4n having arrived within 10 cosses of Sarobi, determind to take Sarohi and Jalér. And Nizdmeud-din Ahmad and Sayyid Qasim Barhah hastened thither to meet him, and arrived with a large force. The Rajah of Sarohi brought many presents, and give‘in his submission. And as for Ghaznin Khén of Jalér, although he had an interview with him on this occasion, yet, since before, when the Khan Khdndn had gone to the Court, he had exhibited some unpleasing actions, and shown tokens of rebellion, the Khan Khanan made him prisoner and brought him to Ahmadabad. He deprived him of Jaldr, and left his own army in that place.

And some time before this Sayyid Jaméal-ud-din, the grandson of Mahmid Barhah, on account of a love affair with one of the dancing-girls of the Court by name Siyaéh Yamin, who may now be called Abrimani,? had fled from the Court and gone to the skirts of the mountains. ‘There he had collected a force, and kept looting the pargannas of that neighbourhood, and robbing on the highways. Afterwards he left the skirts of the mountains, and took refuge at Patan in Gujrat with his uncle Sayyid Qésim. Some time after the events related above, the Khan Khanan, in accordance with a far- mdn, demanded him from Patan (which was Sayyid Qasim’s j4gir) and sent him bound to Lahdr. And eventually he married Ghazuin

1} Lit. A certain person. 2 A child of the devil, meaning that she was dead and gone to hell,

{ 357 }

Khan to the little daughter of Muhammad Wifa, the late treasurer, and to please Miyan Fathullah Sharbati, his wife’s brother, he treated him with great kindness and consideration, and allowed him to re- main in attendance at Court. And Sayyid Jamél-ud-din they hung on a stake in the same market,’ and shot at him with arrows. So that was the only exaltation he got from love!

And in those days a representation came from M4n Singh and Khwajah Shams-ud-din from Atak Banaras (P. 846) to the effect, that Mirz&4 Muhammad Hakim had been taken sick, and that Farid- win having set out from Pashawar with a caravan with a view to going to Kabul, had had an encounter in the Khaibar pass with the son of Roshani? the heretic (who was a Hindtistdni and possessed of but little knowledge, and has now gained a reputation as a priest of darkness), and being defeated had returned to Pashdwar. By chance the fortress was set on fire, and 1,000 merchantmen’s camels were burnt. And Faridtin having escaped from that fire-like smoke? went towards Kabul by another route. Seventy persons through thirst, and want of water, perished on that journey.

Meanwhile news arrived that ‘Abd’ullah Khan‘ had fitted out an army of superior numbers against Mirz4 Sulaiman, and after a victory, which was as brilliant as a lamp’s illuminating of a house, had expelled him from Badakhshan, and seized the whole of that country himself. The Mirza being unable to withstand that army fled to Kabul.

At this time news arrived from Kabul that Mirz4 Muhammad Hakim through drinking habits had brought on a number of con- flicting diseases, and having fallen sick had developed a palsy. And on the twelfth of Sha‘ban of the year nine hundred and ninety- three (993) he passed from this dwelling of sadness and deceit, to the world of joy and happiness :—

1 This meaning of nakhkhds is given by Shakespeare.

2 Hlphinston, p 617.

8 A common expression in the Shahnamah, and very appropriate in this con- text.

4 Uzbek.

[ 358 ]

“See how many are the revolutions of the spheres, Which bring from the dust some new fruit. When that cypress tree is decked in beauty,

The wind dashes it to the ground at one blow.”

And on the third of the month of Ramazan messengers brought this mournful news to Court. And the Emperor had to consider to whom he should commit Kabul and Ghaznin. At first he wished to confirm the government of that country on the children of Mirza Muhammad Hakim. But when the Amirs represented that the sons of the Mirz& were still of tender age, and unable to discharge the duties of government :—

(P. 347) “ Entrust not a hard matter to the young, For you must not break an anvil with your fist. Protecting subjects, and commanding an army, Are not matters of play and joke.”

Consequently the Emperor wrote a farmadn in haste, and appointed the Khan Khandn to Gujrat, and sent ‘Azud-ud-doulat from the Court to Malwah and Raisin to look after the affairs of the Dak’hin, and to help Khan-i-Azam and Shihéb-ud-din Ahmad Khan, who had been ordered to conquer the Dak’hin. Then he set off in person on the 10th of the month for the Panjab, and saw the new moon of Shawwal in Dihli. When at the station of Panipat he gave a jagir in the environs of Lak’hnou to Mir Abu-l-Ghais of Bokhdara, and dismissed him thither. On the 19th of this month he arrived at the river Satlaj. And in those days, in the course of a week more or less, Shaikh Jamal Bakhtiyar, and Khwajah Isma‘il, grandson of Shaikh Islam, who was possessed of the most perfect personal beauty, by reason of perpetual wine drinking and continual debauchery, passed from this transitory world to the eternal habita- tion: the one at Lodhiydnah, and the other at T’hdnésar: and this enigma was invented to give the date :—

Hemistich. “ The beautiful Rose left the Garden of the World.” And at 8 cosses from Sialkét Mulla Uahdéd Amrohah,? who had

1 Bagh-i Jahan “ Garden of the World” gives 1062 From this take Zébé Gul “ Beautiful rose,” which gives 70, and we get 992. ‘This is one too little. 4 Vol, III, Text, p 157.

[ 359 ]

received a wound in his breast, the fever of which had reached his heart, took a purgative from Hakim Hasan, and died in the course of the day. Death is the awakening [from the drunkenness of life]. The draught [of Death] to him was a good friend (God have mercy on him! ):—

“O heart who told you: Cling to earth ? Put this tender soul of yours into security. Consider, since you came, how many are gone, At last you are alone, take warning from their going. ”

And the Emperor sent Cadiq Khan from the confines of Lahdr to the government of Bakkar. And on (P. 348) 16th of Zi-qa’dah* he encamped on the banks of the river Chanab. At this station Shaikh ‘Abd-ur-rahim of Lak’hnou, a friend of Mir Abu-l-Ghais and Shaikh Muhammad Bokhara (who had come from the Khan-i-Zaman to the Court, and had been raised to the rank of Amir, and received as jdgir the pargannah of Pathan in the confines of the mountains, and at this time had developed a temporary insanity) struck him- self with a dagger in the tent of Hakim Abu-l-Fath. The Emperor bound up his wound with his own hand, and gave orders that he should be taken care of at Sialkot. After a time he recovered, but by reason of his insanity his affairs slipped from his grasp, and now as ever [the verse is true] :—

“A bad habit, that has once fixed itself in the temperament, Will never leave you till the hour of death.”

And on the 27th of this month of this month he crossed the river Behat?. At this stage Muhammad ‘Ali the treasurer, who had been appointed to Kabul, represented, that after the death of Mirz4 Mu- hammad Hakim, Faridtin Khan, and Kaiqabad, and Afrdsiydb, the sons of the Mirza, who on account of their tender age were not allow- ed to enter into public business, had by the favour of the Amirs been presented to Mansingh. And Mansingh having left his own son, with Khwdjah Shams-ud-din Khafi, in Kabul, and having spoken kindly to all those people, came and paid his respects to th Emperor.

1 The eleventh month. 2? The river Jelum,

{ 860 ]

On the fifth of the month Zi-hajjah* Rawal Pindi, which is a town between Atak Bandras and Rohtds, became the Emperor’s halting- place. And Mansingh brought with him the children and servants of Mirza Muhammad Hakim. And the Nmperor ordered for each of them gifts and assistance in money, and proper pensions. And from the confines of Aték Banaras he sent Mirzad Shahrukh, and Rajah Bhagwén Das and Shah Quli Mahram, with 5,000 horse to con- querd the country of Kashmir.

And in these days he appointed Isma‘il Quli (P. 849) Khan, and Rai Singh Darbdari, against the Balichis; and Zin Khan Kokah he appointed with a well-appointed army against the Afghans of Sawad and Bijor.

On the eleventh of Muharram? of the year nine hundred and ninety-four (994) Atak became the Emperor’s camping-place. Some twenty-five years before this a Hind&stani soldier had made himself a religious teacher, with the name of Roshanai, as has been mentioned above. He came among the Afghans and made many fools his dis- ciples, and set up an heretical sect, and gave it currency and lustre. He wrote a work called the Khair-ul-baydn in which he set forth his pernicious tenets. When he went headlong to his own place, his gon, Jaldlah by name, who was forty years old, came in the year nine hundred and eighty-nine (989), when the imperial army was returning from Kabul, to pay his respects to the Hmperor, and was favourably received by him. But through his constitutional impudence both hereditary and acquired he fled, and returned to the Afghans, and becoming a bandit ; he collected many men around him,and blocked up the roads between Hindustan and Kabul: —

“Tf the ege of a black-natured crow You put under a pea-hen of Paradise ; Tf at the time of sitting on that ege, You give it its millet from the figs of Paradise ; If you give it its water from the fountain of Salsabil,8 If Gabriel breathe his breath over that egg ;

1 The eleventh month. 3 The first month. 3 One of the rivers of Paradise.

“—

f 361 ]

In the end the young of a crow is a crow, And the Pea-hen will spend her trouble in vain.”

Consequently with a view to repressing this rustic band of Roshan- ais (who are in very truth utter darkness, and hereafter will find their interpretation in darkness!) he appointed Kabul as the jagir of Man- singh, that he might extirpate those rebels.

In the month of Gafar of this year the Emperor sent Sa‘id Khan Gakkh’har, and the accursed Birbaér, and Shaikh Faizi, and Fath- ulléh Sharbati, and others, in the train of Zin Khan (P. 350). And afterward some days he sent Hakim Abu-l-fath and another body of men after the first. And these armies having joined Zin Khan spoiled the Afghan, and showed no remissness in making prisoners of their women and children. And when they came down to a Pass called Kardkar, a person brought news to Birbar, that the Afghans intended that night to make a sudden attack, and that if they could pass out of that narrow valley, into which they had descended, and which was not more that three or four cosses in extent, their minds might be at ease. Night was coming on, when Birbar through his wilfulness and stupidity and arrogance, without taking counsel with Zin Khan made an ill-timed march, and resolved to pass through the defile. And the whole of this head-less army followed in his track. And, when at evening-tide they reached the narrowest part, the Afghans appearing in crowds, like ants and locusts, from all sides of the mountains showered down stones and arrows like rain. And in that defile of the district of the cave of death through the narrow- ness of the way, and the darkness of the night the people lost their way, and in the pits they traversed the valley of death. And being perfectly helpless and separated one from the other, they sustained a great defeat. About 8,000 persons or more were killed. And Birbar through fear of his life betook himself to flight, and was killed, and so entered the pack of the hell-hounds, and received a portion of the reward of his base deeds, And some of the Amirs and chiefs, such as Hasan Khan Pani, and Khwajah ‘Arab, the

2 Our author is playing on the word Roshanai which means ‘bright,’ 46 P

{ 362 }

Khan Jahan’s pay-master, and Mulla Shiri the poet, and a great multitude were killed in that night. And who can number the captives. And the date was found to be given by “ dlas for Khwd- joh ‘Arab, with one unit too little. Hakim Abu-l-fath and Zin Khan were defeated on the fifth of Rabi ’ul-awwal’ of this year, and with great difficulty escaped to the fortress of Attak. And since (P. 851) they had dared to come after having basely betrayed such a prime favorite as Birbar, and their treacheries became confirmed, and proved, for some time they were excluded from the Emperor’s sight, but afterwards they attained their former rank, nay rather they rose higher than before. He never experienced such grief at the death of any Amir as he did at that of Birbar, He used to say “ Alas, that they could not bring his body out of that defile, that it might have been committed to the flames”! But after. wards they comforted him with these words: “Since he is freed and delivered from all the bonds of mortality, the light of the sun is suffi- cient purifier for him, although indeed he did not require any puri- fication.”” And when a rumour arose that the Afghans were coming against Attak, he sent the prince Murad the next day across the river Indus, and appointed Rajah Todar Mal to accompany him in driving back those rebels. But eventually he recalled his son, and appointed the Rajah to that duty.

In that mountain district he built many forts. In the other direction Mansingh, who had been appointed to go against the Roshandis, slew and took prisoners a large body of them.

At this time news arrived that Mir Quraish, the ambassador of ‘Abd-ulléh Khan, had arrived with a letter, and that Nazar Bey Uzbek, governor of Balkh, with his three sons had come to do pay homage to the Emperor, because they had quarrelled with the Khan. Consequently he sent Shaikh Farid Bakhshz, and a body of the Ahadis to meet that caravan. And this body of men on their return conducted them through the Khaibar Pass. The Roshandis seized the road, and attacked them, but were defeated.

86 + 616 + 772 + 98 = 993. 2 The third month.

[ 3863 ]

On the 25th of Rabi ’ul-awwal of this year, the sun entered Avies, and the thirty-first year of the reign began; but according to Nizdmf’s reckoning the thirty-second year. And having arranged the public audience-room at Attak the Emperor received on that day Mir Quraish. And Mansingh (P. 852) came and did homage at that festival. And Shaikh Faizi composed a gagidah of welcome, of which the initial couplet is the following :—

“ May the beginning of the second cycle, O Lord!

Come from the Source of Vicegerency a propitious era for fresh conquest. ””

And let it not be concealed that at this juncture a doubt entered into my mind as to the proper settling of the beginning of the year from the Accession, and the excuse for it has been related above As a matter of fact the son of the Mirz4, named Muhammad Sharif, who investigated the dates in the Tabaqat-i-Akbari after the death of his father Mirza Nizim ud-din Ahmad must here be acknowledged as the remover of the error.

At this time Mirzé Shahrukh, and Rajah Baghwén Das, and Shah Quli Khan Mahram, who had come to the frontier of Kashmir and reached the Pass of P’hulbas, on aceount of the arrival of the news of the defeat of Zin Khan, saw the best course of action to lie in pacification. So they made peace with Yusuf Khan, governor of Kashmir. And the product of the saffron-crop, of the shaw) duty, and of the mint they attached to the royal treasury. And having appointed tax-gatherers they gave back the whole country to Yusuf Khan; and then took him with them to pay his respects to the Court, for he expressed a very strong desire to do so. And when this peace was not accepted by the Emperor, a number of the Amirs were denied access to the Court and forbidden to travel abroad. But afterwards on the day of Sharaf-i-dftéb he sent for them and allowed them to prostrate themselves. And also on the day of the Sun’s entering Aries the ambassador of ‘Abd-ullah Khan, and Nazar Bey with his children, came and did homage. Four lacs of tankahs were given to Nazar Bey which is equal to 500 Persian tumdns. Here is a copy of the letter of ‘Abd-ullah Khan * * * & #2

! P. 342 of Text. ® The letter seoms not to have been inserted.

.[ 364 J

Ismail Quli Khan and Rai Singh brought the leaders of the Balochis to the Court. Mdan Singh was appointed to help Rajah Todar Mal, and so the Emperor’s mind became at rest again about that pro- vince.

On the 24th of Rabi ‘us-sini! of the year nine hundred and ninety-four (994) the Emperor started from Attak for Lahor. And from the banks of the river Behut he sent Isma‘il Quli Khan in place of Man Singh to repulse the Afghans, and Man Singh he appointed to the government of Kabul. (P. 353.) And he kept Sayyid Hamid of Bokhard in Peshdwar to help Isma‘il Quli Khan, and to make a road.

On the 17th of the month Jaméda’-s-sini he arrived at Labor. Contemporaneously with these events the worthless head of ‘Agaf Bahadur, who in the neighbourhood of Bahraich had made war against the servants of Hakim Abul-Fath, and was killed, [was brought; at least] most say, that he died by a natural death, and that they cut off his head and brought it to Court. And his head came down roll- ing from the mountains of Kamaon, and found its resting-place on the pinnacles of the fortress of Lahdér. And thus this disturbance was quelled.

On the 19th of the month Rajab? the Emperor married the daughter of Rai Singh B’hatta to the Prince Sultén Salim.

And at the beginning of the month of Sha‘bin? Muhammad Qasim Khan, Mr-bahr, and Fath Khan, the Master of the Elephants, and general, started with a number of the Amirs to conquer Kashmir. When, before this the Emperor had imprisoned Yusuf Khaén Kashmiri, who had come under the safe-conduct of Rajah Baghwan Das, and wished to have him put to death, Baghwan Das in order to save his safe-conduct and sense of honour struck himself with a dagger. But by the advice of Shaikh ‘Abd’ur-rahim the heretic, he gained his point, and eventually in companionship became a partner with him* When the Amirs arrived at the Pass of Katril,

1 The fourth month.

? The seventh month.

The eighth month.

4 Probably he means, that Baghwan Das became as herotical as Shaikh Abd- *ur-rahim,

[ 365 ]

Ya‘qub the son of Yusuf, who had been received among the nobles of the Court, and like Muzaffar of Gujrat had received 30 or 40 rupees a month, and had fled to Kashmir, and on account of his bigotry for the Shz‘dh heresy had killed the Sunn¢ Qazi of that place with his own hand, laid schemes for disaffection, and gathered round him the servants of his father, and considered his father as good as dead. He came to oppose the Amirs, and having fortified a defile of the mountain, he took up his portion there with a large force. As he was altogether a bad fellow part of his men left him, and came over to Muhammed Qasim Khan, and some of them in Srinagar, which is the capital of Kashmir, raised the standard of revolt. Ya‘qub con- sidering (P. 354) it the most important to stop rebellion in his own house returned to the city. And the Imperial army entered into the heart of Kashmir without any one to oppose them. Ya‘qtib having no power to resist them flew for refuge to the mountains. Thus the kingdom of Kashmir at one blow came into their power. Again Ya‘qib collected a force and attacked Qasim Khan, but was defeated. Again he made a night-attack, and gained no advantage. And the Mirz4dah ‘Ali Khan was killed in this battle. And when they had driven him up into a narrow corner, and were on the point of making him prisoner, he came abjectly and had an interview with Qasim Khan, and went with him to do homage to the Emperor. Finally the Emperor sent him before his father to Bihar to Rajah M4n Singh. And Yusuf and Ya‘qib were both of them imprisoned in the cell of affliction, and by the sickness of melancholy and spleen

they were released from the prison of the body.

On the 19th of Ramazan! Mir Quraish the ambassador, with Hakim Humam, brother of Hakim Abul-Fath, and Mir Sadr Jahan the muftz of the imperial dominions, an inhabitant of the village Pihdni in the district of Qanouj, were despatched to Transoxonia in order to offer condolence to Sikandar Khan, the father of Abd-ullih Khan. And he sent asa present nearly a Jac and a half of rupees, and all sorts of gifts of the valuable things of Hindustan by the hand of Muhammad Ali the treasurer.

1 The ninth month,

[ 366 }

In these days the Roshandis with about 20,000 foot and 5,000 horse came against Sayyid Hamid of Bokhéra one of the great Amirs of the Sultans of Gujrat. He having withdrawn with the few soldiers that he had, gave battle at Peshawar, and was killed. And Zin Khan Kokah and Shah Quli Khan Mahram, and Shaikh Farid bakhshi were sent in that direction to repair this disaster. And Man Singh came out from Kabul with all his force to the Khaibar Pass, and fought a severe battle with the Roshandis, and defeated them. And there he held his ground. The next day they made a general onslaught throughout the night and day, and shouting like jackals (P. 355) poured their forces down on them from all sides. At this time his brother M4dt Singh, who with Ishmdéil Quli Khan was at’the station of Auhand (?) with a well-appointed army, came to the assistance of Singh, Manand the Afghans fled. Nearly 2,000 of them were killed.

At the same time Mirzé Sulaiman who had fought a battle with the Uzbeks in Badakhsh&n, and been partly victorious and partly de- feated, came from Kabul, and had an interview with Man Singh in the Khaibar Pass, Thence he went to Hindustan, and in the month of Rabi‘ul-awwal! of the year nine hundred and ninety-five (995) he paid homage at Lahdr.

Among the notable things which happened is the following: Muhammad Zamén Mirza, son of Shah Rukh, in the twelfth year of his age, after his father’s defeat in battle with the Uzbeks, had been made prisoner, and ‘Abd’ullah Khan had given him in charge to his own teacher and spiritual guide, Khwajah Kalan Beg Baqsh- bandi, one of the grandsons of Khwajah Ahrar (God sanctify his glorious tomb!), intending that he should include him with the other prisoners, and put him to death. And they say that that holy man, punished in his stead a prisoner worthy of death, and set him at liberty and allowed him to depart.

At this time Sulaiman Mirza :arrived at Court in zncognito, to- gether with some beggars from Transoxiania, and paid homage to the Emperor. He received the sum of 1,000 ashraf¢ as a gratuity.

1 The third month.

[ 367 ]

Thence he went on a pilgrimage, and returned to Badakhshdn. There he collected a considerable body of men, and fought several times some gallant battles with the Uzbeks, and beat them. At last he gained possession of the mountain district of that country, and collected the spoil. The Emperor sent to him from Labér by the hand of Mir Tughén an <Ahadé! 2,000 ashraft, and a bow, anda number of muskets and other valuable presents. For several years he made head against the Uzbeks; but being defeated by them he re- tired to Kabul. The issue of his affairs will be related further on, if God, He is exalted, will.

On the eleventh of the month Rabi‘-us-sini of the year nine hun. dred and ninety-five (995) the celebration of the Imperial New Year’s Day (P. 356), and the commencement of the thirty-second, or ac- cording to the Mirza the thirty-third, year from the Accession took place. And in the manner, which has been before described, the feast was held. And other customs were further introduced. Among them was this, that people should not have more than one legal wife, unless he had no child. In any other case the rule should be one man, and one woman, When a woman had passed the time of hope, and her menses ceased, she should not wish for a hus- band. And widows, if they wished to marry again, should not be forbidden, as the Hindus forbid? re-marriage. Also a Hindi woman of tender years, who could have got no enjoyment from her hus- band, should not be burnt. But if the Hindts take this ill, and will not be prevented, then in case of the wife of one, who had died, one of the Hindiis should take the girl and marry her in that very interview. Another of these customs was, that when the Emperor’s disciples met one another one should say “ Allah Akbar,” and the other should say “jalla jaldéluhu”, and that this was to take the place of “Saldm’’ and the response “ Saldém ”?, And another was, that the beginning of the reckoning of the Hind{ month should be from the 28th and not from the 13th? (which wag

1 For (soe the Lak’hnon edition has coda,

Lak’hnon edition reads (so not e
The * Vrihaspati Mana’ makes New Year’s Da:

y always fall in the middle of the lunar month “ Chait’, Princep, Ind. Ant, ii, 155,

[ 368 ]

the invention of Rajah Bikramajit, and an innovation of his), and that they should fix the well-known festivals of the Hindus accord- ing to this rule. But it never attained currency, although farmans went forth to this effect from Futhptir to Gujrat on one side, and Bengal on the other. Another was that they were to pro- hibit the basest people from learning science in the cities, because in- surrections often arose from these people. Another was that a learned Brahman should decide the case of Hindts, and not a Qézi of the Musalmans. And that if there was any need of an oath, they were to puta red-hot iron into the hand of the denier, if he was burnt, he was to be known as a liar, but if not, he should be acknowledged as speaking the truth. Or else that he should put his hand into boiling oil; or that, while they shot an arrow and brought it back, he should

dive into the water, and if he put his head out of the water before .

they returned, the defendant should satisfy the claims of the plain- tiff. Another was that they should bury a man with his head to- wards the Hast and his feet to the West (P. 357): and he always fixed his own going to sleep in this manner.

In this year the Emperor sent ‘Abd’ul-Matlab Khan to Bangash with a body of men to extirpate the Jalalah Tariki!. And he de- feated him together with the leaders of Afghan tribes, and slew an innumerable number of people, and in retaliation for each prisoner taken from Zin Khan’s army he took them men and women to double (and quadruple) the number. And the wrath of God, which is a sore® calamity, ensued on the slaughter and capture of these people.?

And in this year, which was nine hundred and ninety-five, the birth of Sultén Khusrau, son of the Prince Sultan Salim by the daughter of Rajah Baghvan Daa, took place: and the Emperor

gave a great feast.

And among lying rumours, which are one step beyond absolute impossibilities, the report was this year promulgated that the accursed Birbar was still alive; after that he was safely located in the lowest

1 J, e, Roushanai. See p. 361, note. 2 Tal’hnau has dlc instead fo dle , 3 ?Abd-ul-Matlab went mad soon after, Blochm, p. 403,

[ 369 ]

grade of Hell. The following is a summary of the matter. When the malignant Hindus perceived that the inclination of the heart of the Emperor was fixed on that unclean one, and saw that through his loss he was in trouble and distress, every day they circulated a rumour, that people had seen him at Nagarkdt, in the northern hills, in company with Jogis and Sannydsis ; and that he was walking about. And His Highness believed, that it was not improbable that a eat! like him, who had become detached from the attractions of the world, should have assumed the garb of a fagzr, and on account of shame for the misfortune he had sustained at the hands of the Yusuf- zais should not have returned to Court. And the foolish people of the Court believed this report, and told all sorts of stories about him in Lahor. But after that an Ahadi had gone to Nagarkdt and investi- gated the matter, it turned out that this report was nothing but an idle tale.

And after this they heard that he had appeared at the castle of Kalinjar, which had been in that dog’s gagzr. And the Collectors of Kalinjar sent a written report to this effect: ‘“ when they were anoint- ing him with oil? a barber, who was a confidant of his, recognized him by certain marks on his body, (P. 358), then he vanished.” The Emperor sent a farmén.2 The Hindi Kroré deceitfully took a certain poor traveller, who had been condemned to death, and treating him as Bir Bar kept him concealed. And he did not send the barber, but in order to keep the matter secret he made away with the poor traveller, and wrote that he was Bir Bar, but that death had overtaken him before he had attained the felicity of coming to Court, The Emperor mourned for him a second time. He sent for the Krori, and others, and kept them for some time in the stocks as a punishment for not having told him before; and on this pretext the Emperor got a good deal of money from him.

In this year CQadiq Khan having gone against the district of

1 Bilit is Hindi, Sanskr. vidalf. The reference is again to that story in the Anwar-i Sohailf, ed. Ouseley, pp. 274 sqq.

2 Tél or tail Hindi and Sanscrit.

3 That the barber should come to Court.

[ 370 ]

Tattah, laid seige to the fort Sihwén, and Mirza Jani Beg, grandson of Muhammad Baqi Tarkhén, who was commandant of that place, as his fathers had done, sent ambassadors, gifts and valuable presents to the Court. Eventually on the 25th of Zi-Qa‘dah’ the Emperor sent Ain-ul-mulk back with the ambassadors, and confirmed the government on Mirz& Jani, and issued a farmdn to forbid Gadiq Khan to molest him.

At the beginning of Rabi‘us-sani Zin Khan Kokah was appointed to be governor of Kabul, and Man Singh was sent for from that place. At the end of this month the Khan Khéndn, Mirz4 Khan, came from Gujrét with that paragon of the age Shah Fath Ullah of Shiraz, who was called Azd-ud-daulat, in haste to Lahdr. And on the 27th of the month Rajab? Cadiq Khan came from Bakkar.

A summary of the affairs of Muzaffar and the Khan Khanan-is as follows: Muzaffar after his second defeat at Nadot fled, by way of Chanpdnir, to the district of Strat, and took up his abode at Kundal,? which is 15 cosses from Chiinagar and 3,000 seattered horsemen rallied round him. And he sent a lac of Mahmtdis and a jewelled dagger and girdle to Amn (P. 359) Khan, and so won him over to his side. And the same sum of money he sent to the Jam, who had a fixed idea in his mind of conquering Aham- didad, and so excited his cupidity. Amin Khan with the finest Jinesse sent him‘ deceitfully to the Jam, Satarsdl by name, telling him “ You go with the Jam, and I will come after you.” But the Jam, playing his cards well, kept him from his purpose, and delayed his own movements on the pretext of fitting out his army. Muazaffar arrived at a place six cosses from Ahmadaébdd and there waited for the fulfilment of the promise of Amin Khan Ghéri, and the Jam, while the Khan Khanain came in great haste with a strong body of men. And Muzaffar despairing of the help of the faithless® Amin,

1 The eleventh month. 2 The seventh month. 3 Text 333, 7 infra.

4 Muzaffar.

Punning on his name.

[ 871 ]

and the slippery Jém,! returned in confusion to the mountain dis- trict, and took refuge in Dwarkdé, which is the name of the capital of Surat. And the Jam sent his Waké/,and Amin Khan his son, through the intervention of Shah Abu Turdb, to the Khan Khanan. The men of the Jam took a band of men for the Khéin Khandn into the hill country, and there they seized a great deal of spoil. And Muzaffar with 1,000 horsemen, consisting of Moghuls and Katis,? who were the clan of his mother, went towards Gujrat. He took refuge in a place called Asniyah, which is situated on the bank of the river Sdrbarmati and is very much delapidated, and is in rebel- lion from the kingdom of Kalyan (?). And some Amirs, whom the Khan Khanan by way of precaution, at the time of his going into these dangerous districts, had left for this very emergency, under the command of Sayyid Khan Barha fought a great battle, and Muzaffar® found his name deceptive. And his elephants and parasol fell into the hands of the people of the sun‘, and many of his people were killed. He himself fled to KAtiwdr, which is outside the dependencies of Gujrat. The Khan Khanan returned from Barodah, and went against the Jim. The Jam, on the other hand, collected a force of 8,000 horse (P. 360), and 2,000 of his servants (they say), who had forsworn food, and sworn to die for him, came out to meet him. When a distance of 7 cosses remained the Jam sent his own son with three elephants, and eighteen Kachi horses, which are like Arabs, and other presents to the Khan Khandan, and tendered his submission.

At this time it was that the Khan Khandn went for the first® time in haste in accordance with a farmdn to Fathpir. And Muzaf- far during his absence with the help of the Katis and other zamin- dars, laid seige to the fortress of Chtiindgarh. Nizim-ud-din Ahmad and Sayyid Qasim Barhah, with a body of men, by command of Qulij Khén went from Ahmadabad towards Strat, and Muzaffar

1 Means “cup.” Another pun.

2 Kathi. The name of a tribe inhabiting Kathtiwdr. Wilson’s Gloss. 3 Victorious.

4 Akbar was a great sun-worshipper, see p. 268.

5 The second time is mentioned, p. 373.

[ 372 ]

not being able to withstand them went towards Gujrat, as has been described before.

After that the Khén Khanan arrived at Ahmadabad by way of Sarohi and Jélwar, the Emperor appointed Shéh Fath ull4h Azd- ud-doulah, together with Mir Murtazé and Khudéwand Khan, to govern the district of Bardr, and sent them in the escort of A‘zam Khan and Shihéb-ud-din Ahmad Khan and the other Amirs of Malwah and Raisin, and wrote a farmdn to the fief-holders of that neighbourhood, whose names cannot be enumerated, to this effect : that they should first take Barar, under the leadership of A‘zam Khan, out of the possession of the Dak’hinis, and afterwards should march in concert on Ahmadnagar. These armies were collected at Hindia, which is on the confines of the Dak’hin, and behaved treach- erously to one another. And A‘zam Khan gave vent to an old grudge which he had against Shih4b-ud-din Ahmad Khan for the murder of his father, of which he was the instigator, and vexing him and Azd-ud-doulah, who was his factotum, he heaped abuse &e. upon him in every assembly, and in spite of the respect due to a teacher made unusual jokes against ‘Azd-ud-doulah, till Shihdb-uddin Khan went with a vexed heart to Raisin, which (P. 861) was his jag. A‘zam Khan went against him, and nearly brought a great disgrace on the reputation of the Empire. And Khwajagi Fathullah bakhshi and other upstarts stirred up the flames of strife, and confusion, but through the good offices of Azd-ud-doulah it all ended well. Meanwhile Rajah ‘Ali Khan, governor of A’sir and Burhanptr, looking on the quarrel in the imperial army as a boon to himself, united the army of Dak’hin with his own, and marched against them. ‘Azd-ud-doulah went to him and gave him good advice, but he could make no impression on his anvil-like heart :—

“ An iron nail will not penetrate a stone,”

So he returned thence, and came to Gujrat, to stir up the Khan Khandn to the conquest of the Dak’hin, and bring him with him:—

“You have managed the affairs of the world so well, That you now turn your hand to the affairs of heaven.”

[ 873 j

And Rajah ‘Ali Khan with the army of the Dak’hin marched against A‘zam Khan, who had not the power to withstand him, and so retreated to Bardr. Neither could he stand his ground there, and so having ravaged and laid waste Ilichptir and not remaining even there, he hastened to Nadarbar. The Dak’hinis pursued him from station to station. A’zam Khan left his army at Nadarbar, and went alone with only a few men to Ahmadabad to ask help of the Khan Khandin, who was his sister’s husband. The Khan Khanan came out to mect him, and they had an interview at Mah- miidabad at the house of Nizim-ud-din Ahmad. And having by mutual consent, or by hypocrisy, made common cause, they agreed that Khan-i-A‘zam with the Khan Khdndn should go to Ahmada- bad to see his sister, and that thence they should set out to repel the Dak’hinis. And they sent Nizim-ud-din Ahmad with a number of the Amirs, who were appointed to that district, to go together to Barodah, and those two (P. 862) leaders followed him thither. And thence A‘zam Khan went in haste to Nadarbar to collect his army, and the Khan Khadnan went to Behronch. A‘zam Khan wrote to him, that since the rainy season was at hand they must keep the army for that year incamp. A‘zam Khan went from Nadarbar to Malwah and the Khan Khanan from Behronch to Ahmadabad, and Rajah ‘Ali Khan and the Dak’hinis went to their own homes again. Five months had passed since this event, when the Khan Khandn sent from Atak Banaras, which he also called Atak Katak?, a pe- tition to Court in the following terms: ‘‘Since the Emperor has determined to attempt the conquest of Badakhshan, the desire to kiss his feet has possessed me, in order that I may accompany him in this expedition.” And after the army came from Atak to Lahdr a farmdn was addressed to him, ordering that Qulij Khan and Nizim-ud-din Ahmad should remain in Gujrat, and that the Khan Khanan should come to Court. This was the cause of the Khan Khanan’s coming a second time in haste to Lahdr, and of his bring- ing Azd-ud-doulah, as has been already related. During the time of the Khan Khanan’s absence the most praiseworthy efforts were

1 Lak’hnou lithograph has Gang. Viz. to see the Emperor, the first time is mentioned, p 871.

{ 374 ]

made by Nizam-ud-din in Gujrat, which are related at length in the Larikh-i-Nizadmi.

And in this year Mir Abu-l-Ghays of Bokhaéra, whose praise is beyond the power of the tongue or the pen :—

“‘ How can the description of his praise be made By a pen more broken than my heart,”

died at Lahor of an attack of cholic. This sacred bier was brought to Dihli and buried in the Rowzah-i A’bi-i-kirdm, and the date was found to be given by “ The Mir of praiseworthy disposi- tion? ” :—(By the Author)

“ T went into his cemetry one day to take warning, I saw a world of sleepers together in its plain. [P. 863] A multitude had gone from this side, but none returned

from that,

That I could ask of his state, or news of us reach him.

In that city of the silent there was a multitude of my eloquent ones,

Gone from the palace of the world to become its guests,

Of that number was one pure-natured prince, like Bu- turab?

Abu-Ghais, whom the Heaven calls a Gous,® the pivot of the sky.

Alas! for my lord of worthy disposition, and of as happy fortune,

The nature of Muhammad was manifest in his smiling face.

A Bokharéi through whom Dihli became the Qubbat-ul- Islam :*

What is become of that Qubbah, and that Islam, and where O God ! is its Musalman ?

140 + 10 + 200 + 60 + 400+6+4+4+5+60+10 + 200 = 995. 2 A title of ‘Ali.

3 One of the 7 Addd/, mysterious beings which hover round the world. 4A title of Basrah, a great place for learned men.

[ 375 ]

Since he was a derwish as well as a soldier, if I should meet with the dust of his feet,

I would put it on the eye of my fortune, as though it were collyrium of Ispahan.

At his pillow from the candle of my own heart I burnta taper,

Although the light of his poverty was a divine torch.

I made the bed of his tomb wet with my tears,

Although the cloud of Mercy washed him with the rain of Forgiveness.”’

In this year a new command was issued that all people should give up the Arabic sciences, and should study only the really useful ones, v7z., Astronomy, Mathematics, Medicine, and Philosophy. The date of this given by the words “ Decline of Learning?.”’

And in Sha‘ban of the said year Man Singh came to Court. News also came that Abd-ullib Khan had taken Hari?, and slain ‘Ali Quli Khan, commandant of that place, together with an immense number of Turkomans and inhabitants of the town, and “ the taking of Hari*” was found to give the date.

In the month Muharram‘ of the year nine hundred and (P. 864) ninety-six (996) Man Singh was appointed to the government of the districts of Bahdr, Hajipar, and Patnah. And on the night of the tenth of this month having offered to him, together with the Khan Khdndn, the cup of friendship, His Majesty brought up the and proceeded to test Man Singh. He said without any ceremony: “ If Discipleship means willingness to

’

subjects of “ Discipleship,’

sacrifice one’s life, I have already carried my life in my hand: what need is there of further proof? If, however, the term has another meaning and refers to Faith, I certainly ama Hindu, If you order me to do so, I will become a Musalman, but I know not of the existence of any other religion than these two.” At this point the matter stopped, and the Emperor did not question him any further, but sent him to Bengal.

120 + 60 + 4 + 80 + 30 + 880 = 995.

2 Another name for Harat.

3 300 + 20 + 60 + 400 + 5 + 200 + 10 = 995. 4 The first month.

[ 376 ]

At this time he gave the government of Kashmir to Yusuf Khan Razawi of Mashhad, and sent for Muhammad Qasim Khan from that place.

On the twelfth of Qafart of the year nine hundred and ninety-six (996) he sent Muhammad Cadiq Khan to expel Yusuf Zai from Sawadd-u-Bajor?, and he gave the jégzr of Man Singh, consisting of Sawalikat® &c. to him. And he sent for Isma‘il Quli Khan from Sawad-u-Bajor, and appointed him to supersede Qulij in Gujrat.

In this month Mirza Filad Beg Barlés managed to get Mulla Ahmad the Shi‘ah, on some pretext, out of his house at midnight and killed him, because he had reviled the Companions of the Pro- phet, and “ Bravo! the dagger of Steel’* gives the date, and another suggested “ Hell-fire Pig.6” And verily when he was at his last breath I saw his face look actually like that of a pig®, and other persons also observed this phenomenon, God preserve us from the wickedness of our souls! They bound Mirza Filad to the foot of an elephant and dragged him through the streets of Lahor, until at last he attained the grade of martyrdom. When the Emperor sent by Hakim Abu-l-Fath and asked him: “ Can zeal for the faith have been the motive of your killing Mulla Ahmad?” (P. 365) He answered, “ If zeal for religion had been my motive, I should have turned my hand against a greater one than he.” He brought back this answer to the Emperor, and said, “ This fellow is a regular ‘scoundrel, he ought not to be allowed to live.” So the Emperor ordered him to be put to death ; although on account of his bravery, and the intercession of the people of the harem he wished to spare his life. The murdered man went to his own place three or four days after his murderer. The Shi‘ahs at the time of washing the corpse, are said to have, according to the rules of their sect, put a nail into his arms, and plunged him several times into the

1 The second month, 2 Text, p. 849, 1. 2, and 381.

3 Called in the maps Sealcot. 4745 +4 10+ 600 + 50 + 38 + 200+ 80 +6 + 31 + 4 = 996.

5 600 + 6 + 20 + 60 + 100 + 200 + 10 = 996, 6 See Blochm. p. 206, 2, 2.

river, After his burial Shaikh Faizi and Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl set guards over his grave, bnt in spite of all precaution in the year when His Majesty went to Kashmir the people of Lahor one night took up his gross carcass, and burnt it,

On the twenty-second of Rabi-us-séni of the year nine hundred and ninety-six the New Year’s day of the thirty-third, or thirty- fourth, year from the Accession took place. The Emperor, in order to beguile the common people, had the public audience-hall which consists of one hundred and fourteen porticos, decorated with all sorts of ornamentations, such as valuable stuffs and embroidered cur- tains. And all sorts of edicts contrary to the Law were issued, and “ Publication of Heresy® ” gives the date.

At this time Qulij Khan came from Gujrat to pay homage, and brought all sorts of presents. And a command was issued, that he in conjunction with Rajah Todar Mall (who had become a very imbecile old man, and whom one night about this time a rival had lain in wait for, and wounded with his sword, and grazed his skin) should conduct the administrative and financial concerns of the Empire. In this year the Rajah of Kamatn, who had never, nor his father or grandfather before him, (God’s curse be on them !) seen an Emperor even in imagination, came from the Sawalik hills to pay his homage to the Emperor at Lahor. He brought all sorts of rare presents, amongst which were a Yak, and a Musk-deer, which through (P. 866) the heat of the atmosphere died on the way. I saw it, and ib was in form like a fox, and two small tusks prejected in front, and instead of horns it had an elevation, but since the lower half was wrapped up, it could not be seen. They said also that there were men in that country, who had wings and feathers, and could fly; and also in that kingdom a mango-tree which gives fruit all the year round, ‘hey told the tale, but God knows if it is true !

In these days Hakim Ayn-ul-mulk arrived with the ambassadors of Mirz& Jani’, and brought all sorts of presents, and became the recipient of His Majesty’s kindness.

8ee Blochm. p. 207, n. 1.

7300 + 10 + 6+ 70 + 40 + 70 + 80 + 10 + 10 + 400 = 996 Wi2e0 is spelt with only one ¢¢ but to make the date right it must be written with tashdid. %

3 See p. 370.

[ 378 j

In the month Jamdda’-l-awwal of the year nine hundred and ninety-seven (997) I finished the translation of the Ramayana, which had taken me four years. I wrote it all in couplets, and brought it to the Emperor. When I wrote at the end of it the couplet :—

‘“* We have written a story, who will bring it to the Emperor ? We have burnt our soul, who will bring it to the Beloved ?”

it was much admired. The Emperor asked me, ‘ How many sheets does it contain?’ I answered, “The first time, when written con- cisely it reached nearly 70 sheets, but the second time, when written more at length, it was 120 sheets.’”” He commanded me to write a preface to it, after the manner of authors. But since it was no such great recovery from my former falling out of favour, and a khutbah would have to be written without praising God and the Prophet, I dissimulated. And from that black book, which is naught like the book of my life, I flee to God for refuge. The transcription of atheism is not atheism, and I repeat the declaration of faith in opposition to heresy, why should I fear (which God forbid !) that a book, which was all written against the grain, and in accordance with a strict command, should bring with it a curse. O God! I verily take refuge in Thee from associating anything with Thee, and I know, and I beg thy forgiveness for that which I know not, and I repent of it, and say: “There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the Prophet of Allah”. And thus my penitence is no penitence caused by fear. May it be accepted at the Court of The Gracious and Liberal !

At this time they brought an imposter Shaikh Kamal Baydni by name (P. 867) from the banks of the river Rawi and affirmed that in the midst of conversation he had in the twinkling of an eye gone over to the other side and called out “So and so go home!” So the Emperor took him privately to the banks of a river and said: “ We are fond of investigating this sort of thing. If you can show us this miracle, all the wealth and dominions that we possess are yours, and we will become your property.’? When he made no sort of answer, the Hmperor said: “ Very well then we will bind you hand and foot, and cast you from the top of the Castle. If you come out of the water safe and sound, well and good, if not,

[ 379 ]

you will have gone to hell”. Being brought to bay he pointed to his stomach and said: “I have done all this merely for the sake of filling this hell of my own!” The impostor had a cunning son, who lived at Lahor. While he was speaking, his son at the time of evening prayer, went to the other side of the river, and using the name of the person addressed, shouted out in a voice like that of his father: “So and so go!”, while the impostor on the pretence of performing the ablutions had gone down to the edge of the river and hidden himself in the stream. Another time, when the Emperor had sent him to Bakkar, he there also set up a claim to working miracles, and performed in the presence of the Khan Khanan, and Doulat Khan, his wakdi, a hundred similar wonders. On Thursday evenings, dressed as a juggler, he used to show a hand, and head, and foot, all separated.*

He made Doulat Khan Afghdn, who was the Ihdn Khanan’s factotum and dme damnée his disciple :—

“ & common person, if raised in rank above the sky, Is but a common ass, and he that believes in him is less than an ass.”

The Khan Khanan also became a believer, and swallowed the deception. And that cunning lad, having taken a golden ball from the Khan Khanan for the sake of that impostor of a Shaikh, said:

Elijah (peace be on him!) has sent you a request, and requires this ball in the water. By deceit and fraud he threw a brazen ball into the water in the sight of the Khan Khandn, and the golden ball (P. 868) he carried off by his trickery.”

In this year the Emperor called to mind my gift of the book, which I was translating, and one day he ordered Abi’l-Fath to give me a shawl from the privy wardrobe, and a horse and my expenses. Then he said to Shah Fath-ullth ‘Azd-ud-doulah: “the whole of Basawar is hereby given to you as jdgir, with all its charity-lands,”’ and mentioning my name he said, “There is a certain man of Bddddn, we have of our own will changed his madad-ma‘ésh without abatement from Basdwar to Badaon.

1 See Price’s Memoirs of Jahangueir, p. 99.

[ 380 ]

Shah Fath-ullah presented in a bag an offering of 1000 rupees, which by oppression and secret false accusations he had tyrannously exacted from the wretched widows and orphans of the aimah-holders of Basdwar, saying that his collectors had saved it from the charity- lands. The Emperor made him a present of it. Not three months elapsed after this event, when Shah Fath-ullah died.

When my farmdn was signed, I took a year’s leave, and went first to Basdwar and then to Badaén. Thence I had in my mind to go to Gujrat to see Mirza Nizim-ud-din Ahmad, but adverse cireum- stances occurred, which prevented my carrying this intention into effect :—

“‘T am not vexed that my affair Turns out not well, but ill, If it happen, let it happen ; if not, acquiesce, [Who knows] what will happen! ”

In this year Sayyid ‘Abd-ullth Khan COhougdn Beg?, and Mirzé- dah ‘Ali Khan, who were of the most esteemed Amfrs, died in Kashmir in the following circumstances. Sayyid ‘Abd-ull4h Khan on the twelfth of the month Rabi‘ ul-awwaél! cooked some food in the name of the Soul of the Prophet (God bless him, and his family, and give them peace! ), and gave some gold to the poor, and having sincerely repented of his sins went out hunting with Mirz4 Yusuf Khan, and caught a fever, and gave up his soul to ihe Beloved. And Mirzddah ‘Ali Khan, was killed one year before (P. 369) thus, on the night when Ya‘quib made a sudden attack on Muhammad Qasim Khan :—

Alas ! for the friends of spiritual insight,

With whom we were but a short time together. Alas! for our friends of earthy composition, Who have left this dust-heap like the wind. Alas! that this blood-weeping eye of mine, Sees not now a trace of them.

1 The third month.

nal es

( 381 }

They spake for a little while, they are now silent, They are vanished from the memory of their friends. Of all those consolers not one remains,

Land grief are left, for all my friends are gone. How shall I lay my drowsy head on the pillow, When my friends have made their pillow on the clay. My heart desires the corner of solitude,

J have no desire for the companionship of any one. Alas! that those, who now sit behind the veil of secrets, Are not gone to a place whence they can return. When in confusion on that bed of sorrow

I fell like clay, and settled like dust,

Over that mortal-clay I raised many a cry:

To my ear no answer came from any.

On the twenty-second of Jamada’-s-s4nil of the year nine hundred and ninety-seven the Emperor set out from Kabul for Kashmir, which he called his private garden. He left the ladies of his haram with the young prince Sultan Murad at Bhimbar, where the road to Kash- mir begins, and went on by forced marches. When he had visited that beautiful country, he sent a farmdan to the Prince ordering him the take the Aaram on to Rohtds and there await the Emperor’s arrival,

At this time that wonder of the age Shah Fath-ulléh of Shiraz developed a burning fever in Kashmir, and since he was himself a skilled physician, he treated himself by eating pottage, and however much the Hakim ‘Ali forbade it, he would not be prevented, So the exactor Death seized his collar and dragged him off to the eternal world. He was buried on Takht-i-Sulaiman, which is a mountain near (P. 370) one of the cities? of Kashmir, by the side of the tomb of Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khdn Chougdn Begi. And that king of poets Shaikh Faizi wrote as an elegy on him a ¢arkibband} of which the following verses form a part :—

1 Tho sixth month. 2 Viz., Srinagar, t. e., Kashmir the Capital. 3 See Gladwin’s Dissertations, §c., p, 30.

[ 382 J

“ Again that time is come when the world falls out of gear,

On the world of Intellect at midday the banner of evening falls.

All the treasures of property fall into the hands of the base,

All the flood-tears of adversity fall into the cup of the generous.

Truth loses the clue of the investigation of its object,

Meaning deserts eloquence, and logic falls out of speech.

The tongue of folly wags heedlessly in talk,

Propositions are falsely stated, and proofs are inconclusive.

The heart of those who in the world seek perfection remains in eternal defect,

Like unripe fruit which falls suddenly half-ripened from the branch.

The spiritual child of the precious mothers! of excellence

Was the father of the fathers of spiritual insight, Shah Fath- ullah Shirazi,

Two hundred Bu-nagars? and Bu-‘alis® passed away before he appeared.

Many a dealer of this kind does Fate hold beneath its shop.

Sometimes with the camel-litter of the Peripatetics he went round the world,

Sometimes in the train of the Platonists he traversed the heavens.

The age was proud of his perfect nature,

In the time of Jalal-ud-din Akbar Ghazi.

The Emperor of the world had his eyes full of tears at his death,

(P. 881) Alexander wept tears of regret because Plato left the world !”’

On the twenty-seventh of Ramazan‘ of this year the Emperor in- tending to go to Kabul went by way of Pak’hli to the fortress of Atak. During this journey Hakim Abu-l-fath died at the halting- place of Damtur,? and was buried in Husn Abdal :—

1In wlpof and W{there seems to be an indirect reference to the “four elements”? and the “ nine heavens.”

2 A name of Al-Faryabi a great Arabic Doctor who died 343 A. H.

3 A name of Ibn Sina (Avecenna) who died 428 A, H.

4 The ninth month.

5 See Blochm. p. 524,

[ 3838 ]

“The caravan of the Martyr has passed on before ;

Consider ours too as past, and reflect.

To outward reckoning we have lost but one body,

But in the reckoning of the Intellect more than thousands.’

And “ May God give him his reward”’* was found to give the date.

And outside of Atak, where the camp was, the Prince with the haram met the Emperor, From this halting-place Shahbaz Khan was appointed to go and repel the remnant of the Yustifzai Afghans. On the twenty-second of Zi-qa‘dah? of this year the Emperor arrived in Kabul. At this time Hakim Hamam and Gadr Jahan returned from being with Abd’ullaéh Khan, and brought a book of ‘Abd-ullah Khan’s treating of Union and Conjunction.

In the year nine hundred and ninety-eight Rajah Todar Mal, and Rajah Baghwén Das Amir-ul-wmardé, who had remained behind at Lahor hastened to the abode of hell and torment, and in the lowest pit became the food of beasts and scorpions, may God scorch them both! And they found the mnemosynon: “One said: Zodar and Baghwdn died ;”® and another made these verses on him :—

“Todar Mal was he, whose tyranny had oppressed the world, When he went to Hell, people became merry.

I asked the date of his decease from the Old Man of Intellect : Cheerfully replied the wise Old Man: He is gone to Heil.*

(P. 872). On the twentieth of Muharram of the year nine hundred and ninety-eight (998) having assigned the government of Kabul to Muhammad Qisim Khén, Commander-in-chief by land and sea, the Emperor returned towards Hindistan. He appointed A‘zam Khan

1600 +4+41+4+10+300+604+7+14+4+54+1+4+ 4 = 997.

2 The eleventh month. 8945+20+6+1+ 50+ 400+ 6+4+ 200+ 6 + 40 + 200 + 44+ 50 + 4 = 998.

46 +10 + 200 + 80 + 400 + 204 + 3+ 5 + 50 + 40 = 998.

[ 384 ]

to the government of Gujrat, and sent a farmdn ordering him to remove from Malwah to that place, and sent for Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad to return to Court. He gaye Jounptr to the Khan Khaénan instead of Gujrat, and Malwah was given to Shihab Khin. And A‘zam Khan to spite Shihab Khan laid Mdlwah waste, and levelled it all to the ground.

At this time Khudawand of the Dak’hin, the heretic, to whom the sister of Abu-l-Fazl had been married in accordance with the Em- peror’s command, and who had received the town of Kari in the district of Gujrat, went to the abode of Hell. And the mnemosynon was found: “ Khudawand of the Dak’hin is dead.1”

And on the fourteenth of Jamada-l-awwal of the aforesaid year the entrance of the Sun into Aries, which began the thirty-fifth year from the Accession, took place. And the Emperor sent orders for the decoration and reparation of the Diwankhdnah of Lahor, and on the second day of Wowrdz that city became the royal camping-place. And on the third day Nizim-ud-din Ahmad having travelled six hundred cosses in twelve days, with a body of camel-riders, arrived and did homage. The Emperor ordered that all the camel-riders should enter the city just as they had arrived ; and it was a wonder- ful sight, and led to boundless favours from the Emperor.

At this time, after the death of Baghwan Das, the Emperor gave to Man Singh the title of Rajah, and sent him a farmdn of condo- lence, in which were written kind and gracious messages beyond all bounds, and sent with it one of his own dresses of honour, and a body-guardsman’s horse. And on the day of the “Honouring of the Sun” the compiler of this epitome came from Badatin to Court, and met Mirz& Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad after a separation of seven years.

(P. 373). In this year Azam Khan went from Gujrat to conquer the countries of Strat and Jindgarh. And the Jam Satr Sal, and Doulat Khan the son of Amin Khan Ghori, who had succeeded his

1 Read 4S y instead of sd » and we get the correct date, viz.,600 + 4 + 1

+6+50+ 4+ 4+ 20 + 55 + 40 + 200 + 14 = 998, 2 The fifth month.

[ 385 ]}

father, being beguiled by temerity and the number of his retinue, came to meet him with a body of men amounting to nearly twenty thousand, and a great battle took place :—

“Though that army be as numerous as ants or locusts, The ant will be killed when it falls on the road.”

A‘zam Khan divided his army into seven sections, and fought such a battle that anything approaching it has never been described. Khwajah Rafi‘ Badakhshi leader of the left wing, who was a youth distinguished for his valour and courage, and Muhammad Husain Shaikh, who was one of the old Amirs, attained the felicity of martyr- dom. And of the division of the vanguard Shah Sharaf-ud-din, brother’s son to Abu Turab, was also martyred. And of the in- fidels four thousand men went to Hell in the company of the son of

the Jam, who was his father’s vicegerent :—

‘The stock which was drunk through the passing of the cup,} Behold now it is desolate and with his cup broken !?

The king of the world is drunk with the joy of wine,

Because the J&m is come into the king’s hand.”

This victory took place on the first day of the week, the sixth of Shawwal> of the year nine hundred and ninety-eight (998), and Shaikh Faizi found the date to be given by “A glorious vietory.’’4

In this year at Ahmadabdd that Pattern of learned and profound sages, the author of comprehensive works, the wise unto God, Shaikh Wajih-ud-din answered, ‘‘ Adsum ” to God’s lictor’s call, and “ Shaikh Wajth din” was found to give the date :°

1 There is a pun on the name /ém which also means “ Cup”; also on daur ‘passing’ and “age.”

2 That is, has broken up the assembly.

3 The tenth month.

480 + 400+6+4+8+1+ 400+ 70+7+10+ 7+ 10 = 999, which in one too many.

65300 + 10 + 600+ 6+8+10+5+4+ 10 + 50 = 998. 49

[ 386 ]

“ May God have mercy on him, abundant mercy !”’

In this year too Shaikh Chaéyan Ladah! successor to Shaikh ‘Abd- ui-aziz of Dihli, who was the chief orthodox religious teacher in the town of Sihnah (P. 874) departed this life, and one of his pupils found the date ‘‘ Truth of religious poverty.’”?

At this tine the Emperor took away Jounptr from the Khan Khandn and gave him the government of Multan and Bakkar, and appointed him to subdue.the kingdoms of Sind and Baluchistan, and to settle the hash of Mirz& Jani. And in the month Rabrus- sini of the year nine hundred and ninety-nine (999) the Emperor despatched to that quarter the Khan Kliindn, with a number of re- nowned Amirs, such as Shah Bég Khan, and Sayyid Bibaé-ud-din Bokhari and Mir Muhammad Ma‘eim Bakkart\and others, and a hundred elephants with them. And the prince of poets Shaikh Paizi found the date “On for Tatah 1’

In this year came from Malwah the news of the death of Shihab- ud din Khan, and “I am Shih&b Khan’ was found to give the date ; and another was ‘‘ Base of disposition.’’ Si

At this time the Emperor ordered them to rewrite in any eh style the history of Kashmir, which Mull4 Shah Muhammad of Shahabad, who was a learned man, and a collector of all learning from traditional and logical sources, had translated according to or into Persian. I made a compendium in the course of two month and wrote this verse at the end of it :—

“Tn the course of one or two months,

In accordance with the Shah’s command, This book was written in black,

Like the down on the cheeks of the fair.”

2 Our author in Vol. III, p. 110 says that Ladah Suhnah is a town about 18 cosses trom Dihli,

28 + 100 + 10 + 100 + 400 + 80 + 100 + 200 = 998.

#300 +5 +142 + 600 + 1+ 50 + 40 = 999,

700 + 40 + 10+ 40+ 14230 +1+6+ 90+1 + 80 = 999,

[ 387 ]

presented it, and it was put into the Imperial library, and it is read as a sample.

In this year Shaikh Ibrahim Chishti died a natural death at Fathpir, and having bid adieu to a world of wealth, went to give an account of it to his Creator. Of all this a sum of twenty- five frors of ready money together with elephants and horses and other chattels were appropriated by the Imperial treasury, and the remainder became the portion of his enemies, who were his sons and his agents. And since he was noted and notorious for avarice and vice, and was accursed, “ Base of disposition’! (P. 375), and “ Vile Shaikh’? became the mnemosynon of his death.

In this year many of the chief men of Lahdr died. Of this num- ber were Khanjari Turk, who died of emerods; and Shaikh Ahmad the younger brother of Shaikh ‘Abd-ur-rahim bya fatal accident with an elephant; and Mulla ‘Urfi of Shiraz, the celebrated poet, of an ordinary® bodily ailment. And at the moment of departing he uttered the Ruba‘i:—

“ Urfi! it is the last breath, and still thou art intoxicated, After all of what value are the goods thou hast packed P To-morrow the Friend with the ready-money of Paradise in his

[hand Will ask for your wares, and thou wilt have an empty hand.”

And since he had said a great many impolite words against the doctors, both ancient and modern, they found out this mnemosynon for his death :—

Said “ Urfé: O Death thou art but a young hand ;’’4 And another “ Enemy of God.’’>

1 See above, p. 336, n. 5.

2 300 + 10 + 600 + 30 + 10 + 40 = 1000, one too many,

3 Punning on his name.

470 + 200 + 80+ 10+3+6+1 + 50+ 5 + 40 + 200 x 20 + 300

44 + 10 = 999. :

5 4 + 300 + 40 + 50 + 600 + 4+ 1 = 999.

[ 88s }

At this time Hakim Hamam praised the book Mu‘jam.ul-buldan’, which is comprised in some two hundred sheets, and represented to the Emperor that it should be translated from the Arabic into Persian, since it contained a host of strange stories and wonderful sources of profit. Accordingly he assembled ten or twelve men of learning, both Persian and Indian, and apportioned the book among them, and the amount of ten sheets fell to my portion. I translated it in the course of one month, and presenting it before any of the others, made it an excuse for asking leave to go to Badatn, and it was accepted.

On the twenty-fourth of the month Jaméda’l-awwal of the year nine hundred and ninety-nine the Assembly of the New Year was arranged asin former years. This was the beginning of the twenty-sixth year from the Accession. And among the different edicts, which were fixed in this year, is the forbidding of (P. 876) flesh of cows and buffaloes and sheep and horses and camels. Another was that, if a Hindi woman wished to be burnt with her husband, they should not prevent her; but she should not be forced against her will. And that they should not circumcise a boy before twelve years of age, and then he could choose for himself, whether it should be done or no.

And another was that if any one should eat with a butcher they should cut off his hand, but if he belonged to the butcher’s rela- tives, they should cut off only his little finger.

In this year Haji Mirzé Bég Kabuli, who had gone to ‘Ali Rai, ruler of Little Tibet, brought his daughter and married her to the eldest prince.

And? a treatise was written concerning the manners and customs, and religious sects of those people from the account of Mirza Beg, and Mullé Talib Icfahani, who had gone there a second time as ambassa- dor. Those who wish fora full account had better refer to the book. If not he can read the Akbarndmah, in which is a descrip- tion of the cities of Hindustan and Kabil, and Tibet and Kashmir.

1 Blochm., p. 106. 2 The Lak’hnau text has 1g instead of 59.

[ 389 ]

Towards the end of Shabin! of this year the Emperor allowed Mirzi Nizim-ud-din Ahmad to go to the parganna of Shamsabad, which had been given him as his jégiv. And the son of his mater- nalaunt, Muhammad Ja‘far by name, a very able young man indeed, and a regular Bahadur in fighting and friendship fell in action at that place, and the following mnemosynon was found for the date :—

“When Ja‘far attained the diploma of martyrdom from the Court of the Judge,

The date of his year was: Ja‘far is become a pure martyr.”

The Emperor gave Mirza Nizim-ud-din Ahmad five months’ leave

__ of absence. And when the aforesaid Mirza represented that my mo-

ther was dead, and asked leave for me to go and comfort my brothers and sisters, the Emperor reluctantly gave me permission. And when the Gadr Jahan repeatedly told me to do sijdah, and I

did not do so, he said ‘Get along then.’ So the Emperor was vexed with me and gave me nothing. At any rate I went with the Mirza to Shamsabad, and there (P. 377) I fell ill, and going to Baddtin and visiting my relatives they occupied themselves in preparing plasters and cures. The Mirzd hastened to Lahér. And on account of the book Khirad-afzd, which had disappeared from the Library, and con- cerning Salimah Sultan Begum’s study of which the Emperor re- minded me, (and though many messengers consisting of my friends started for Badan, on account of certain hindrances they never arrived,) an order was issued that my madad-ma‘ésh should be stopped, and that they should demand the book of me zolens volens. And the aforesaid Mirzi (may he be steeped in God’s mercy,) did me many acts of kindness in secret. But Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl did not lay my repeated representations before the Emperor, so that no refutation at all should reach his ears. ;

In Shawwal? of this year four persons of the confidential servants of the Court were sent on an embassy to the four rulers of the Dak’hin.

2 The eighth month. _ * The tenth month.

[ 890 ]

Shaikh Faizi was sent to Rajah ‘Al: Khan ruler of Asir and Burhan- pur. And Amin-ud-din, who was formerly called Muhammad Amin, and at his own special request got the name of Amin-ud-din, was sent to Burhadn-ul-mulk, who had left the Court, and with the help of friendly Amirs had raised himself to the Sultanate and assumed abso- lute power in Ahmad-Nagar, which was the place of his ancestors. And one, Mfr Muhammad Amin by name, who was a former servant of Cadiq Khan, was sent to ‘A’dil Khan ruler of Bijapar. And Mir Munir was sent to Qutb-ul-mulk the ruler of Golkandah. The order was that Shaikb Faizi should deliver his letter to Rajah ‘Ali Khan, and then go on to Burhén-ul-mulk. And there the friendship be- tween the Shaikh and Imin-ud-din came to an end, and ended ina quarrel.

In this year the Emperor’s constitution became a little deranged and he suffered from stomach-ache and cholic, which could by no means be removed. In this unconscious state he uttered some words which arose from suspicions of his eldest son,! and accused him of giving him poison, and said:

“Baba Shaikht? (P. 878) Ji since all this

Sultanate will devolve on thee, why

Hast thou made this attack on me :—

To take away my life there was no need of injustice, I would have given it to thee, if thou hadst asked me.”

And he also accused Hakim Haman, in whom he had the most perfect confidence, of giving him something. The eldest Prince ap- pointed some of his own confidants to watch the movements of the Prince Murdd. In a short space of time the Emperor’s sickness was changed into health, and the people of the harem and the Shébzddah Murad told this incident to the Emperor.

1 Prince Salim, afterwards Jahdngtr. 3 Jahéngtr says in his Memoirs (Tueuk, p. 1) that his father always called him by this name. S/aikhé is the vocative plural in Hindustani,

[ 391 ]

On this account on the twelfth of Zi-hajjah? of this year the Em- peror gave the government of Malwah to the Prince Sultan Murad, who was entitled Pahdrv.4 On appointing him to this government he granted him a pennon, kettle-drum, martial music, and a royal standard,! and all the paraphernalia of royalty, and he conferred on him a royal sleeveless dress of honour, which is an honour conferred only on princes. And he appointed Ismé‘il Quli Khan as his waz, and other great Amirs he appointed as his attendants, and sent them with him, in order to set the distance between Hast and West between the two brothers, and that they might remain safe from the vain troubles of Empire. With the hope of further victories numbers of persons from every side gathered round the Prince, whom on the plea of the “ golden mean’? they thought superior to the other princes in majesty and pomp. Having gathered together an immense army from the environs of Agrah, Qunnauj, and Guilyar, he fought in the neighbourhood of Narwar several engagements with Madhukar® the zamiénddr of Undchah,* who was distinguished above all the Rajahs of Hind for his retinue and army, and had raised a rebellion in those parts; and defeated him. He fled and betook himself to the mountains and jungles, where he infested the roads, and killed many people, and took heavy black-mail from the caravans. ‘The army of the Prince (BP. 379) were put to the greatest straits by his robberies, and desert ed him in every direction. But at that time Madhukar died a natural death, and went to Hell. His son came with fitting offerings, and had an interview with the Prince, who sent him with Yaér Muham- mad, the son of Cadiq Khan, (who acquired the title of Yar, and is still known by that name) to do homage at Lahor.

The Prince took up his abode at Ujjain, and numbers of the men, who were appointed as his retinue, on account of his bad conduct in all relations of life, and court and ceremonial, and in his over-weaning pride and arrogance, in which he imitated his illustrious Father, and

3 The twelfth month.

4 Because he was born in the mountain district. See Tizuk, p. 26 (Trans.), 1 See Blochm., plate 9, 4.

2 The three princes were Salim, Murad, and Danyal.

Means “ Bee,” “ honey-maker.””

4 Spelt in our maps Oorcha.

[ 392 }

which he carried beyond all conception, boasting of being a ripe grape when he was not yet evenan unripe grape, with leave or without leave they left him; and it became known that all that transient

pomp and circumstance was caused by his ignorance rather than his

knowledge.

At this time Doulat Khan, son of Amin Khan Ghori, governor of Joundgarh, who had been wounded in battle with the Jam, died. A‘zam Khan had gone to try and reduce that fortress, and the Amirs of Amin Kh&n under the leadership of the son of Doulat Khan for some days held out against him, but at last they asked for quarter and gave up the keys of the fortress on the fifth of Zi-qddah! in the aforesaid year.

And on the twenty-sixth of Muharram? of the year one thousand (1000) corresponding to the thirty-sixth year from the Accession, the Khan Khanan fought with Jani Beg for a whole night and day continuously. On both sides great valour was shown. The Khan Khanan slew two hundred of Jani Beg’s troops and defeated him. Jani Beg after this defeat entrenched his army in the island, and the Khan Khandn blockaded him for two months, Then the Emperor sent one lac and fifty thousand rupees at the time, and one lac of mdm of grain, with one hundred cannon at another time by water, and by way of Jasalmir many gunners and Rai Singh, who was one of the Amirs (P. 380) of four thousand, to the assistance of the Khan Khanaén. And Jani Beg, after a most valiant resistance was at last conquered and reduced to extremities, so that he submitted and gave his daughter to the son of the Khan Khanaén. After the conquest of Kashmir he came with the Khan Khandn (as will be related) and did homage to the Emperor.

On the fifth of Jamad’as-sdni? of the year one thousand the Sun entered Aries, and the beginning of the thirty-seventh year from the Accession took place, and they diligently shaved their beards, and this hemistich was found to give the date :—

1 The eleventh month. = The first month. 3 The sixth month.

[ 393 J

‘They used to say that: ever so many scoundrels Have given their beards to the wind,”

The rules and customs and observances on the occasion were the same as usual, with the addition of some new ones on the old lines. Of them are the following. The Dirhams and Dinars which had been coined with the stamps of former Emperors were to be melted down and sold for their value in gold and silver, and no trace of them was to be left of them in the world. And all sorts of Ashrafis and Ztupees, on which there was his own royal stamps whether old or new, should all be set in circulation, and no difference of years was to be regarded. And Qulij Khan, being very diligent, every day sought at the bankers, and took bonds from them and _ inflicted fines on them, and many were put to death with various tortures. But for all that they would not desist from uttering counterfeit coins. The Emperor wrote and sent farméns into the uttermost parts of his dominions, containing stringent orders with regard to this mat- ter. But it had no effect. At last by the care of Khwajah Shams- ud-din the Chief Déwdn, that command was really put in force.

On the day of Sharfi-Aftab, which was the 19th degree of Aries, Ja‘far Beg, whose title was A’cal Khan Bakhsh?, the Emperor appointed to march against Jalalah the Roshkand, who had got in advance of Abd-ull4h Khdn and was marching on Kabul, that with the help of Muhammad Qasim Khan, the commandant of Dihli, he might exterminate those rascals. And Nizim-ud-din Ahmad (P. 381) he appointed to the post of paymaster-general. And at the end of Sha’bin? he appointed Zin Khan Kékah to help Agaf Khan to exter- minate the remnant of the Roshandis and to colonise the district of SawAd-u-Bajtir, which had been completely desolated. In the middle of the month Shavval’ of this year Hafiz Sultan Rakhnah of Herat, who was a most excellent person, of whom a host of worthy traces are remaining, notably the garden and buildings of Sarhind, which

1900 +10 + 300+ 5+14+24+200424+14+4+44+1+44+ 64 40 + 80 + 60 + 14 + 3 + 50 + 4 + 10 = 1000. ? The eighth month. 3 The tenth month, 50

[ 394 ]

have no parallel in Hind, passed in his ninetieth year from this lodg- ing of deceit to the abode of happiness. ‘The date was found by way of riddle in the following verse :—

“ A fissure came into the garden, And the water flowed away.”

And Faizi of Sarhind found two lines to give the date :— “The garden became without water,”

And another :— “Since he was buried in a corner of the garden, Seek his date from the corner of the garden.’”

And another :— O Hafiz.’

On the twenty-fourth of Shavval [news of the rebellion of] Yad- gar Kal, nephew of Mirz4é Yusuf Khan Razwi, who had lefé him as his deputy in Kashmir and set off to the Court, arrived. And the Emperor having left Qulij Khan to settle some affairs in Lahdr, himself crossed the river Rawi in the middle of the rainy season, and joining his eldest son advanced, hunting as he went, as far as the river — Chanab. At this place the news became current that Yadgdr had fought a battle with Husain Bég* Shaikh ‘ Umri Badakhshi, who was collector of the revenues of Kashmir, and had come off victorious ; and that the Kashmiris had cut off the ears and nose of Qazi Ali Baghdadi, the enemy of the azmahddrs (who held the post of Diwan of Kashmir, and had brought forward accounts wide of the truth, and containing absurd details and so vexed the soldiery and the ryots), and had stuck his pen through the lobe of his ear (P. 882),

1 His name Rakhnah means “fissure.” The verse may also be rendered “ Rakhnah went to Paradise, and glory departed.’ The numerical value of bagh “ garden” is 1003 that of ab “water” is 3, take 3 from 1003 and you get the date 1000.

2 T. e., from é 1000 which is at the end of the word rao “ garden,”

311+8+1 + 80 + 900 = 1000. 4 Husain Beg and Qazi ‘Ali had been sent by Akbar to Kashmir to look into the revenue, Blochm., p. 346,

[ 395 ]

and sent him back again; and this mnemonynon was found for the date :—

“ When Qazi ‘Ali Baghdadi Brought the anger of Yaédgar upon him, The pen of the Munshi of Fate wrote The date of his death, the obnoxious one is dead.

After this Yddgadr in accordance with the ancient customs of the place set a jewelled turban on his bald? head and borrowed the name of Sultan :—

“The crown of empire, and diadem of royalty How shall it come to every bald man, God forbid !”

They say that the custom of Kashmir is that on the day of the Accession they stand drawn up in two ranks holding their naked swords over the new king’s head. They say that on this account Yadgar at the time of the reading of the £hutbah fell into a tremour, and fainted, and did not recover for some time, One of the incidents which occurred is the following. ‘The very same day that he found a posie for his seal, and ordered it to be cut in his presence, a splinter from it came off and struck him in the eye. He rubbed his eye for a long time and cried out. From these omens they perceived that his rule would not be a long one :—

‘¢Empire which comes quickly, lasts not long ;

That is true empire, which comes gradually.”

Husain Bég Shaikh ‘Umri fled, and thinking half a life a great gain left the passes of Kashmir as quickly as possible, and reaching Rajiri,? which is between Kashmir and the end of his journey, he there waited for orders. Yadgar gave mangabs and jdajirs to his men, and giving them all sorts of titles appropriated the treasures and horses and arms of Mirza Yusuf Khan. And his wives and

746 + 700 + 10 + 40 + 200 + 4 = 1000. ? His name Jai means “ bald.” 3 On the frontier of the Panjab and Kashmir.

[ 396 ]

family, after taking away all the gold and ornaments and useful .

female slaves, he mounted on small horses, and sent out of Kashmir with the greatest ignominy, together with the disagreeable sons, the very counterpart of the disposition and nature of their father Mirza Yiisuf Khadn, of whom the following verse would be a good descrip- tion: (P. 383)

“All your Amirs are babblers And all their sons are disagreeable.”

The Emperor suspecting Mirzi Yisuf Khan, who was in the camp, consigned him for some days to the charge of Shaikh Abu-l- Faz]. Meanwhile he sent forward Shaikh Farid bakhsh¢ with Shaikh ‘Abd-ur-rahim of Lak’hnou and another army, and himself awaited the Prince’s arrival on the banks of the Chanéb. At B’hambar, which is the beginning of the passes and mountainous country, news arrived, that Yadgadr had come out of the city Kashmir with a large force intent on fighting, and that he had alighted at a pass called Hiraptr, and at night with the greatest carelessness had given himself up to debauchery in his tent. In the middle of the night some of the servants of Mirzd Yusuf Khan, together with a band of Afghans, attacked him and put him to death. They brought his treacherous head after three days to Court.

This victory so quickly gained was a lesson to men. They rec- koned that from the accession of Yadgaér to the day that his head was brought into the camp was forty days. His head came into the army like a ball in a game at tennis, and afterwards was exalted to the battlements of the fortress of Lahdr.

When in the month of Zi-hijjah! of this year the Author came from Badatin? to the Camp in accordance with orders, Hakim Human represented to the Emperor at the station of B’hambar, that I wished to pay him homage. The Emperor asked how long I had been absent from my post? He replied, Five months. The Em- peror asked, On what pretext? He replied, On the score of sick- ness. And he brought a petition from the grandees of Baddtn, and

1 The twelfth month. 2 See p. 376.

7 i ae

[ 397 ]

a report from Hakim ‘Ain-ul-mulk to the same effect from Dihli. When the Emperor had read them all, he said: ‘“ A sickness won’t last for five months.’ And so he did not give me permission to make the Kvrnish. So I remained repulsed, grieved, and disap- pointed in the camp, which was left with (P. 884) Prince Danyal at Rohtas. But I made my fortress the reading through of that impregnable castle, viz., the words of the Best of the Prophets (God bless him, and his family and give them all peace!) and the repetition of the Qagidah e bordah,! and He who answers the prayer of the distressed accepted this my sad and humble petition, so that after five months the occasion of His Majesty’s return from Kashmir to Lahdr rendered him favourably disposed towards me, and on the pretext of my making a translation of the Jém‘-i Rashidi? which isa very huge volume, some kind and true friends, such as Mir Nizim-ud-din &e., mentioned my name confidentially at his private audience. And soa command was issued that I should wait upon him. After his return from Kashmir on the day of Bahman-khur,> of the festival month of Babman, the divine month,‘ which corresponded with the seven- teenth of Rabi-ul-Akhir® of this year the Emperor granted me an audience. I offered him an ashraft, and approached him with the greatest respect, and so the removal of that cloud of alienation and suspicion became facilitated, thank God for it! An order for making an epitome of the JAm‘-i-Rashidi was with the approval of ‘Alam Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl issued to me. Of this whole book I took the genealogical tree of the Khalifs of the Abbdsides and of the Omaiades of Egypt, which is traced to The Prophet (God bless him, &c.,) and thence down to Adam (peace be upon him!), and also the pedigree of the other prophets I translated in extenso from Arabic into Persian, and presented it to the Emperor, and it was put into the imperial library.

1 A famous ode in praise of the Prophet by Abu ’Abd-ull4h Muhammad Sharf-uddin. 2 Morely, Descriptive Catalogue, pp. 1-11. ® The month of January was called Bakman, and so too the 2nd days of every month, but of that month in particular, on which day ey eat bahman saffron. 4 That is, according to the I//éhi reckoning. ® The fourth month of the Muhammadan year,

[ 398 ]

But to return to the history of the Emperor. On the sixth of Muharram! of the year one thousand and one, he arrived in Kashmir, and having spent a whole month minus two days in enjoying himself in that “his private garden,” and having com- mitted the government of that province to Mirzi Yusuf Khan, on the sixth of the month of Qafar? of the year one thousand and one he embarked in a boat on his way back, and reached Barah Milah on the confines of Kashmir (P. 385) and at the end of the road to Pakhali.

On the road he came to alake, which is known as Zain-lanka,’ and enjoyed himself there. This lake, which is between two mountains, one on the east and one on the west, has a circumference of thirty cosses, and is very deep. The river Bahat* flows through it. Sultin Zain-ul-‘dbidin, whose history has been written succinctly in my abridgment of the history of Kashmir, had a jar¢b of stones thrown into the water and built thereon a stone throne, so lofty and grand that the like of it has not been seen in all the provinces of India.

Among the wenders which the soldiers saw in the country of Kashmir is a sensitive tree in the village of Khanptir, the width of its stem is two arash’ and its height more than a gaz, and its branches are like an inverted Béd-i-Majntin,® and for all that if a child do but take hold of one of its branches and shake it, the whole tree trembles and shakes. And some of the wonders of that country have been described by the late Shah Fath-Allah Shirazi, and his account has been inserted in the Akbarnimah by ‘Allémi Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl.

During the first part of the month Rabi‘-ul-awwal? of this year His Imperial Highness took up his abode at Rohtas. On the fifteenth of this month he returned to that abode of delights Pe-

1 The first month.

2 The second month,

3 According to the Tazuk (Sayyid Ahmad’s Text, p. 45, last two lines) it was the building which was called Zain-lankd. ‘The lake was called Ulu,

4 Jellum or Hydaspes,

5 A cubit. Vullers.

® Weeping willow. °

7 The third month,

[ 399 ]

shdwar, and on the sixth of; the month Rabi‘-us-sini! he took up his abode in that city which is the city of all arts. At that time news came, that Bahadur Kodrah, a little account of whom has already been given, after the death of Qutlu Lohani? governor of, had fought a great battle with Sakat Singh the son of Man Singh, and defeated him. When Man Singh marched against him, he was not able to withstand him, but fled and hid himself in the deserts and mountain, and the kingdom of Bengal to the sea-shore was brought entirely into the power of Man Singh.

On Sunday the seventeenth of Jamada’s-sinf of (P. 886) the year one thousand and one (1001) the passage of the Sun from Pisces into Aries took place, which was the beginning of the thirty-eighth year from the Accession. More new regulations were published.

On the twenty-fourth of Jamada’s-sini the Khin Khanin and Mirza Jani came to Court, and became the recipients of the Em- peror’s bounty. He distinguished the Amirs, who had been with the Khan Khénan on service, each according tu circumstances with additions to their mangabs and jdgirs. At first, Multdn was fixed as the jagir of Mirza Jani, after some time he was transferred to Thathah, and Multan was given to Mirzé Rastam, as shall be hereafter narrated, if God, He is exalted! will.

At this time came news that, when the Khan-i-A‘zam took pos- session of Strat Muzaffar Guzrati, who was in that neighbourhood, fled to Kangar the zaminddr of the province of Kach’h and took refuge with him. Then A‘zam Khan went against Kangar. And he with a view to preserving his name and reputation came and had an interview with Khan-i-A‘zam. The son of Khan-i-A‘zam took Muzaffar Khain* prisoner unawares, in the place where he was, and sent him to the Khan-i-A‘zam. And Muzaffar on the journey on the plea of a call of nature sat down with his canopy over him, which he always carried about with him together with his other property, and cut his throat and died. And, not being able to

1 The fourth month.

2 Or Nohant.

3 The sixth month.

4 The text here is yery much confused; but I think I have given the right sense.

[ 400 }

do anything else, they sent his head to the Kh4n-i-A‘zam, and he sent it on to Court :—

“ Heaven turns away its face From every one who turns from it ; You should not turn your face from it, That it turn not its face from you.”!

At this time Rajah Man Singh sent from Bengal the 120 elephants, which had fallen into his hands at the conquest of Orisah.

In this year in accordance with the decree that all the Amirs of the frontier at the end of a certain fixed period should come to Court, which was a very wise and politic provision, a farmdén was issued to A‘zam Khan, who (P. 387) for a period of six years had absented himself, ordering him to repair to Court. The Emperor took away from him Juindgarh,? which he had conquered, and gave it to Rajah Man Singh. On the last occasion, when he came from Bengal to Fathptr, he had let fall some harsh words concerning the sect and creed, and in his bigotry had brought the names of Shaikh Abu-l- Fazl and Birbar before the Emperor, and carried his speech to wonderful excesses, so that he became the common talk of high and low. Eventually on account of their affair he was looked very much askance at, and so [he left Court] on the pretext of letting his beard grow, which he had vowed in his war with the Jam, and concerning which the Emperor had written to him, saying: “ Is your beard not yet grown, that you do not come?” and he had written a long and rude letter in reply, which made an impression on the Emperors mind. Some of the hypocrites about Court told tales of him, and got him removed from his post. On this account he put his children and his wives and treasures into a boat on the first of

1 For the sentiment compare the saying of Rabban Gamliel, son of Rabbi (Mishnah, Adoth ii. 4) “ Make His will thy will, that He may make thy will Fis will.’ And for the “turn” of the verse, compare Rapin’s line on the Marigold :

Calthaque, solis amans, solem dum spectat amatum, Ducit eum, quem fert, ipso de sole colorem, 2 The capital of Sarat.

eis

[ar

[ 401 ]

Rajab! of the aforesaid year he left Jainagarh and went to the port of Dit intending to make a pilgrimage to Makkah, and the following mnemosynon for the date, which is one too many, was com- posed :—

“To the place of the upright Khan-i-A‘zam went, But in his despite of the king he went wrong, When I asked of my head the date of the year, Tt said: Mirza Kékah is gone on a pilgrimage.

And this affair of his,’ which they- compared with that of the chief of anchorites Ibn Adham,* after all was all the same to him whether he accomplished the journey or not. On the arrival of the news a furmdn was sent to the Prince Sultan Murad that he should become governor of Guzrat, and the Emperor having appointed Mu- hammad Cadiq Khan, in the place of Isma‘il Quli Khan as his wakéd, allowed him to leave the Court. And the province of Strat and Baronch, on account of the removal of Qulij Khan, was fixed as his jagir. In this year Zaim Khan Kékah and Agaf Khan who had been appointed to punish the Afghans of Swat and Bajur, and to extirpate Jallélah the Roshanéi (P. 388), killed many of them, and cap- tured the wives and family of Jallalah, and his brother Wahdat “Ali with their relatives and brethren to the number of nearly 14,000, and sent them to Court. And of the rest of the prisoners who can take account!

On the twenty-ninth of Zi-l-qa‘dah® of this year the government of the district of M4lwah was given to Mirz4 Shah Rukh. And Shah- baz Khan Kambi, who had been kept in confinement for three years, and had paid a fine of seven Jacs of rupees, the Emperor sent for

1 The seventh month.

240 +10 + 200+7+1+20+6+ 254+2+4+8+43 + 80 + 200 + 400 = 1002. The date is therefore 1001.

3 He went with all his children and a tremendous suite.

4 Abu Ishaq bin Adham a great saint, died 166 A.H. He mado a very famous pilgrimage alone to Mekkah. See D’Herbelot sub voce “Adhem.” He is well-known from Leigh Hunt’s poem.

5 The eleventh month,

[ 402 ]

from Kangarh and set him free. He was then appointed to manage the affairs of Malwah, and to be waki? to Mirzi Shah Rukh,

On the seventeenth of Zi-qa‘dah of this year the learned Shaikh Mubdarak! departed from this world. At his funeral his sons shaved their heads and beards and mustaches and eyebrows as people do the beard. And Faizi, the king of poets, found the date: Pride of? per- Section ; and I found the date: The perfect Shaikh. And A new law* gives the date on which these people had their hair, beard, mus- taches, and eyebrows shaved,

On the eighth of the month Muharram® of the year one thousand and two (1002) Mirza Rustam bin Sultan Husain Mirza bin Bahrém Mirza bin Isma‘il Gafawi, who himself held the government of Zamin- dawar and its environs, and his elder brother Mirza Muzaffar Husain held the government of Qandahar and the Garmsir,® being angry with his brother, came to Court with his children, wife, family and brother- german. ‘The Emperor sent Hakim ‘Ain-ul-mulk and others to meet him, and take to him a private pavillion, and an audience tent, carpets and other paraphernalia of the farrdsh khdnah,! and a belt and jewelled dagger. And at four cosses from Lahér he ordered the Khan Khanan, and Zain Khan K6kah, and the other great Amirs to goand meethim. After he had done homage the Emperor made him a present of the sum of a kror of tankahs in small change,’ and enrolled him among the Amirs of five thousand, and appointed Multdn as his jagir. (P. 389).

At this time coming four months after the king of poets Shaikh Faizi,® the other ambassadors arrived from the rulers of the Dak’hin

2 Father of Faizi and Abul-Fazl.

2 80 + 600 + 200 + 31 + 40 + 30 + 20 = 1001.

3 300 + 10 + 600 + 21 + 40 + 30 = 1001.

4300 + 200+ 10+ 70 + 400+ 3+ 4+ 10+ 4 = 1001.

5 The first month.

6 The temperature in Persia, India &c, depends more on elevation and soil, than on latitude. The higher and cooler regions are called sarasér, the hotter garmstr, Sco Balfour’s Alé Hazin, p. 100, n.

7 See Blochmann, p. 53.

8 It was the custom to keep bags of 1000 dam at hand ready for distribution, Thomas, Pathan Kings of Dehli, p. 421, n. 1.

9 See suprd, p. 377.

[ 403 ]

having succeeded in their negotiations ; and paid their respects. And since Burham-ul-mulk! had not sent any acceptable present on the twenty-first of Muharram the Emperor appointed the Prince Dany to this service, as wakil to the Khan Khandn, and Rai Sing (whom I should rather call Sag)’, and other Amirs with 70,000 specially as- signed troops.

The Emperor married the Prince Danyal to the daughter of the Khan Khandan, and gave a great feast, and received such a quantity of presents of gold, and all sorts of precious things, that he was able to equip the army therefrom. And having given the ensigns of Royalty and insignia of pomp and dignity to the Prince, he sent him off. He himself immediately afterwards went out to the chase, when he had reached the banks of the river of Sultanptir, which is twenty- five cosses from Lahdér, he changed his mind and ordered the Prince to return. In order to take counsel with the Khan Khaéndn, who had got as far as Sarhind, he sent for him. He made him turn back to go and meet the leaders of the army with orders to abandon the enterprise, and again dismissed him, and himself returned to Lahdr.

On Friday the seventeenth of Jamada ’s-sani> of this year Miydn Shaikh ‘Abd’-ullah the lawful heir of his reverence Miyan Shaikh Daitid (God sanctify his spirit!) passed to the eternal world, and The Pure Spirit of Shaikh Daid* gives the date “ God knows what is best, and to Him do we eventually return.”

Let not the intelligent reader be ignorant of the fact that as to that which has been written up to this point the source of the greater part of it is the Tubagat-i Akbart Shahi, the date of which I, this erring author, (P. 390) after much thought found to be Wizémi® Waving persuaded the said author to allow me, I wrote a part of the book myself, and so from this point onwards the events of the two following years will be chronicled in a compendious style.

On Monday the twenty-eighth of Jamada ’s-sani® of the year one

1 King of Ahmadnagar,

2 I. e., Dog.

3 The fifth month.

4 T cannot make it give more than 992, 5 50 + 900 + 1 + 40 + lv = 1001.

The sixth month,

[ 404 ]

thousand and two (1002) the sun passed out from the extremity of the sign of Pisces into the commencement of the sign of Aries. And this was the beginning of the thirty-ninth year from the Accession. These eighteen days were spent, as were those of the years preceding, in feasting and jollity of all sorts. New decrees were promulgated. Of this number are the following :

The chief police officer was to take cognizance of the streets and houses of the city one by one, and to require of the heads and chief persons of every street a bond that he would perform the following duties. To keep a close watch on every one who came in or out, of whatever degree he might be, whether merchant, soldier or otherwise. Not to allow troublesome, and disorderly fellows, or thieves to take up their abode in the city. That if he saw any one whose expendi- ture was greater than his receipts, he should follow the matter up, and represent to the Emperor through the chief police officer, that all this extravagance of his is probably paid for with money, irregularly acquired. ‘That he would inform the Chief of Police of all rejoic- ings and feasts, and mourning, and lamentation which might take place, especially marriages, births, feastst and such like, That he should have continually in his employ in every street, and lane, and bazar, and at every ford of the river a person, whom he could trust, to keep him informed of everything that went on, whether good or bad. And that he would so manage the roads, that no one who had lost his way, or who was a fugitive should be able to get out of reach, and that no merchant should be able without an order to take away a horse, nor to bring in a pack from Hindustén,

The price of gold, silver, and precious stuffs was to remain fixed, and they were to be bought at the imperial tariff. A fixed profit was to acerue to the imperial treasury.

An inspector and registrar of the effects of those who died or dis- appeared was to be appointed, So that if any one who died had an heir (P. 891), after it had been proved that he did not owe anything to the imperial exchequer, and was not krorz (tax-gatherer), or a banker receiving deposits, the heir might take possession of it ; otherwise it

1 Or w= may mean “ bloodshed”; but I have taken it as the Arab, pl, of the Persian W!s> a table, food.

[ 405 ]

passed into the imperial treasury ; and until they gota receipt from the treasurer, they were not to bury the deceased.

In order to show respect to the Sun the Emperor ordered, that [the coffins] should be placed in the grave-yard on the eastern side of the city. If any of the disciples called Darsaniyyah! died, whether male or female they were to hang some uncooked grain and a burnt brick round the neck of the corpse, and to throw it into the river. Then they were to take out the corpse and burn it in a place where no water was ; or else after the manner of the inhabitants of Cathay? to bind it to a tree. ‘This order is based on a fundamental rule, which His Majesty had defined, but which I have not room to mention here.

No son or daughter of the common people was to be married until they had gone to the oflice of the Chief of Police, and been seen by his agents, and the correct age of both parties had been investigated. Tn this way a host of profits and perquisites surpassing all computa- tion, guess, or imagination, found their way into the pockets of those in office, especially certain police officers, and effete Khan-lings,’ and other vile oppressors.

Another rule was this: If a woman was older than her husband by twelve years, he should not lie with her. And if a young woman were found running about the lanes and bazars of the town, and while so doing either did not veil herself, or allowed herself to bee come unveiled, or if a woman was worthless and deceitful and quar- relled with her husband, she was to go to the quarter of the prosti- tutes, and take up the profession.

Another rule was this: A father or a mother might, if forced by hunger and extreme misery, sell their child, and afterwards when they had the means to pay, might buy it back again from servitude.

If a Hindi, when a child or otherwise, had been made a Musalman against his will, he was to be allowed, if he pleased, to go back to the religion of his fathers.

1 So called, because they came to feast their eyes on the Emperor every morn- ing at his first public appearance called “Darsan.” See Blochmann, A‘én-¢ Akbart, p. 157. Dargana is Sanskrit for “ sight,” Gr. dépxouat.

? Colonel Yule in his edition of Marco Polo mentions the custom of exposing: the dead as current in Cathay, (vol. II, pp. 117, 118).

Khdnt is a diminutive, from Khdn. See Vuller’s Inst. ling. pers., p. 285,

[ 406 ]

No man should be interfered with on account of his religion, and any one was to be allowed to go over to any religion he pleased.

If a Hindi woman fell in love with a Musalmdn (P. 892) and entered the Muslim religion, she should be taken by force from her husband, and restored to her family.

If any of the infidels chose to build a church, or synagogue, or idol-temple, or fire-temple, no one was to hinder him.

All these laws, of which I have given a short account, refer to matters of religion, and it is not in the power of the compiler of these pages to include them all. But the laws of government and finance and households, and the mint, and the army, and the agricul- turists, and the merchants, and the custom-house, and the chronicle- writing, and the ‘rorés, and the ddgh-u-mahall, and the fights! between elephants, and deer and cheetas, and tigers, and birds, and goats and dogs, and boars, and of observing established rules on the part of the dependents of a householder, and of the disposition of one’s time in matter of eating and drinking and sleeping and wak- ing, and other actions and functions, how can they possibly be de- scribed! for the intellect is incapable of attaining to it, and to recount them all, would take a life-time of more than the human span :—

‘“‘ Byery day Heaven brings forth a new event, The like of which Thought cannot fathom: It requires an intellect? brighter than the Sun To solve the difficulties of this age.”

Some of these may be found in the second volume of the Akbar-ndmah which was composed by the very learned Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, and forms a large book.

On the day the “Eminence of the Sun,” the compiler of this compendium completed the first volume of the Zérikh-i-Alfi, which consists of three volumes, of which two are by Mullé Ahmad of I’hat’hah, the Heretic, (be on him what may) and the third by A’caf Khan. And an order had been issued to me to revise and

1 See Blochmann, p. 218. 2 J propose to read CSL) instead of ¢s*l) which might, however, be rendered ‘a method.”

===

{ 407 }

collate it, in conjunction with Mull4 Mugtafaé Katib! of Lahdr, who is a worthy friend of mine, and is become one of the Ahadis. I pre- sented it, and it obtained the honour of the Emperor’s approval. And since the second volume contained much bigotry, the Emperor commanded me to revise it also. In the course of one year I sufli- ciently collated it, bub on account of my own taint of “ bigotry,” (P. 393) I did not interfere with the book, except as regards the order of the years, and did not alter the original, but laid the blame on my state of health ; and may it not, God grant! be a cause of any further injury. My condition with regard to these books was like that of one who eats one date together with the stones, and another says to him, “ Why don’t you throw away the stone?” and he an- swers, “ They have apportioned me only just this amount?.”

At this time Shaikh Faizi, the king of poets, finished the com- mentary on the Quraén®, which is altogether without diacritic points, and is of the thickness of seventy-five juz’. And he found nine lines without diacritic. points which gave the date of its completion. And some sheets he sent into ‘Iraq that it might become generally known. And now he is occupied with Amrdr-i-sént* which also gives the date of its revision and collation. And the learned men of the age wrote their imprimatur on it. Thus Shaikh Ya‘qib of Kashmir wrote an imprimatur in Arabic; and Miyan Aman-ullih Sarhindi found the verse of the Qur’4n:’’® There is nothing green nor sere, but is noted in the Perspicuous Book ;”® and Mir Muham- mad Haidar Mu‘ammai, the whole of Suwrat-al-ikhlas’ without the “bismillah’’ And the author of these pages found, “One of the

1 See Text, p. 317.

2 He means that he could not afford to reject work for which he was paid.

3 Called Sawdti‘ul clhdm. The rays of inspiration. See Blochmann, p. 549,

41 + 40 + 200 + 1 + 200 + 500 + 1 + 50 + 10 = 1008.

5 Al Qur’én, VI, 59.

6 [Translation of Hditor’s note.] Be it known that the sum-total of the numerical values of letters of the verse “‘ There is nothing green &c.” is 1099, and that of the line ‘Praise be to God! &c.” is 978, and that of the line “O God &ec.” is 1031. Thus each of the lines gives a different date. [This being the case we leave it to our more patient readers to discover the solution of the enigma. Tr. |

7 Al Qur’an, chap. CXII. The whole surah added does give 1002.

[ 408 }

best of commentaries, is the Bzsmi’z/léh in the name of the Compas= sionate, and the banner of the Qur’4n” to give the date. Anda eopy of an imprimatur, shall soon be given in its proper place (if God will). And some of the thirty lines, giving the date of the composition, which were written by me from the hunting-ground at Lahor are the following :—(P. 394)

“Thanks to God who grants desire, he has finished the Sawéti‘= O God the unique writer has not erased The Word. [wl-ilhdm. The limits of the secrets of the Word of God, who revealed

the pearls of the thrones. The thrones are lofty, the pearls are sublime.”

And the remainder are similar.

In the month Cafar of the year one thousand and two (1002) Khwajah Ibrahim Husain Ahadi, who was one of the author’s particular friends, departed this life. And Khwajah Ibrahim Hu- sain! (God have mercy on him!) was found to give the date.

This same year God (He is praised! glorious is His Majesty !) granted this scribe grace to write a copy of the Glorious Word. When [I had written it in clear legible naskhk hand-writing, with the pages and marginal lines perfect in their way, I presented it, as an offering at the luminous shrine of his holiness that Ghaus of mankind, orthodox teacher, and asylum, Miyén Shaikh Daétid Jhanni Wal? (God sanctify his tomb!), in the hopes that it having removed the infidelity of former books, which is black as the record of the deeds of the author, may be his friend throughout life, and his inter- cessor after death: “and this would not be too hard for God.’

On the seventeenth of Zi Qa‘dah* of this year Muhammad Qésim Khan Mir Bahr, and Mirzi Muhammad Zaman, who was one of the sons of Shahrukh Mirzd, were killed in Kabul. It happened as follows: When Muhammad Zaman Mirza came to Badakhshdén, after returning from his pilgrimage, the inhabitants of Badakhshan

1600+64+14+3+4+656+4+1+2+200+1+4+6+10+40+8+ 60

10 + 50 = 1002.

2 Jhanni is near Lahér. He died in 982. Blochm., p. 6389.

3 Al Qur’ an, 14, 23.

4 The eleventh month.

[ 409 j

were in despair at the oppressions of the Uzbeks. They made him Commander-in-chief, and hoping continually for help from Hindtstén, they carried on a brave resistance, and continually held their own against the enemy. But when their hopes were not realised, and the Uzbeks brought ‘* A host more numerous than ants and locusts”

against Muhammad Zaman Mirza, he resisted and withstood them for some years to the best of his power and ability, but in the last throw he was worsted, and being no longer able to stand his ground, he made for Hindustan in company with some 14,000 or 15,000 horse (P. 395), and arrived in the neighbourhood of Kabul. But through the insti- gation of certain persons he conceived some seditious disaffection, and repented of his intention. He was taken prisoner by some followers of Muhammad Qédsim Khén, commandant of Kabul. Muhammad Qasim Khan treated him with the greatest respect and honour, and presenting every one of his followers with a horse, and a robe of honour, and money for expenses, appointed 150 horsemen to accompany him, and wished him to depart for Lahér. Meanwhile some of the confidential servants of Muhammad Qasim Khan, who were Badakhshis and IKabulis, having made friends with the Mirza, broke into the house at midday and entered the bed-chamber of Muhammad Qasim Khan by force. They put him to the sword, and sent him to his last resting-place. Muhammad Hashim, son of Muhammad Qasim Kh&n, who had a house outside the citadel of Kabul, got certain gunners, and servants of his father to join with him, and besieged Mirz& Muhammad Zaman. For one night and a day he kept the fire of battle alight, and then slew the Mirza, and sent his head to Court.

The Emperor appointed Muhammad Qulij! Khan, who for some time had been manager-in-general,* to be commandant of Kabul, and dismissed him to go to his command. He appointed Shams-ud- din Muhammad Khawafi3 to the office of superintending the affairs of State and finance, and made him absolute Diwan. At this time the Emperor sent Agaf Khan*, Bakhsh?, to Kashmir to look into the affairs of the military and civilians of that country.

1 Qui properly Qitliij, means in Turki a sword, Blochm., 355, #. 2 Jwniat ul Mulk, see Blochm, p. 349. ® See p. 290, n. 1. ;

Viz, Ja‘far Beg, see Blochm., 628, 52

[ 410 Jj

In this year God (praise be to Him!), when the successive blows of misfortune, and the scourges of vicissitudes were battering me, graciously granted me repentance from some follies and transgres- sions with which I had been afflicted, and opened my eyes to the vileness of my actions, and the baseness of my deeds :—

“ Ah! if I remain so, ah!”

(P. 896) And by way of good omen “ Rectitude! ” was found to give the date. And the king of Poets (Faizi) composed this verse :—

‘¢ My Shaikh has indeed repented of sinning: His date is Hxcelling in penitence.” The thought of wine and beloved has left my head, The sound of lute and tambourine has left my heart.”

In the first part of the blessed month of Muharram? of the year one thousand and three (1008) Shaikh Farid Bukhari, who was associated with Acaf Khan in the duties of Bakhsht, received orders to repair to the mountain district of the north, and reduce to obedi- ence the rebellious Rajahs of those districts, and having made a settlement ‘of their holdings, to bring back suitable presents to the Emperor.

In the beginning of the month Cafart of this year the Emperor crossed over the river Rawi, and spent twenty-five days in amuse- ment and hunting in the neighbourhood, and then returned.

At this time the king of Poets? was ordered by the Emperor to compose the Panj-ganj, and in the short space of five months, more or less, he finished the Wal w Daman (who were a lover and his be- loved, the story of whom is famous among the people of India,) and comprised it in 4,200 verses odd, and presented it to the Hmperor as a gift together with some ashrafis. It was very much approved by the Emperor, and he ordered it to be transcribed and illuminated

11 + 60 + 400 + 100 + 1 + 40 + 400 = 1002.

260 +1+2+ 100+ 1+ 80 + 400 + 6 + 2 + 400 = 1002, 3 The first month.

4 The second month,

5 Faizi.: { 411 ]

and read like the translations by Naqib Khan. The first couplet of the book is the following :—

“O in the search of Thee from the beginning The ‘Anga of sight is soaring high.”

And verily it is a Masnav?, the like of which for the last 300 years since Mir Khusrou no poet has composed.

At this time Mirza Nizam-ud-din Ahmad’ fell out with Qulij Khan, and was continually in opposition to him, and gained a great ascendancy over the mind (P. 397) of the Emperor, and had entered on affairs with great energy and activity. He became the focus of all sorts of favours from the Emperor, and the recipient of his per- fect trust with regard to his ability, good sense, sincerity, honesty and perseverance. And this to such an extent, that the Emperor appointed Qulij Khan and other courtiers, who had always been attendants at Court, to out-lying provinces. The Emperor consider- ing this matter as but the forerunner of his patronage, and the beginning of his favour, had all sorts of bounties laid up for him in the treasury of his heart, and wished to bring forward his exalted ability, which was capable of growth, into the arena of notice. Sud- denly at the very acme of his eminence, and the height of his activity, to the disappointment of the hopes of friends and strangers a dreadful blow was received from Fate, and at the age of forty-five he succumbed to a burning fever, and left this transitory world tak- ing nothing with him but a good name. A host of friends and com- panions, who had been witnesses of the excellence of his qualities, and had entertained great hopes of him, and especially the poor author (who cherished for him a kind of religious unanimity, and a sincere friendship free from all worldly motives), poured tears of regret from their eyes, and beat their bosoms with the stone of despair, and in the end had no resource left, but patience and endurance, which is a characteristic of the pure, and a quality of the pious. I looked upon this event as the greatest misfortune, and took therefrom a perfect warning, so that I never afterwards formed a friendship with any human being, but regarded the corner of obscurity as best suited to me :—

2 Author of the Tabagdt-i Akbaré.

i a1ae J

“The discourse that preaches of thy departure is mere vanity, The death of thy companion is sufficient preacher for thee.”

This event took place on the twenty-third of Cafar of this year. They carried his bier from the camp to Lahdr and buried him in his own garden. There was scarcely any one of high or low degree in the city, who did not weep over his bier, and recall his gracious qualities, and gnaw the back of the hand of regret:—(P. 398)

** Death grants perpetuity to no human being, The rigorous King shows no respect of persons. The decree of Death is common to all earth’s habitants, He issues not this decree to me or thee alone.”

And this gif‘ah was composed to give the date :—

“ Mirzé Niz4m-ud-din Ahmad is departed, Brisk and beautiful went he towards the other world. His spirit on account of its sublimity Became the protegé of the Lord Most High. A clever man found the year of the date, A pearl without price has left the world.”

At this time Shaikh Farid Bukhari, who had been sent? to reduee’ the State of the Sawalik mountain- district to order, was sent for to administer the affairs of the office of Bakhshi, which had been com- mitted exclusively to him, The Emperor appointed Qézi Husain Qazwini to succeed him [in the Sawalik mountains].

At this time A‘zam Khan returned from Makkah, where he had suffered much harm at the hands of the Sharifs, and throwing away the blessing which he had derived from the pilgrimage, joined immedi- ately on his return, the Divine Faith, performing the sijdah, and following all other rules of discipleship; he cut off his beard, and was very forward at social meetings, and in conversation. He learnt the rules of the new faith from his reverence ‘Allami,? and received Ghaziptr and Hajiptr as Zdgir :-—

120+6+5+ 200412+12+6+1+7+4 +50+10 +41 +4 200

80 + 400 = 1003.

7 See p. 396,

3 f.¢., Abu-l-Fazl, see p. 201.

[ 413 ]

“T have spent my life at this learning, And am still learning the Alphabet ; I don’t know when I shall become So proficient in the letters as to find my way in his Diwén.

And the saying about repressing one’s whims came true.!

On the ninth of the month of Rajab? of this year the entrance of the Sun into Aries took place (P. 399), and the fortieth year from the Accession began. The customary assembly was held in the same manner asin former years. ‘Two days before the entrance of the Sun into Aries, the Emperor called to me to come from the window? in the public and private audience-chambers; and said to Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl, “We thought that so and so”? (meaning the writer of these pages) “was an unworldly‘ individual of Qufi tendencies, but he appears to be such a bigoted lawyer that no sword can sever the jugular vein of his bigotry.” He enquired, “In what book has the author thus written, that your Majesty says this of him?” He replied, ‘‘ Why, in the Razm-ndmah” (which is a name for the Mahd- bhérata) “and last night I called Naqib Khan to witness of this matter.” Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl admitted that it was a fault. I was obliged to make my appearance, and humbly stated, that I was a translator, nothing more, and that whatever the sages of India had represented therein, I had translated without alteration, but that if I had written it myself, I should have been to blame, and should have acted wrongly. ‘The Shaikh supported me, and the Emperor was silent. The cause of this contretemps was as follows: I had translated in the Razm-ndmah a certain story in which it is narrated, that one of the teachers of the people of India, when on the point of death, said by way of advice to those present: ‘“ It is right that a man should step out of the limits of ignorance and negligence, and should first of all become acquainted with the peerless Creator, and should pursue the path of knowledge; and not be satisfied with mere knowledge without practise, for that yields no fruit, but should choose the path of virtue, and as far as in him lies withdraw his

1 The text here seems corrupt.

The seventh month.

® See Blochm. p. 337, n. 2.

4 Seo Ws in De Sacy, Pendnamah, p. liv.

f 414 |

hand from evil actions, and should know for a certainty that every action will be enquired into.” And on this passage I wrote this

hemistich :—

“ Every action has its reward, And every deed its recompense.”

(P. 400) This passage he considered as referring to Munkir and Nakir! the general Resurrection, and the Last Judgment, &¢. things contrary to his own fixed tenets, who never talked of anything but metempsychosis, and so suspected me of theological bias and bigotry :—

“How long reproach me for my weeping eyelashes, Let me for once have also the sympathy of thy dark eye.”

Eventually I impressed upon all the courtiers the fact, that all the people of India speak of the reward and punishment of good and bad actions. Their belief is as follows: When a person dies the scribe, who writes the chonicle of the deeds of mankind throughout the course of their lives, takes it before the angel, who is the Seizer of Souls, and is called the King of Justice. After he has examined into their good and bad actions, and has seen which has the pre- ponderance, he says, “ This person has his choice.” Then he asks him: “Shall I first for thy good actions take thee to Paradise, that thou mayest there enjoy to the full delights in proportion to thy good actions, and after that send thee to Hell to expiate thy sins ; or vice versd??’ When that period comes to an end, then he gives orders that the person should return to the Harth, and entering a form suitable to his actions should pass a certain period. And so on ad infinitum, until the time when he attains absolute release, and is freed from coming into and leaving the world. So that affair passed off well. On the day of Sharaf-wsh-shams the Hmperor said to Qadr Jahn, without any one’s having suggested it to him: “ How would it be if I were to appoint so and so* to the guardianship of the blessed tomb of his holiness the Khwajah of Ajmir, which is without a guardian?” He answered, “It would be a very good thing.”

1 The judges of the dead. 2 That is, the Author.

{ 415 ]

So for the space of two or three months I did much running about in the service of the Court, all the time hoping for a release from this confusion, And for a time I wrote some formal petitions, to which I got no answer, and so it became necessary that (P. 401) I should take my departure. And the Inward Monitor said this :—

“Tf thou put thy hand to anything, I will put a chain on thy hand. I will drown thee in a butt of wine, If thou mention the name of sobriety.”

On the night of the last of the blessed month of Ramazan! of this year, when Gadr Jahan asked the Emperor, what order should be given with respect to my dismissal? he replied: “He has business to do here, and every now and then I shall have some service for him to perform, produce me some one else.”” But the omniscience of God (praise be to Him Most High!), and His will (glorious is His Majesty!) did not coincide with this intention, and I do not know what is best to do in this uncertainty and very gadfly’s condition :—

“Thou takest me from thine own door to the door of the rival, Then thou sayest, why dost thou go to the door of the rival ? I have wandered for years in search of thy good face,

Show thy face, and deliver me from this wandering.”

Contemporaneously with these events he one day said to Abu-l. Faz] in my presence ; “ Although the guardianship of Ajmir suits so and so very well, yet since, whenever I give him anything to trans- late, he always writes what is very pleasing to me, I do not wish that he should be separated from me.” ‘The Shaikh and others con- firmed His Majesty’s opinion of me, ‘That very day an order was issued that I should translate and complete the remainder of those Hindu lies, part of which had been translated by the command of Sultan Zin-ul-‘abidin, king of Kashmir, and named the Buhr-wl- asmar,? while the greater part had been left untranslated. I was commanded to finish the last volume of that book, which was of the

1 The ninth month.

«The Sea of Tales.” It is probably the Rdjataranginé, “The Ocean of Kings,” the only piece of History in Sanskrit. The Katha Sarit Sagara could hardly be meant,

[ 416 ]

thickness of sixty juz’, in the course of five months, At this time also one night he called me into his private bed-chamber to the foot of (P. 402) the bed, and till the morning asked for stories out of each chapter, and then said: “ Since the first volume of the Bahr-ul- asmér, which Sultén Zin-ul-‘Abidin had translated, is in archaic Persian, and difficult to understand, do you translate it afresh into ordinary language, and take care of the rough copy of the book, which you have translated.” I performed the zaminbés, and heartily undertook the commission. I began to work, and after showing me a great deal of favour he presented me with 10,000 tankahs in small change, and a horse. If God (He is exalted!) will, I hope to have this book well finished in the course of the next two or three months, and that.it will obtain me leave to go to my native country (which is the grave). But He is the right one to give permission, and He hath power over the wishes of his servant,

During this year reports came from Hakim ‘Ain-ul-mulk, and Shahbdéz Khan from the confines of Hindiah, that they had put to death Burbén-ul-mulk on account of his bad conduct, and had set up his son, who was twelve years old, as his heir.

The Emperor sent a farmdn to the prince Sultén Murad, and another farmdn to the Khan Khanan ordering them to set out with haste, and proceed to the subjugation of the Dakhin.

During the first part of the month of Zi-hajjah! of this year Shah Beg Khan Kabuli went to Qandabar, and Mirz& Muzaffar Husain, commandant of Qandahar, came to Court in company with Qaré Beg Mir-shikdar, and brought valuable jewels with other precious things as a present to the Emperor. The Emperor treated him with special favour and kindness.

Shah Beg Khan fought a battle at Zamin Ddwar with a great army of the Uzbeks, and defeated them. He slew most of their leaders, and to those whom the sword spared, he gave dresses of honour and released them. Another body of them fled to a fortress, and were beseiged there. He bombarded the fortress and took it by storm. ‘Then he continued his advance and took the Garmsir.

(P. 408). The Emperor conferred the province of Chitdér on Mirza Rustam, and took away the district of Samb’hal from Abu-l-

1 The twelfth month,

[ 417 ]

Faz] and gave it as jdégir to Mirz4 Qandahdri! And Multan, which had become completely desolated by the tyranny of Mirza Rustam, he converted into Crown property.

At this time Sa‘id Khan Mughul came from Bangdlah to Court, and brought an elephant and much money and precious products of that country from ‘Isa Khan the Zaminddr as a present to the Emperor.

In this year Shaikh Ya‘qub Kashmiri, who had the takhullug of Garfi,? had obtained permission to leave the Court, and return to his native country, when he died: “ Verily we belong to God, and verily unto Him do we return ’’8 ; —

“ All our friends are gone, and have taken the road to the Ka‘bah, We with tipsy foot remain at the door of the winesseller. Not a word of the points we proposed has been solved, We are left beggars, without this world or the next.”

On the night of the twenty-seventh of Zi-hajjah of -this year Hakim ‘Ain-uleMulk, who had gone on an embassy to Rajah ‘Ali Khan, and had returned thence to Hindiah (which had been ap- pointed as his jadi), after an illness of five months departed to the other world. Bxtolled be the perfection of God! our acquaintances and friends one by one withdraw their heart from our companion- ship, and lightly hastened, and still do hasten, to their everlasting home, while we in this sadness and despair drag on an existence in folly and forgetfulness of our end:—

“ © heart, since thou art aware that death follows existence, To what end this desire for length of days ? Thou did’st make a pact with Fate,* not Fate with thee, Why then this cry, that Fate is treacherous ? ”

! The Mirzé Muzaffar Husain mentioned above.

2 See Vol. III, p, 148 of Text.

3 Al Qur’én II, 161.

4 Referring to the well-known verse of the Quran vii. 171.

[ 418 ]

On the third of the month of Muharram of the year one thousand and four (1004) Hakim Hasan Gilani (P. 404), who was of a very dervish-like character, and kind, and possessed of excellent qualities, departed this life :—

“ Tf a Rose were possible without a Thorn, Every moment in this world would be a new delight ; We should be happy enough in this old caravansarai of Life, If Death were not always at the door.”

At this time Shaikh Mtis& Gilini Qédiri, son of the Master, Shaikh Hamid (God sanctify his tomb !), younger brother of Shaikh ‘Abd-ul Qadir! who is a devotee at Uchh, chose to do homage to the Emperor, and was raised to the rank of Commander of five hundred.

During this month (adr Jahan, the Mu/ftz of the imperial domi- nions, who has been appointed to a commandership of One Thousand, joined the Divine Faith, as also his two foolish sons; and having taken the Shagt? of the new religion, he went into the snare like a fish, and so got his commandership of One Thousand. He even asked His Majesty what he was to do with his beard, when he was told toletit be. On the same day Mulld Taqi of Shustar joined, who looks upon himself as the learned of the learned, and is just now engaged in rendering the Shdkndmah into prose in accordance with the Hm- peror’s orders, and whenever the word ‘Sun’ occurs he uses such phrases as jallat ‘azamatuhu and ‘azza shanuhu® Among others that joined was a Shaikhzédah, one Gosdlah Khan by name, of Banaras, (but what good can be expected from a zddah !)* and Mullé Shah Muhammad of Shahabad, and (afi Ahmad musician of the Masnad- i-Gdd of Dihli, who claimed to belong to the progeny of his holiness Ghaus-us-saqalain (God be favourable to him !) :—

1 He had been deprived of this grant, and had returned to Uchh. Blochm., p. 544,

Shact was the symbol which the Emperor presented to each novice of his Vivine Faith (Blochm., 166). It also means a fish-hook.

3 Because Muslims use such phrases after the name of God.

4 Literally “ There is no good in ddén, and zddah.” A possible explanation of this saying is, that some words expressive of contempt, such as hardmzddah bastard, and names of menial servants, such as pi/bdn &c., end in ban and zddah,

7 Mii ate

[ 419 ]

“ Alidis cub is like it ;

How art thou like a prophet ? say!”

They all conformed to the four degrees of the Faith, and received appointments as Commanders of from One Hundred to Five Hur- dred. They gave up their beards in the earnest pursuit of the new religion, and became hairless and beardless, and “ Some shavers!” was found to give the date. ‘These new-religionists behaved like Hindis turned Musalmans, and like one who is dressed in red clothes, and in his conceit looks at his relatives, who say to him (P. 405) : —

“ My little man, these rags will be old to-morrow, But the Islam will still remain on your neck.”

Ahmad ‘ the little Cufi” is the same who claimed to be the pupil, or rather the perfect successor of Shaikh Ahmad Bikri of Egypt. He said, that at the express desire of that religious leader of the age he had come to India, and the Shaikh had frequently told him, to assist the Sultan of India, should he make a slip, and to lead him back from his place of danger. But the opposite was the result :—

‘A boastful spider said: I am so very clever, That it would be only right if to-morrow I were made ** Weaver by appointment to the Houris.”’ Hast not heard what another spider said to him ? Brother, why boast ? first weave, then boast!”

The issue of the affair of Gosdlah Bandrasi, who was a catamite of ‘a calf in bodily shape, and lowing?,” was as follows: Through the intervention of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl he was brought into proximity to the Emperor, and by deceit and trickery getting himself made Avror¢ of Banaras he managed to leave the Court. He in company with Ahmad the little Gafi set his eyes on a certain prostitute, and having left a considerable sum of money with her appointed a guardian over her, and went away. When the overseers of the prostitutes and dancing-girls represented this to the Emperor, one night at the New

140 + 6 + 400 + 200 + 1 + 800 + 3 + 50 + 4 = 1004, 2 Al Qur’én vii, 146. Gosd/ah is Persian for “a calf.”

{ 420 ]

Year’s assembly he allowed the matter to transpire, and took away the jagir of Two-Hundred from Ahmad Suflf!, and Mullé Shah Muhammad, which they held conjointly in the skirts of the moun- tains, and recalled Gosdlah of Banaras.

On the tenth of the month of Cafar? of this year the King of Poets, Shaikh Faizi, after suffering for a long time from conflicting diseases, viz., from the trouble of a difficulty in breathing, and from dropsy and swelling of the hands and feet, and from a vomiting of blood, which he had borne for six months, passed from this world. And since he had, in despite of Mussalmans, associated and been mixed up with dogs day and night, they say that at the moment of (P. 406) death they heard him bark like a dog. And through his bigotry in the matter of heresy and denial of the religion of Islam, he involuntarily at that moment even in the presence of men of learning, lawyers and ascetics, uttered meaningless words and such foolish gibberish, and stuff and nonsense, and unbelief in religious matters, as he was accustomed to, and in which he had formerly so persisted. At length he went to his own place, and a mnemosynon for the date is “ Woe to the heretic, and Shi‘ah, and natural-philo- sopher, and the worldly man;’’ and another “The pillar of heresy is broken’.” And one of his friends invented this mnemosynon :—

“ Seest thou what a number of tricks the Heaven plays, The bird of my heart out of its cage became a niglitingale. That bosom, which treasured in itself a whole world, Became too contracted to draw half a breath.”

At the time of his last agony the Emperor came in the middle of the night and took up his head and caressed it. Several times he cried outand said: ‘O Shaikh Ji I have brought Hakim ‘Ali with me, why do you say nothing?” But since he was unconscious no voice or sound proceeded from him, When the Emperor had repeatedly

1 The title Sufi “base” seems to be given him in contempt instead of Cifi.

2 The second month.

3100 + 1+ 70 +4+5+4+1+ 30+ 8+1 + 4 + 300 + 20 + 60 + 400 = 1004.

See Blochm. p. 466.

[ 421 ]

questioned him, he cast his turban on the ground.t And after he had given some words of sympathy to Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl the Em- peror went away. Just about this time news was brought that Faizi had breathed his last.—‘O God make us firm, make us to die and raise us again in the Faith and the Isl4m !”

A few days after this event Hakim Human died on the sixth of Rabi‘-ul-awwal,? and on the seventh Kamalai Cadr passed away. The riches of both of these were at once [confiscated and] locked up in chambers, so that they were too poor to afford themselves a shroud,

These are some of the events of various dates, which in the month of Gafar (may God conclude it in happiness and success!) of the year one thousand (P. 407) and four (1004) of the era of the Hijrah, which corresponded to the fortieth from the Accession, were written down in a concise form by the shikastah pen of this broken-hearted one, and without reservation have been strung unceremoniously on the string of narration. But, although with respect to details it is but as a bubble from the sea of Umdan,3 or like a drop from the clouds or the rain, everything that I have written is as far as I am - conscious deliberately guarded from every trace of error, unless (God’s will be done!) in the case of some years a postdating or antedating, or inversion or alteration may have crept into the original sources, which is not the business of the compiler. And if my span of life give me a little assistance, and the divine grace be my com- panion, and my brain have leisure from other occupations (if the glorious God will) I will write also a compendium of the events of the years to come. And if not, any one, who is an inhabitant of India, can after us compose a rough epitome, for such has always been the Law of God :—

“ My object has been to give good advice, I have spoken, I commit it to God, and go my way.”

1 In extreme grief or vexation, cf. p. [53]; and Masnaw?, ‘‘ Merchant and Parrot.”

2? The third month.

The sea between India and Africa.

FINIS.

we 3

d od &
é: “a fh
=i ot ace tly s ay pay: ae ot} 3 2 Be 2 rh

= px
L 7

r [ at te 4 r a= — be meet 7

ue 7 =! ees @yliguns . ——

[ 423 J

NOTES.

Page 10, ll. 12-14. These lines should be,

Ts life’s one lesson to the wise ; That man an arrant fool doth live Who eaves his money when he dies.” P. 14, ll. 5, 6. These lines should be— “ Of earth or man there was no trace upon the board of life, When in love’s school my soul from thee first learned its passion’s art.” P. 24, note 3. Instead of “ Probably the Divdn-i-Hafiz, for” read Our author means the Divdn-i-Hijiz. Ouseley in his Lives of the Persian Poets says that the terms Jisdn-i-ghaib, and tarjumdn-ul-asrdr were first applied to Hafiz by Jami. P. 37. For note? substitute, “the phrase dar wddi-t means ‘in the subject of,’ see text, p. 185, 1. 3, infra, p. 187, 1. 4 and 14, p. 305, 1. 10.” P. 45. Add to note> “the passage may refer to the zikr-¢ arrah, a mode of saying agg without moving the tongue, see Vullers, i. 964 a.” P. 53. Add to note?—‘‘ Compare infra, p. 294, note.” P. 78, 1l.1—5, This passage should run “In this year the Shaikh-ul-Islim, Fath-piri Chishti,—who in the year 971 had returned from Mekkah and Madinah, and for the date of whose return the author of this history had discovered two mnemosyna and included them in an Arabic letter which he wrote and sent him from Badatin, which will be given in its proper place if God, He is exalted, will,—laid.” P. 105, 1.29. See supra, p. 67. P. 118, 1.22. This line may mean “ Who brought news to Sorrow? Who gave warning for Misfortune to come ?” P, 125, ll. 14—16. Rather, “ The coming of a son would add to the adornment of a king, if The incomparable Lili would add to the adornment of the royal Pearl ;’” I. e., each is in itself incapable of receiving an addition of splendour. P. 126,1.6, “ Onslaught,”—reading os for eae P, 129, 1.3. In the text here (p. 125, 1. 7) Las should probably be read 315, S P. 138, 1,11. Our author should have written Mahmid for Muhammad as he has done below. P, 150, 1.17. There is something wrong in the text here.

ie)

[ 424 ]

. 157, 11. 8—17, This passage should run thus: “the next day they came to the abode of Shaikh Fath-ullah Tarin, who was one of the renowned deputies of Shaikh-ul-Islam Fathpuri, and sat in council and considered it advisable that all of us together with Tolak Khan Qichin and Bég Nirin Khan and Rahman Quli Khan and Kakar ‘Ali Khan and the other Amirs of the Jjdgt of the neighbourhood of Dihli (who were come to repulse the Mirza and were waiting for us in the pargana of Aharon the bank of the river Ganges) should carry out whatever plans they might fix upon, as soon as a junction should have been effected.”

. 162. Add to note*. ‘This is a Turki word and means a servant but not a royal one.”

P. 169, 1.17. Add after “ to rest.” ‘“ Onthe ninth day they marched from

P UF P Pr. P

thence without stopping to within 3 cosses of Ahmadabad.” . 170, 1. 26. On wddi see note supra on p. 37. . 174, 1. 26. Probably for ‘‘the Emperor ’’ we should read ‘‘ the Saint.” . 178, last]. Add note, “ perhaps bys may mean disputations.” . 181, 1.14, Rather “who relishes this fresh new wine §” reading ysl, . 182, last 1. Add in note after Gajpati, “See Blochmann Transl, A’¢n i Akb., pp. 399, 400.” . 185, 11. 1—8. These lines should run,

“ He swam over the river Panpan on horseback, and hastening on by forced marches, arrived at Darydpur on the bank of the Ganges, dis- tant 26 cosses from Patna. About 400 elephants fell into his hands.’’

. 189, 1, 28. This line should rather run, “ Gog, as they say, is where thy army is.”

P.192,1.9 after “measured” add as a parenthesis the following omitted

couplet: ‘“ In the eye of the experience of the jesting man A two-headed snake is better than the surveyor’s measuring-line,” . 195, 1. 7. This son’s name is given in the text as Habari, but Blochmann, p. 870, gives it as Jabari. .216,1.1. ‘In the hot air” should perhaps rather be “in his intense fervour.”

e——— ]].9—12. This passage should rather run;

“ In this year a learned Brahman, Shaikh Bhawan, who had come from the Dak’hin and xolens volens turned Musalman, came to visit his Majesty and was admitted to great intimacy; and his Majesty gave him the order to translate the Atharva Veda, which is one of the four well- known sacred books of the Hindus. Several of the religious precepts of this book resemble the laws of Islim. I was appointed to render it from Hindi into Persian.

Paar

[ 425 ]

P, 217, 1.12. Wali Ni‘mat Bégum was Mirz4 Sulaiman’s wife, see sup. p. 61, 1. 9.

P, 230, ll. 18—21. These lines come from Hafiz, see lithogr. ed. with comm. p- 136.

P, 234, 11. 9,10. These lines are prose; the whole passage should run,— “The Emperor replied, ‘‘ If God (He is exalted) will, thou shalt return the bearer of news of victory,’ and he repeated the Fatihah with all ear- nestness and devotion.”

P. 245,1.27. This may mean “ fo spare his life would be to incur the risk of future revolts.”

P, 258, 1.30. Instead of Multan, the Tabaqft-f-Akbari calls it Mulathan, see Elliot, v. 406.

P, 268, 1.13. Can Do mean ‘certain men who had been brought over to his views ?”’

P, 276, 1.19. Bijdgarh should be Bijinagar if the Persian text is correct, but it no doubt refers to Bijapur.

P. 284, 7.7. Instead of ‘and to God” it should rather run, ‘‘ and God has made the same encroachments on his empire.”

P. 293,1.1. This is a hard passage, and its meaning is very doubtful.

P, 298, 1.5. Patnah should be Pannah, see Blochm, p. 425, note.

P. 308, 1.18, We should read ( s,leol for (leg) and translate it “ with my

opponent I will enter into it,” instead of ‘fin the presence of his Majesty we will pass through it.”

P. 312, 1.8. This passage should probably be translated, “ would proudly rush forward to carry on the game.”

P. 315. Dele note? see note supra on p. 37; and read in ll, 1, 2, ‘‘ who were become a very proverb in all departments of pleasantry and in the realm of poetry, used to take dogs to their table and eat with them.”

P. 320, 1.4. For Khabisah read Khabttah Bahddur, see Blochmann, p. 356, note.

P, 325, 1.12. For “ discovering treasures” we should probably read “moving heavy weights,” cf. p. 331, 1. 19.

P. 27, 1.9. Perhaps we should read whit,4 for yl5},.3 as Butriyah is the name of a Muhammadan sect. ‘ He became orthodox,” of course means sarcastically “according to their views.”

P, 330, 1. 10—13. Blochmann (p. 105) translates this, ‘the emperor took exception to my translation and called mea Hardmkhur and a turnip-eater as if that was my share of the book.’ But the truth is that it refers to a Persian proverb in Roebuck, p. 192, and should run ‘‘ What objections did I not have to hear, and I learned the full force of the proverb,—am I to eat forbidden food and be content with turnips after all ?”

12% . 899. 1, 29-382. Read this passage as follows; “and Muzaffar sat down during

[ 426 ]

. 367, ll. 24—27. This passage more probably means, ‘If the Hindus take

this ill and will not prevent it, the wife of some Hindu who has died shall take her as a daughter and shall adopt her in that interview.”

. 368, ll, 283, 24. This should be “to quadruple the number,” (cf. p. 157,

1,19,) See Defrémery, Mirchond, Saman. p. 10, 1. 17.

. 878, 1.24. This should be “to Atak Banaras, which is also called Atak

Katak ;” Blochmann, p. 874, note, says that Atak was so named because it rhymes with Katak.

. $78, 1.18. The translation rests on a conjectural reading _ lal} for sls

. 885, ll. 15, 16, for 4% read ai and translate,

Tatah which was drunk through the passing of the cup, Behold now it is desolate and with its cup broken !’’ 389, 1. 20, for the Khirad-afzd, see, supra, p. 186.

the journey on the plea of a call of nature, and with a razor which he always carried about with him together with his implements, cut his throat and died.”

.411,1.1. The phrase Ch« yo is obscure, cf. p. 374, 1.17 (ext), could

the line mean ‘‘he ordered Naqib Khan (the translator) to take it as a model”? ?

—s

PREFACE.

I had been interested in Al-Badééni’s history of Akbar’s reign, from my first commencing the study of Muhammadan Indian history; and when I began to read it, some years since, with my friend and pupil, the Rev. W. H. Lowe, of Christ’s College, Cambridge, I suggested that he should undertake to translate it for the Bibliotheca Indica, in which the original text had appeared. This plan was carried out, and the translation was sent in instalments to Calcutta, where it was printed, and eventually published in the series. Unfortunately the work was not done with the care which it deserved, and the four numbers are full of misprints and errors which never should have been left there. For some of these I must myself plead guilty. Al-Badééni is by no means an easy author, and he abounds with obscure phrases and far-fetched allusions, which I no doubt in some cases misunderstood and explained wrongly. For some more mis- takes the Calcutta printers are responsible. In fact this seems a necessary drawback, when a book is printed at such a distance from the author. But I must not exonerate Mr. Lowe himself; for most of the errors are due to his haste and carelessness in the preparation of the original MS. of his translation* as well as in the correction of the proofs received from Calcutta.

When I found out the unsatisfactory state of the book, I went carefully through the Persian text and compared it with the translation,—partly by myself, and partly with Mr Lowe; and the long list of errata and corrections which

Tn many places he was misled by relying too much on the translations given by Professor Dawson in Vol, V of the Elliot Papers,

is subjoined, will show that we have tried to do our best to atone for the original neglect. It has been a great grief to me to find that a book in which I felt such a keen interest, should appear in such a maimed condition; but I hope that even in its present form it will be of some use to the student of Muhammadan Indian History.

E. B. COWELL. Cambridge, July 15th, 1889.

”

ERRATA AND CORRECTIONS.

16 for the desire of fortune read the granter of desires. » sent for

» enjoined on » not to

»» empty dele dele

» 80 as

not to

», fulsome [¢. e. Mecca. ]

again

for a number of royal Khaéns read the Imperial work-shops », just as Haji Khan

», for Haji Khan who infr. for b. II.

» defeated the rebels

dele royal for court of judicature » Bokhara

”

», had been advanced tosucha ,, degree that he became

»» @ Suspicion of

», the servants of the Emperor ,,

» 20,21 ,, and sending a messenger of ,, entreaty with a view to act- ing upon the Khan’s feel-

ings, asked for

sym 40> 958 AS ete tay8 LO. » 2,8 ,, both in thought and expres- ,, sion » 18 ,, in concert with all the others ,, » 16 dele the mystery of note 1 for Najad

10 ,, people 59,10 ,, all his effects, which were ,, not secured in the fortress, » 22 4 view , 12,18 ,, and the state of the public ,,

exchequer he laid bare

1, 11. wielded his sword with

effect

court. Bokhari. as has been related, he had become the suspicious the Emperor asking for some media- tor to plead his cause with the Khans, and requested the of from the point of view of reason or tradition they two in concert

Najd

wives

immense spoil (cf. p.125

11, deat)

rim

and the saying came true, ‘fone minister comes in and the other goes out,”

Page 39

] 5 for ” 9 ”» Sve: 12 ” ” 2,3 ” ” 28 ” » 17 » ” 1 ” » 5 after pal aie Prd Sy ” 16 ” » Wy ” 26 ” ” 27 ”» ” 7 ” ” 11 ” ” 19 ” yp ay » 26 ,,

9 23,24 5,

” 6 ” » infra 4, » 27 ” ” 5 » ” 17 ” » 10 , ” 11 ” », 19 dele », 8 for ” 18 » ” 5 ” y) 21,22 ,, ” 23 ”

» 11 dele

veil

when the imperial troops were entering

Jaimall himself

because his jurisdiction &c.

Ghazz& satyr who was passing by

Méham Ankah emancipation

disappointed

200 or 300

seven

raising

Divani

kind

fort

outside

after the manner of an old man

Darban

Miiza Raza

Hardwal

the body

Uzbeks

two very quarrelsome females

Asraf

‘and an attendant at the mosque.”

yead handkerchief

”

»”

3 read

of his, said to which is an assembly-

place Hindis

for all that

”

at the time of with- drawing he himself and his authority was more that of a clerk Gharraé satire who, as has been related, was and Adham Khan my writing this (dele note) into conquered 3000 8 eight raised Divanah bond ford inside in his old way of inti- macy Darbar Imiém Rizi in the van a number the Uzbeks who were the subjects of strife and contention Ashraf

said to him from

a host

Hindis, to the number of

Page 96

”

117

”

13 17

[Lomein be]

» Muneir

found it so refreshing that

van

had

Maakarwal

the court

mankind, behold him Dihli

son

Dihli

Zananiyah

Bartas

Amir’s

Sargin

an unbeliever granted him a subsidy day

Sarouj

a new gate

any inhabited quarter

the Emperor

cupola

over me like one bewilder- ed—pass

their as she was

steps

to-night and

trusting her affairs to her modesty

the

Court

his

”

read Husain

which he had lately acquired

bore witness. A few days before this it

happened that, on a certain night archers has now Mankarwaél Biydnah the intelligent Agrah father Karah Zaméaniyah Barlas Amirs Sarjan believer entreated his prayers date Saronj the name of the gate of the new fort the habitable world. the Shaikh roof he, reciting a charm over me like one bewitched, infatuated me with his beauty this in a way that all can imagine stages one night after her other ventures risking her modesty this the Court this

26 14

8 15 17

15 16

”

y Binfra ,,

of her lover

unveiling in the house

reputed son of Bahadur Khién

on the ground

religion-protesting

beauteous

when our king comes to an end

unguarded

Muhammad

he marched journey as far as Ajmir

men

star

O Jewel

lay my hand in the dust

a pity, in

Thou, pure spirit, wast

women

constellation

977

nephew

had

Kamal Khan

may God &c.

100 or 50

his

their

18th

orthodox

centre

returned

soldier

charged those men on

Shatid Ibrahim

two days’

123 1. 23 for and on account of the fate read But any rate

secret chamber

adopted son of Pahar Khan

in the circle

religion-protecting

bounteous

Long live our king and

unlimited (cf. p. 35, 9) Mahmid he was only two days’ journey from Ajmir me store A Jewel throw dust on my head a pity, a Thy pure spirit was woman revelation 982 grandson has / Jamal Khan whom God (praise to Him! He is exalted) will ere this have brought 150 their that 7th honest > ceinture went soldiers many troops came up from Sa‘id Ibrahim Husain

Page 154

156 157 157

31 for who was read who were 80 ,, fourteen » seven 19 ,, twice or four » tour (cf. p. 368, 23.) 34 ,, in turn held a council » repeated the same coun- with them sel to them 2 ,, ceremonies 3) unceremonious 17. ,, Nas‘ad »» Mas‘ad 1 ,, Mirzé Ibréhim Mirza » Mirz4 Ibrahim Husain 14 ,, Brahmaindas by name » Brahmadés by name, from the district of Kalpf 4 ,, Koltah », Notlah i meeSULL », suite

y» 24,25 4,

2 infra

17 29 34

they let loose and the ,, Musulmans killed them all.

note ®, » had gone a days’ march off 3 500

Moghuls belonging to ,, Fidai

was

was a man

open plain

submission Qazawani 53 Sharaf-ud-din white of foot observes 5 passes

hundreds

Bengal

Lodi

bank

16th

at the removal of reached disloylaty mountains presented him with *!

and let loose there, were killed by the Musul- mans.

had not gone days ago

5000

devoted Moghuls

were

were men

open plain with 5000 horsemen

homage

Qazwini

Sharaf-ud-din Husain

white of one foot

observed

passed

hundreds of thousands

Bihar

his Amir-ul-Umaraé Lodi

back

6th

by avoiding

reaped

displeasure

the mountains

scattered as ntsc several

Page 183 1.

12 for 16 (in 5, 1 te — last 1. from

”

186 ll, 1, 2 dele had attained many high

degrees

— ll, 26,28 for sheet

LS/@ lieeeoe sy —note 3 ,, USSealy noe gy — 1.9,10 ,, —1.i12, ae 2 33 ” TGs et oe, ime 399) 10 ” Te TP 24 4) 19055, 27) 35 Tole ghia oy Ip) Ay a are) 18 ” 19385) SAinaess 194 ,, 28 ,, 195 , 12 , — ,, 19 dele 196 4, 2 for 197 ,, 20after 198 ,, 22 for 199 ” 12 ” AN hy,

Samaqand

Imdén and Imém

one of his own quivers and arrows

and though—exhibition of it

kept close to

Nari

mango-trees

privy-counsellors

Lahor

Mufliz

This sort of thing has gone on for ten years

an order was promulgated

Shesptir

those Datid

Gaur

and Muhammad Quli Khan

Tamkir bolted with him

mountain-like and

wrist

”

add

read

from

had attained a thorough acquaintance with

leaf Samarqand Amdn and Iman. an arrow from his own quiver far beyond his power and resources kept trying to conquer (cf. p. 130.) Mir many trees confidential friends Lakhnou Muflis A matter of ten years has passed anew idea came into his mind Shethptr,another Ayytib-

par those lands Daid, after his flight

from Tandah the fortress of Gaur

Tamkin

and his rider, losing all command, struck the foot of his dignity against a stone and got a fall.

the mountain-like

Peace was renewed ona firm basis and it was decided,

waist

Page 200

207

211

213

219

ju enyiciene

23 for victory

» 28 ,, not devoid of

” 8 ”? all

» ©. 4, ascertain their thoughts

» 29 ,, de omnibus Ke.

» 12 ,, Another device &c.

» 2 afterand

», LT for principles

» 28 ,, in the hope of securing &c.

» 4-6,, from that time down toa large number

» 10 ,, bad had

» 26 ,, mut‘ah

PAL) cy, tena

», 80-32 ,, he merely looked &c. down to extreme

» 12 ,, reason

» 25 ,, were no longer observed

» 4 ,, that every five or six years

jun Les Ara

» 28 ,, and first

» 12 ,, without ceremony

read wisdom

since it would not be de- void of

a good many of

discuss philosophical sub- jects

together with several other new-comers

Another tale was that of Makhdim ul Mulk’s device for avoiding

add once or twice he even

stood before him with- out his shoes and

read dogmas

”

so that eventually they got back all that he had received from them

in early youth he had not regarded the ques- tion and had married what number of women he pleased

had allowed

such mut‘ah

he merely looked to the propriety of the words, —how could it be rea- sonable that his mean- ing should be so dig- torted P

reason, not tradition

were no longer observed by him

for five or six years that

‘Traqi.

On the 15th of Rajab Mirza Sulaiman reach- ed the neighbourhood of Fathptir; and first

without hesitation

Page 219

20 for ery) » 19 after » 22 for H 7 dele | Kaki ” 14 »” Py ee: »” 1 » ” 2 ” 338 Aa a5 ” 10 ” ”» 15 ” » lastl.,, ”? 8 ” »”» 16 ” ”» 5,6 ” » 74 ” 11 ” ” 26 ” » 28 after » 15 5, », 29 for ”? 5 » ” 18 ”» » 2 4g ” 14 ” ” 16 »”» 2 17 ” ” 28 ”

[ viii ]

painted canopies, brocade read figured canopies of gold

Fatihah Sulaimin meanwhile head-foremost Khan Zaman

20 e took a moonlight flit *y Muhammad » Amrahah ” he 3 when they came onhim ,, —orders friendship % bankrupt ” Arabs % Arab ” a stipend—present A) Muhammad % at one of the stages ¥. ’Aograh % defeated them ay I ” Sar ” Sdlabhan a fifty ” would keep » Muhammad 9 and examine 3

having seen [from hisin- ,, vestigation of the field] through his being a parti- ,,

cular favourite of his majesty

5 31-34: dele note ? » 34 for Saqqar in note * »

” 5

”

ul-awwal »

cloth ‘Atihah after the prayers and then return to Lahor. For meanwhile

Khan Jahin

20,000

he went off

Mahmid

Amrthah

Husain Khan

whence, as he was disabled by his wound, in ac- cordance with their orders, they

religious sympathy

borrower

‘Traqis

‘Iraqi

to look after me that I should be present

Mahmid

when one stage distant

Ajmir

with some 1500 killed or taken prisoners

returned and

Str

Sélabéhan

twenty

must have kept

Mahmid

He examined

reported from what he had heard

merely to acquire religi- ous merit and for the love of God

Saqqa ul-dkhir

17 for succinctly

sent

revese

Jounpur Muzaffar Khan

» 18 dele military commanders 3, 20 after hill district

blind to God’s mercies

pray

from there

anxious

many

festival

when I brought a peti- tion, &c.

who withdraws from the fulfilment of his ob- ligation

Naénil

Hasdi

concerning

p. 265

Bahrah

5th

disembarking

5th

arrived.

names

nature

», 14 for look on them as gods

principle

muzhat

who naturally turn them- selves from

243,

PUBS op BS orp AS Pe oat 14 asi ik Ns 249

253 .,, 21 for ry 8 ef 20 Gers sr es PRY! 5 UP — >», 29° 5 wes Sy — ,,15,16,, = gy UE) 259 ,, 10 ,, 260 , ll ,, nee a)? 17 ” — » 8 ,, PADIS yy UES Og, Ee) 29 ” — , 34 ,, 262 , 2 4, Th 5 ” aes? 9 ” PABA 4 AIL ag 265 ,, 13 dele some en). 28 ” La ADS 5 20 (eevee Cs

” 13 ”

past ages a cause

read exactly

”

brought

reverse

Khanpir

Todar Mall (see Blochm, p. 430.)

of Mudariya like brute beasts bray

add thither read disaffected

some

festival of

when I brought a peti- tion to Shaikh ’Abd- un-nabi that I might recelve permission to go, the Shaikh asked me

who will fulfil the obli- gation of serving her

Narniil

Hansi

by the hand of infra, p. 274 Bihrah

8rd. disembarked. 6th

arrived at Todah name tradition

they look on some of them as gods

principal

nuzhat

overlooking

ancient and modern times another cause

3 for ” 6 ” ” 23 ” 5 14,15 ,, ” 23 ” » 15 after A A de Ss? 24 ” » 5 »

, 31,32 ,

», 22 after », 30 for jn iia ” 12 Sor » ll » — after » 38 for » 16 ,, ” 26 ” ” 4 ” ” 6 ” ” 20 ” » 28,34 , » 29 after » 25 for ” 7 ” » 13 4, » 2h 4, » 1 ,, ” 16 » ”» 23 ”

creation burn of

”

‘‘who will ever have—than ,,

yourself ?”

extravagancies

Taib

Magqotr

the stain of thelr counte- nances

blest

”

to pretend ignorance—poli- ,,

tical authority

“the many lights of His read His lights

offer

and

“For which of these no- torious heresies have you yourself the great- est inclination ?”

fopperies

(a worthless wretch)

Magqgid.

their accidental stain

blest in the 40th year of his age

to refuse obedience whe- ther to religious or political edicts

law . adi They called Islam a travesty
5th read 25th
degree add like the Khwajah
said read attacked the faith, he: said to him I » he verse 3, IL used ‘Azim-ul-Mulk » ‘Ain-ul-Mulk Miyan s, Miydn Man a historical fact » an historical picture their 3, this under the skirts of those ,, under whose skirts by whom time » line Purushtam » Purushottam Ma’cim Khan » Kéabali Kabul » Kalpi 50 FUL Térméh » Tarmah which are he is still

with a natural tendency and again

Piyij

”

in a state of nature

and reported the conduct of the amirs of that province; he also

Payag (Prayag)

hy TBR ge » 1, » 20 4, eee ats » 2 4, » 1b ,,

he with

the Abyssinian

he asked

before

twenty-seventh

one of the renowned amirs came, &c.

» lafter devise

,, 21 fer news of this reached the

” 1 3

veil of his door pur et simple

», 25 after he said

Bh Ss PA ” 8 ” ” 28 ” , 33 » ? 1; ” 4 ” » 17 ” » 14 ,, ” 14 ? ” 12 ” », 19-22 ,,

youths

by taking, &e.

I don’t blame you either (P. 337)

wrote

flesh

ingots

give away a great deal un-naqiz

TI had just finished

when one night, ‘Agaf Khan ,,

Silis, &.

2 he, seeing the other with Chishti he had previously asked after twenty-eighth he went into the pavilion of one of the renowned Amirs and honoured him with his society so that the mind became bewildered by them the news of this scandal reached him after his own fashion in the presence of the late pious Mir Abi’l Ghais Bukhari and he turned out a very hair-splitter in the matter of shaving used to take dogs to their table and eat with them It is not without one (P. 307.) pronounced pronounced milk boxes full of ingots give great odds un-nawaqis One night, when the Em- peror heard he raised great objections and would not accept the truth of it. ‘Agaf Khan Salis who is the same as Mirza Ja‘far, helped mein but a poor way, but Shaikh Abi’l- Fazland Ghazi Khan Badakshi, on the other hand, confirmed my us- sertions.

367

12 dele year read day 28 for many a family was ruined ,, and his property was confiscated.

4 27

”

»”

daily Bengal

3 after Abt-Ishdq 10 for eighteenth 21 after Bengal

10 for north

”

Khaiptrah

15 after years

”

100

four or five

Filadt

chief

although he treated him &c.

I‘timad moveable and immoveable 20,000 twelve

14 after Salim 5 for same market

15 16 21 13 14 25 31

”

”»

”

camels

fire-like smoke

forty

‘Agaf

Singh, Ménand Baqshbandi

at this time Sulaiman

Mirza arrived at Court in incognito

a bow and a number of muskets

daily at noon

Guzerat and others seventeenth who was a main supporter of Qatli’s month Khairpirah while in some of their own Sanskrit books the age of men was de- scribed as ten thousand years 10 forty-five Fuladi chiefs having treated him in a conciliatory manner he did not wish to take any steps towards his being put to death. I‘mad animate and inanimate 2,000 fourteen in his sixteenth year slave-market camel-loads fire like smoke fourteen ‘Arab Man Singh, and Naqshbandi about the time that Sulai- man Mirzé arrived at Court, he t00 came 7n- cognito a number of bows and muskets

368 370

Xiil

after to this effect 19 for Amin Khan

read in the year 990 (?)

”

7,4, Lahér 21. ,, Gous 6 ,, poverty 8 after Gujrat 30 for arms 16 ,, transcription 26 for Bayani 380 ,, a river 25 ,, the water 3 ,, property 4 ,, flood-tears 25 ,, 381 16 ,, beasts 19 ,, them Se say, 14 ,, twenty-sixth 13 ,, sisters 15 ,, hesaid “ Getalong then.” So the Emperor was vexed 12 ,, Tmin-ud-din 24 ., Hakim Haman 1 ,, twelfth 20 ,, the 18 ,, Shams-ud-din 23 ,, Dihli 24 ,, ‘Alam Shaikh 4 ,, governor of 15 ,, Man Singh 20 their

12 after Murad. 5,6 infra for sarasir for Balfour’s

7 1

”

fire-temple read like the translations by Naqib Khan

add read

Amin Khan Ghori, the governor of Strat

Lakhnou

Ghous

piety

and sent for to

Court

anus

Qulij

translation.

Biyabani

the river

the river Indus prosperity

blood-tears

371

serpents

thirty-sixth

kindred

the Emperor said “ Get then.”’ So he was vexed

along

Amin-ud-din

Hakim Humém

twentieth

one

Shams-ud-din Khawati

Kabul

‘All4mi Shaikh

governor of Orissa

Rai Singh

this

in Mélwah

sardsir

Belfour’s

Parsi “ tower of silence’

read as an example by Nagqib Khan (? cf. tect, p. 374, 17.)

INDEX

MUNTAKHABU-T-TAWARIKH

VotumeE II,

(The numbers refer to the pages; 7 stands for footnote.)

Aaron of Scripture, 348 n 8.

‘Abbasides, the, 397,

Abbott, 2707 1.

Abdal, the Forty—, holy men who should always be on earth, 318 23.

Abdal, the seven—, spirits which hover round the world, 200 1, 3747 38.

“Abdulawwal, writer, 254,

‘Abdul‘aziz of Dihli, Shaikh,—a Mu- hammadan saint and teacher, 109, 294, 386.

‘Abdul Hadi, infant son of al-Bada- oni, 259.

‘Abdu-l-Hay Khawwas, son of Qazi Cadru-d-din Sambhali, 291.

‘Abdu-l-Hayy, Mir,—a learned man in the Court of Akbar, 64.

‘Abdu-l-Jabbar Hamadani, Qazi,— a religious teacher, 266 and n 1.

Abd-ullah Bakhshi, Mir,—an officer of Akbar’s Court, 20.

Mir,—a __heretical

religious

‘Abd-nllah Khan Chogan Bégi, Say- yid. See under ‘Abd-ullah Khan, Jokan Bégi.

‘Abd-ullah Khan Chougin Bégi, Say- yid. See under ‘Abd-ullah Khan, Jokan Bégi.

‘Abd-ullah Khan Jokin Begi, Say- yid,— Governor of Biyanah and Bajinah, 183, 197, 198, 243, 244, 245, 249, 250, 251, 380, 381.

‘Abd-ullah Khan, the Uzbek,—Gover- nor of Kalpi, 6, 44, 48, 66, 67, 68, 75. See the next.

‘Abd-ullah Khan Uzbek, son of Si- kandar Khan,— chief of the Uzbeks in Transoxiana, 278, 302, 350, 357, 862, 363, 365, 366, 375, 383, 393. See the above.

‘Abd-allah, Khwajih, grandson of Khwajah Ahrar,—one of the gen- erals of Akbar, 197, 235. '

‘Abd-ullah Makhdam-ul-Mulk, Mulla —of Sultanpir, 85. See also under Makhdim-ul-Mulk.,

ii Index.

‘Abd-ullah Marwarid of Hirat, Khwa- jah,—the Wazir, 48.

‘Abd-ullah, son of Murad Bég,—an officer of the army, 103.

‘Abd-ullah Niyazi, the Sarhindi, Shaikh, 204.

‘Abd-ullah Snultanpiri, Mulla,—the Makhdimu-l-Mulk, 13, 89, 154, 205. See also under Makhdimnu-l- Malk.

‘Abd-ul-Latif, son of the author ‘Abd-ul-Qadir al-Badaoni, 130.

‘Abd-ul-Latif, Mir,— one of the Sayfi Sayyids of Qazwin, 24, 32, 85, 235.

Abd-ul-Majid Harawi, Khwajah,— the Agaf Khan, Governor of Dihh, 88, 62. See also under Agaf Khan,

‘Abdn-l-Malik Khan,—a relative of Mir Muhammad Atkah,the Khan Kalan, 53.

‘Abdu-l-Matlab Khan, son of Shah Budagh Khan, 46, 80, 82, 83, 96, 151, 249, 368 andz3.

‘Abda 1-Mutlab Khan. See the above.

‘Abdul Nabi. Nabi.

‘Abdn-l-Qadir Gilani Qadiri, Shaikh, —a devotee of Uchh, 418,

‘Abdu-l-Qadir Jilani, Shaikh Mnbi- ud-din,—the celebrated Imam and Shaikh, 200.

‘Abdu-l-Qadir Tabrizi, Monlana,— Akbav’s tutor, 332.

‘Abdu-1-Qudis of Gangoh, Shaikh,— one of the greatest Shaikhs of Hind, 70.

‘Abdau-l-Wasi‘,—husband of a daugh- ter-in-law of Shaikh Badah, Lord of Agra, 59, 60.

‘Abdu-n-Nabi, Shaikh, grandson of

See under ‘Abdu-n-

Shaikh ‘ Abdu-l-Qudis of Gangoh, —the Shaikhu-l-Islam and chief Cadr of Hind, 70, 85 and 75, 102 m1, 123, 128, 176, 201, 206, 210, 211, 213, 233, 234, 243, 244, 258, 261, 262, 275, 278, 281, 282, 283, 284, 321.

‘Abdu-r-Rahim of Lak’hnou, Shaikh, 359, 864 and 7 4, 387, 396.

‘Abdu-r-Rahim, Mirza, 34. Same as Mirza Khan, son of Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan,

‘Abdu-r-Rahmin Bég. See under ‘Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Mu‘ayyad Bég.

‘Abdu-r-Rahman Bég, son of Jalalu- d-din Bég,—a military comman- der, 249.

‘Abdu-r-Rahmin Jami, Maulana, 207. See also under Jami.

‘Abdu-r-Rahmin, son of Mu’ayyad Béeg—a military Commander, 15, 16, 17, 249.

‘Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Sultan Sikan- dar, the Afghan, 11.

‘Abdu-r-Rasil, Sayyid,—head-man of ‘Abdu-n-Nabi the Shaikhnu-l- Islim, 208, 233.

‘Abdu-sh-Shahid, Khwajah, grand- son of Khwajah Ahrar,—one of the saints of Hind, 166, 174, 187.

‘Abdu-sh-Shukur Guldar, Mulla,— Qazi of Jounpir, 285.

‘Abdu-s-Sami‘ of Miyankal of Tran- soxiana,—the Qazi-l-Quzat of Hind, 324.

Aboth, (Mishna), 2872, 400 n 1.

Abu ‘Abd-ullah Muhammad Sharafu- d-din,—anthor of Qagidah-e-bor- dah, 39771.

Index. iii

Abu Bakr,—the first of the four early Khalifahs, 367 2.

Abi Hanifah an-Na‘man ibn Thabit, Imam, 212 and n 2.

Abu Ishaq Ibn Adham. See under Ibn Adham,

Abu Ishaq, Mir, son of Mir Sayyid Rafi‘ud-din Muhaddis, 289,

Abu Ishaq, Sayyid,—a jagir-holder of Bengal, 333.

Abu Lahab,— the infidel uncle of the Arabian prophet Muhammad, 23 and 7 6, 281.

Abu-l-Fath Bég, son of Faza’il Beg, the lieutenant of Mah Jijak Bégum, 54, 55.

Abno-l Fath of Gilan, Hakim,—Cadr of the metropolis of Hind, 214, 271, 276, 286, 289, 290, 294, 304, 818, 325, 326, 328, 359, 361, 362, 364, 365, 376, 379, 382.

Abu-l-Fath Jalala-d-din Muhammad Akbar Padshah Ghazi, 279. See under Akbar.

Abu-l-Fath, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Badah,—one of the nobles of the Court of Akbar, 102.

Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor,— Wazir of Akbar and author of the Ain-i- Akbari, 25 n 2, 3875, 46 » 1, 49 n4, 5724, 9426, 176, 200, 201, 202, 205, 207 andn 3, 209, 212, 214, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271 11, 273 74, 280, 283, 286, 299, 305, 309, 314 n4, 316, 326, 328, 331, 333, 334, 8495, 377, 384, 389, 396, 400, 4021, 406, 418, 415, 416, 419, 421. See also under ‘Allami Shaikh Abu- 1-Fazl,

Abu-l-Fazl Naqshbandi, Khwajah,— an attendant of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, 302.

Abu-l-Fazl, Sayyid, son of Mir Say- yid Muhammad Mir‘adal,—gover- nor of Bhakkar, 252.

Abu-I-Ghais Bokhari. See the next.

Aba-l-Ghays Bokhari of Dihli, Mir, —a Saint and a soldier, 14, 252, 313 [see page xi], 358, 359, 374,

Abu-l-Jahl,—a nickname given to Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, 350.

Abu-l-Ma‘ali, See under Shah Abn-l- Ma‘ali.

Abu-l-Ma‘ali, Qazi, the son-in-law of the Prince of Bukhara,—a learned doctor, 45.

Abu-l-Muzaffar, Mir, son of Ashraf Khan,—a jdgir-holder of Bengal, 333.

Abu-1-Qiasim,—the twelfth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36 n 2.

Abu-1-Qasim, Mir Sayyid, son of Mir Sayyid Cafali, of Bhakkar, 252.

Abu-1-Qiasim Mirza, son of Kamran Mirza, son of Babar the Emperor of Hindustan, 5.

Abn-l-Qasim Tabrizi,—brother of

Maulana ‘Abdu-l-Qadir Akbar’s tutor,—Diwan of Bengal, 332. Abu-I-Qasim, Tamkin, Mirza,—an

officer of the Army, 196.

Abu Muslim,—hero of a story of adventures, 329.

Abu Nacr of Farah,—author of the Nigabu-¢-cibyan, 31671.

Abu SaSd Moghul, Sultan,—of the House of Aulaki, 31, 60.

Abu Sa’id, Mulla, nephew of Miyan Panipati,— an author, 286.

iv Index.

Abu Turab. See under Shah Abn Turab.

Abyssinia, 352.

Abyssinians, the, 168, 170, 171.

Acaf Khan,— title of Khwajah ‘Abdu- 1-Majid of Harat, the Governor of Dihii, 38, 62, 65, 66, 76, 77, 78, 86, 87,89 andn2, 94 andn 4, 97, 98, 105, 107, 169.

Agaf Khin Mir Bakhshi Sani,—title of Mirza Ghiyasu-d-din ‘Ali Qaz- wini,— Diwan of Gujrat, 173, 205> 233, 236, 237, 238, 241, 246, 247, 249, 251, 252, 270, 296, 322, 351.

Aoaf Khan Salis,—title of Mirza Ja‘far or Ja‘far Bég, nephew of Mirza Ghiyasu-d-din ‘Ali Qazwini, 322, 328, 329, 393, 401, 406, 409 and n 4, 410.

‘Adali, Muhammad Shah Sir ‘Adil, — the nominal Enrperor of India at the time of Humayin’s invasion, 5 and 78, 6, 10, 25 and nv I and 2, 26, 28, 41, 62, 65, 159.

Adam of Scripture, 184, 329, 347, 397.

Adam G’hakkar,—Sultan of the G@hakkars, 8, 13 andn3, 52 and 13.

Adampir, 192.

Aden, 217.

Adham Khan, son of Mahum Ankah, the nurse of Akbar,—one of the Amirs of the Empire, ii, 29, 42, 43, 46, 49 andn4, 50, 51, 59, 64, 101, 351.

Adham, Mir,— colleague of Rai Patr Das, Diwan of Bengal, 276.

Adhan of Jounpir, Shaikh,— Saint and religious teacher, 273, 309.

Adhem, more correctly Adham. See under Ibn Adham,

‘Adil Khin,—ruler of the Dak’hin, and reigning prince of Bijapur, 257 and 72, 276, 325, 390.

‘Adil Muhammad Khin, son of Shh Muhammad Khan Qandahart, 108- ‘Adil Shih,—title of Shak Wali Beg

Atkah, 55.

Afghan Tarbani, or Tarbati, 15771. See under Shaikh Fath-ullah Tarin.

Afghins, the, 8, 22, 17, 18, 28, 37, 77, 80, 89, 105, 189, 144, 145, 167, 163, 170, 181, 183, 184, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 217, 232, 235, 245, 274, 842, 360, 361, 362, 364, 366,

8, 396, 401.

Afrasiyab,—an ancient Turan, 47 andn4, 137.

Afrasiyab, son of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayiin the em- peror of Hindustan, 359.

Africa, 2277 3, 42173,

Afridin, or Faridin,—an ancient King of Iran, 199.

Agha Khin,—the treasurer of Akbar, 218.

Aghnagh, signification of the word, 15.

Ag-Mahall,— name of a place be- tween the Ganges and the moun- tains, 235.

Agra, 4, 6, 15, 19, 20, 25, 26, 28, 29 and 75, 31, 39, 44 andn3, 46, 51, 52, 53, 56, 57, 59 and”nJ, 60 and nb, 61, 62, 69, 74, 84, 86, 88, 89, 92, 94, 96, 102 [see page iii], 103, 104, 108, 111, 114, 118, 119, 122, 124, 127, 139, 150, 153, 155, 172, 178, 175, 176, 178, 182, 185, 187,

King of

Index. Vv

195, 204, 213, 216, 218 andvn3, 224, 225, 280, 244, 285, 293, 310, 824, 344, 391.

Ahadis, the, [Monotheists] followers of the religion of Akbar, 336, 407.

Ahadis, the,—one of the classes into which Akbar divided his army, 194, 308, 358, 362, 367, 369.

Ahadis, or the Traditions of the Pro- phet, 207 and m1, 262.

Ahar,—a parganna on the bank of the Ganges, 157, 158, 424.

Ahl-i-Jamaat, the,—signification of the term, 267.

Ahl-i- Kitab, the,— signification of the term, 265 andn1.

Ahmad, little, 251.

Ahmad, another name of the Arabian prophet Muhammad, 35 n 4, 324. Ahmad Bég,—a relative of Husain Quli Khan, 56 and 7 2, 58 andn4, Ahmad Bikri of Egypt, Shaikh,—a

religious leader, 419.

Ahmad, the Qifi,— musician of the Masnad-i-Cad of Dihli, 418, 419. See also under Ahmad Snfli,

Ahmad Khan Barha, Sayyid,—gover- nor of the fortress of Patan, 144, 151, 152, 233, 236, 237 n 4, 240,

Ahmad-i-Razawi, Mir,—father of Yusuf Khan Mashhadi, governor of Kashmir, 9671.

Ahmad, Sayyid,— editor of the text of the Tazak-i-Jahangiri, 398 n 3. Ahmad, Shaikh,— one of the chief

men of Lahor, 387.

Ahmad, the Shi‘ah, Mulla, 876. See under Ahmad of Tat’hah.

Ahmad Sufl7,—a title of contempt given to Ahmad the Gafi, 420 and n 1,

Ahmad of Tat’hah, Mulla,—a bigoted Shifah, 327, 328, 352, 376, 406.

Ahmadabad, capital of Gujrat, 110, 144, 145, 146 andn1, 150, 151, 152 and n 4, 153, 167, 168, 169, 173, 174, 188, 249, 256, 321, 337, 338 andn1, 339, 340, 342, 344, 365, 356, 370, 371, 872, 373, 385, 424.

Ahmadnagar, 145, 147, 1524, 167, 334 1, 354, 372, 890, 408 n 1.

Ahrar, Khwajah,—a Muhammadan Saint, 57, 166, 174, 235, 275, 366.

Ahriman,— the Evil One of the Par. sis, 33474, 356 and n 1.

Aimah-daran, the, 20774. See under the Aimahs.

Aimahdars, the, 354, 894. See under the Aimahs,

Aimahs, the, or holders of grant- lands, 207 andn 4, 208.

Ain-i-Akbari, the,—of Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, 278,775, 224, 24nn2 and 3, 5471, 634,658, 7971, 85n3, 17673, 219n2, 233 n, 241 n2, 280 2, 315 1, 40571, 424,

‘Ain-ul-mulk Shirazi, Hakim,—an officer of the Imperial Court, 175, 224, 257, 286 [see page x], 322, 370, 377, 397, 402, 416, 417.

‘Kishah, favourite wife of the Ara- bian prophet Muhammad, 318 7 2, 349 14,

Ajmir, 46, 57 andn2, 108, 127, 129, 137, 148, 153, 162, 168, 173, 174, 175, 176, 188, 200, 2032, 215, 232 [see page viii], 233, 286, 245, 246 and n 2, 258, 262, 275, 280, 281, 288, 291, 297, 309, 320, 414, 415.

Ajodhan,— generally known as Patna, which also see, 137, 265.

vi Index.

Akbar, 1, 2 andn4, 5 and 1, 9, 11 andnl, 12, 24n3, 49n4, 5472, 6178, 70n4, 79n 2, 88n2, 94n 2, 9671, 10038, 108 andn2, 125, 127, 186, 149, 166, 175 m1, 180, 201 n8, 2021, 21773, 2181, 227 nl, 241 n2, 2552, 281, 314, 371 n 4, 382, 394 n 4.

Akbarnimah, the,—of Shaikh Abu-l Fazl ‘Allimi, 126, 8223, 3475, 5275, 57 n 2, 68 v1, 68, 78 n 2, 301 n 8, 388, 398, 406.

Akhtah-bégi,—the officer in charge of the geldings, 54 and” 1.

Alahibad, 100 and 3, 108. See also under Illahabad.

Alahabis. See the above.

‘Alam-ul-hada [‘Alam-ul-Huda ?] of Baghdad,—author of the Nahju-l- balaghat, 64.

‘Ala-ud-daulah Qazwini, Mir,—author of a Biography of the Poets, 108 and n 2,

‘Ala-ud-din Khilji, Sultan, 193.

‘Ala-ud-din Lari, Maulana, 53.

Alexander the Great, 137, 178n2, 189, 382.

Alfi, 327. See also under the Tarikh- i-Alfi. Alhadi. See under Hadi.

‘Ali, son of Abi Talib,—the first of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 11 4, 8672, 102n2, 172, 255, 274, 295, 874 n 2.

‘Ali ‘Alam Shahi, Mirza,—an army officer, 197.

‘Ali Baghdadi, Qazi, grandson of Mir Qazi Husain Maibazi,— Diwan of Kashmir, 261, 282, 283, 296, 394 and n 4, 395,

‘Ali Bég Sildiiz,— Governor of the for- tress of Chitor, 26. See also under Mihr ‘Ali Bég Sildiz.

‘Ali of Gilan, Hakim,—a relative of Hakim-ul-mulk of Gilan, 278, 276, 328, 381, 420.

‘Ali Hazin, Belfour’s translation of, 35 n 3, 402 n6.

‘Ali Khan, Governor of Kashmir, 276, See the next,

‘Ali Khan, Mirzadah, 365, 380. See the above,

‘Ali Khan, Rajah,—Governor of Asir and Burhanpir, 251, 257, 260, 274, 354, 372, 373, 390, 417.

‘Ali, Mihr. See under Mihr ‘Ali,

‘Ali Muhammad Asp,—one of the Emperor’s Courtiers, 55, 303.

‘Ali Murad Uzbek,—an army officer, 236, 247, 251.

‘Ali Misa Riza,—the eighth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36” 2,803. See also under Riza,

‘Ali Qazi, 23378. See also under Qazi ‘Ali Mir Bakhshi,

‘Ali Quli Khin,— commandant of the town of Hari or Hirat, 375. See the next.

‘Ali Quli Khan Uzbek, the Khan Za- man, son of Haidar Saltan Uzbek- i-Shaibani, 4, 5,123, 4474, 76 n2, 84n1, 95n2, 101. See the above.

‘Ali Rai,—ruler of Little Tibet, 388.

Alim of Kabul, Mulla,—author of the Fawatih-ul-wilayat, 348.

Allahabas. See under Alahabad.

‘Allami Shaikh Abn-l-Fazl, 397, 398, 412 andn 8. See also under Abu-l- Fazl ‘Allami.

Index. vii

Almuzill. See under Muzill.

Alqahirah. See under Qahirah.

Altamsh-corps,—explanation of the term, 197 andn 2.

Alwar,—a town about sixty cosses S.S. W. of Dihli, 6and n 5, 9, 40, 108.

“Amad-ul-mulk [‘Imad-ul-mulk ?], ma- ternal grandfather of Amir Khusri the poet, 38 n 4.

Aman-ullah Sarhindi, Miyan,—one of the learned of Akbar’s time, 407. Ambér or Jaipur,—one of the three great Rajput States, 45 andn8,

242 and n2.

Ambir,—a town in the district of Multan, 258.

Ambit’hi,— a town in the confines of Lak’hnou, 167 1.

Amin Diwana. See under Muham- mad Amin Diwanah.

Amin Khan Ghori,— Governor of Jinagarh or Chinagarh, 152, 355, 870, 371, 384, 392.

Amin&é, Khwajah, See under Khwajah Amina,

Amin-ud-din, formerly called Muham- mad Amin,—one of the confiden- tial servants of the Court, 390.

Amin-ud-din Mahmid of Harat, Khwajah, known as Khwajah Ami- na, 2073, 232 [see page viii]. See also under Khwajah Amina,

Amir Khan Ghori, 152, an error for Amin Khan Ghori, which see.

Amir-ul-umara,— title of Rajah Bagh. wan Das, 383.

Amm Kulsin, 328,—an error for Umm Kulsiim, which see.

Amrirei-sani, the,— by Shaikh Faizi, the poet, 407.

Amrohah,—in the neighbourhood of Lakh’nou, 156, 158, 284, 304, 346, 355, 358. See the next.

Amrihah, 224 [see page viii]. See the above.

Amul,—a town on the Jihin [Oxus], 252, 2957 1.

Anagah,—signification of the word, 49 n 4,

Andari, town of, 29.

Andari-Karnal, town of, 70.

Anji, town of, 209.

‘Angqa@,—a fabulous bird said to dwell inthe mountain of Qaf, 272 and n8, 411.

Anka or Ankah, signification of the word, 49 7 4,

Antichrist, 189 and n 2, 258, 268, 328,

Aniptalao,—name of a tank and a palace in the capital, 204 and x3, 212, 219. :

Anwar-ul-mashkit [Mishkat?], the, —name of a book, 205.

Anwar-i-Sohaili, the—of Mulla Husain ibn ‘Ali al- Wa ‘iz al-Kashifi, 59 and 7 5, 36971.

‘Aqa‘id-i-Nasafi, the,—name of a book, 53,

‘Aqil Husain Mirza, son of Muham- mad Sultan Mirza,—of the family of Taimir, 8771.

Ara, town of, 24271, 244.

‘Arab Bahadur,—one of the Amirs of Bihar, 284, 289, 292, 298, 298, 364 [see page xii].

‘Arab, Khwajah. See under Khwa- jah ‘Arab.

Arabia, 210.

Arabia deserta, 3271.

Arabia felix, 3271.

Vili

Arabia petra, 32 n1.

Arabs, the, 269.

Arail, parganna of,—in Allahabad, on the bank of the Jumna, 124.

Aram Jain,—name of a dancing-girl of Jounpir, 15, 16, 17.

Arash,—signification of the word, 398.

‘Arif Qafawi Husaini, 68,

Aristotle, 21 12, 325 n 2,

Arrian, 178 7 2,

‘Arsh,—signification of the word, Tan.

Asad-ullah, or Lion of God,—title of Hamzah, the uncle of Muham- mad, 347 7 4.

Asali,—name of a village, 355.

Asfid Shah Sultan, 307.

Ash-i-hayat,— explanation of the term, 215,

‘Ashqi Khan, Mulla,—Vakil of Qazi Qadru-d-din of Lihor, 276.

Ashraf Khan, Mir Munshi,—a Courtier and an army officer, 5, 7, 45, 76, 84, 85, 110, 113, 149.

Asia, wife of Pharaoh, 59 n 4.

Asiatic Society of Bengal, 21271, 802 n 2, 314 n 2.

Asir,—a town in Khindesh, 46 and n 4, 251, 257, 372, 390.

‘Askar Khin, Mir Bakhshi, also called Lashkar Khan, and Astar Khan, 196. See also under Lashkar Khan.

Aslim Shah, Sir,—of the Afghan dynasty of Dihli, 10, 37, 63. Va- riously called Islam, Islem and Salim Shah, which see.

Asniyah,—a place on the bank of the Sarbarmati, 371.

Tudex.

Asp Julab Sistani,—Governor of the parganna of Sarit, in the Doab, 52.

Assam, 166 n 5.

Astar Khan, Mir Bakhshi, also called ‘Askar Khan and Lashkar Khan, 196. See also under Lashkar Khan.

Atak or Attak, town of, 360, 362, 363, 364, 373, 382, 383, 426. See also the next.

Atak Banaras, 301, 353, 357, 360, 373, 426. See also the above and the next.

Atak Katak,—another name of Atak Banaras, 3873 andnl, 426. See also the two above.

Atawa, or

Atawah, town of, 6, 346.

Atbégi,— name of a title, 54 1.

Atgah,—signification of the word, 49 n 4,

Atgah-clan, the. Atkah-clan.

Atgah family, the, 94, See also the Atkah-clan.

At‘harban, the,— name of one of the sacred books of the Hindiis, 216, See the next.

Atharva Veda, the, 424, above.

Atka or Atkah,—signification of the word, 49 n 4.

Atka Khan or Atkah Khan, Shamsu- d-din Muhammad, surnamed A‘zam Khan, 5 and75, 12, 18, 35, 36, 88, 49andn4, 52n2, 72andn2. See also under A‘zam Khan and Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Atkah Khan,

Atkah-clan, the, 72, 109, 158. See also the Atgah family,

See under the

See the

Index. ix

Atkah Khins, the, 92 and n 4, 98. Atkinson’s Shahnamah, 339 n1. Attak, See under Atak.

Auhand, town of, 366.

Aukaf. See under Augaf.

Auqaf,— signification of the term, 22 n4, 49,

Avecenna, 38278.

Awésar, Rajah,—a brigand and rebel, 155.

Aymah, or grant lands, 261.

‘Aynu-l-mulk, Hakim. See under ‘Ainu-l-mulk Shirazi.

Ayodhya, the Sanskrit name of Ondh, 7577.

Ayyibpir, 192 [see page vi].

A‘zam Khan, Mirza ‘Aziz Kokah, son of Atgah Khin, 98, 187, 145, 151, 152 and n 1, 153, 167, 218, 307, 309, 320, 332, 845, 350, 372, 373, 383, 384, 385, 392, 399, 400, 412. See

Baba, son of Rajan Ram Chand B’hat- ta, 345. ;

Baba Bég, Diwan of Gujrat, 256.

Baba Khan Qaqshal,—a nobleman of the Court of Akbar, 98, 146, 288, 289, 291.

Baba Shaikh Ji— tho name by which Akbar called his eldest son prince Salim, afterwards Jahangir, 390 and n 2.

Babar,—the emperor of Hindustan and grandfather of Akbar, 542, 65 7 1, 216, 217.

Babar, Hrskine’s, 657 1.

Babhal Khan,—a ghula@m of ‘Adali the emperor of India, 2572,

also under Khan-i-A‘zam and Mirza Kokah.

A‘zam Khan, Shamsu-d-din Muham- mad Atkah Khan, 49, 50, 5272. See also under Atkah Khan, and Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Atkah- Khan.

A‘zampir, Parganna of, 87, 98, 154.

‘Azdu-d-daulah,— title of Shah or Mir Fath-ullah Shirazi, the Qadr and Chief of Hindistan, 354, 358, 370, 372, 373, 879. See also under Shah Fathullah and Fathullah of Shiraz.

“Aziz Kokah, Mirza, son of Atgah Khan, 2181, See also under the A‘zam Khan, Khan-i-A‘zam and Mirza Kokah.

‘Aziz-i-Migr,—title of the Kings of Egypt, 453.

‘Aziz-ullah of Mashhad, Mirza, 110.

Bad,—a sarai in the neighbourhood of Fathpir, 300.

Badah, Shaikh. See under Shaikh Badah.

Badakhshan, 5 andn2, 6, 57, 61, 62, 72, 91, 185, 204, 217, 219, 220, 222, 276, 278, 302, 350, 351, 355, 857, 366, 367, 373, 408.

Badakhshees, the, or

Badakhshis, the, 61, 71, 409.

Badnagar,—a town in the district of Rana Udai Singh, 173 and m1.

Badaon. See under Badaun.

Badaoni, ‘Abdu-l-Qadir, son of Mulik Shah,—author of the Muntakhaba- t-tawarikh, 775, 1122, 2077 4,

x Index.

Badaiin, town of, 73, 88, 130, 139, 142, 148, 154, 175, 182, 223, 243 n1, 879, 380, 384, 888, 389, 396, 423.

Badawar,—one of the seven treasures of Khusrou, 85 71.

Badra-d-din, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Islim Chishti, 215, 344.

Beotians, the, 253 1.

Baghdad, 64, 210, 212, 282.

Baglana, district of, 151 and » 1.

Khin, Muhammad Sa‘id Shaibani, son of Haidar Sultan Uzbek-i-Shaibani, and brother of the Khan Zaman, 4, 18 and72, 29, 32, 44, 76, ‘77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 89, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104,

Bahadur Khan Sarwani. Pahar Khin Sarwani.

Bahadur Kodrah,—or

Bahadur Kirdah,—or

Bahadur Kir Farah,—a Zamindar of Bengal, 333 and 76, 334, 399.

Bahadur, son of Sa‘id Badakhshi,— Governor of Tirhut, 307.

Bahadur Shah, title assumed by Bahadur, son of Sa‘id Badakhshi, 307.

Bahadur, Sultin,—a usurper of the

Bahadur

See under

sovereignty of Bengal, 18. Bahaduru-d-din Sultan, son of Asfid Shah Sultan, See under Bahadur Shah. Bahar. See under Bihar. Bahar-Jiv,— Rajah of the district of Baglana, 151. Bahar Mal, Rajah,— Wakil and Wazir, 154, 158.

Bahat, the. See under the Behat,

Bahiu-d-din Bokhari, Sayyid,— one of the Amirs of Akbar, 386.

Babau-d-din Naqshbandi, Khwajah, 72n4.,

Bahau-d-din Zahir [Zuhair ?],—an Arab poet, 481.

Bahiu-d-din Zakaryai of Multan, Shaikh,—a Doctor of Law, 212. Bahman,— the name of January in the

Tlahi era, 897 and 78.

Bahman-khwr,— the 2nd day of Janu- ary in the llahi era of Akbar, 397 and 73.

Bahraich, town of, 364.

Bahram Mirza, son of Isma‘il Cafawi, 402,

Bahronch, town of,—in Gujrat, 151, 168, 178, 257, 285, 341, 342, 344, 373, 401.

Bahr-u-Kuzah, the,—a work by Sharif of Amul, 254 and n 4.

Bahru-l-asmar, the,—or the Sea of Tales,—name of a book, 415 and n 2, 416.

Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan, 1, 2,8, 4, 775, 86, 41, 49 n4, 216, 241 nm 2, 243, Khanan and Muhammad Bairam Khan Turkoman.

See also

See under

| Bhimbar,

town of, 38t. under Bhambar.

Bhoj, son of Rai Surjan, the Gover- nor of Chitor, 111.

Bhojpir, parganna of, 95, 96, 97, 182.

Bhongoun, town of, 187.

Bhroj, town of, 110, 145, 146.

Bhunpat, son of Rajah Bhagvant Das, of Lahor, 147 andn1.

Bhuvan-pati,— signification of the word, 147 m1.

Bibliothéque Orientale, of D’Her- belot, 26671.

Bidar, city of, 60.

Bidhi Chand, son of Jai Chand, the Governor of Nagarkot, 165, 166. Bihar, province of, 79, 1591, 177 [see page v], 235, 244, 274, 285,

289, 290, 292, 320, 365, 375.

Bihari Mall, Rajah,— Governor of the Rajpit State of Ambér, 146 n 2. See also under Paharah Mall.

Bihau-d-din. See under Bahau-d-din.

Bihrah, town of, 261 [see page ix].

Bijagarh,—a fortress in Burhanpir, 46, 276, 425.

Bijanagar, fortress of, 425. above.

Bijapir,—a town in the Dak’hin, 257 n2, 390, 425,

Bijli Khan,—adopted son of Pahar Khan Sarwani, 124 [see page iv]. Bijor,—a district of Afghanistan, 360.

Bikanir, State of, 33, 34, 187, 144.

Bikramajit, title assamed by Hémun Baqqal, 7. See under Hémun.

Bikramajit, title of Sarhor Hindi Bengali, 184 and n 2. Sarhor Hindi Bengali.

See also

See the

See under

Bikramajit, or Vikramaditya, the

Index. Xilk

Great Rajah of Hindistan, 7, 186, 368.

Bilan,— signification of the word, 348 and 9.

Binai, Shaikh,—the Physician of the Imperial Court, 224.

Biography of the Poets, the,—of Mir ‘Alau-d-daulah Qazwini, 108.

Birbar or Bir Bar, Rajah, 159, 164, 165, 214, 268, 282, 297, 312, 322, 326, 345, 361, 362, 368, 369, 400. See under Gadai Brahmadas and Vira-vara. [bar, Rajah.

Bir Bir, Rajah, 312. See under Bir-

Bishn, or Vishnu, 265.

Bisti, or water-carrier,—origin of the word, 2427 4.

Biyah, the,—one of the five rivers of the Panjab, 345, 38, 159, 161, 304 nT,

Biyana or Biyanah, fortress of, 4, 6, 21, 22, 25, 82, 105, 118, 183.

Bizhan,—one of the heroes of the Shahnamah, 47 and 7 4.

Black Stone, the,—the Hajar-ul-aswad of al-Ka‘bah, 407 2,

Bland, Mr., 302” 3.

Blochmann, 27” 8,775, 1279, 23 and n4, 24nn 2and 3, 2938, 331, 85n1, 4214, 49n4, 5471, 6374, 6425, 65nn3 and 5d, 70n 4, 7273, 471,791, 801, 82n2, 8578, 98 11, 95738, 14871, 15171, 154” 8,155 71, 15971, 17673, 19972, 1981, 194”1, 195n4, 196 nn 1 and 2, 20571, 206nn8 and 5, 207 m5, 21271, 21471, 2181, 219%” 2, 223 n1, 23373, 239n6, 2412, 24474, 2462, 24772 [see page ix], 254nn 2 and 3, 276 n 2, 280 n 2,

2824, 290 n 1 and 2, 301 nn 2, 3 and 7, 3082, 31271, 314nn2 and4, 3151, 3161, 317738, 318 n3, 320 n1, 32471, 338274, 333 n7 land 3, 33474, 337n1, 33872, 34078, 84675, 348 nn Land 5, 849 n2, 35474, 355 nn 3 and 6, 3868 3, 37676, 37771, 88275, 38871, 891n1, 3944, 402n7, 4057], 406n1, 40778, 4082, 409 nn 1, 2and4, 41378, 418nn1land 2, 420 n 4, 424, 425, 426.

Bokhara. See under Bukhara.

Bombay, 249 73.

Borchin, town of, 196.

Bozrah, 20andn 1, an error for the town of Basrah,

Brahma, Chief God of the Hindis, 265.

Brahmans of Hind, the, 85, 164, 165, 216, 264, 269, 336, 368.

Brahmins, the. See the Brahmans.

Briggs, 9n]1, 49n4, 60n4, 8773, 14475, 151 71,

Brinjarah, 2408, Same as Ban- jarah, which see.

Brinjarries, the, 240n3. Same as the Banjaras, which see.

Bu-‘ali or Abu ‘Ali, name of Ibn- Sina [Avecenna], 382 and n 3.

Budagh Khan. See under Shah Budagh Khan.

Buhail Khan,—name of a ghulam of ‘Adali, the Hmperor of India, 25 andn 2.

Bukhara, 172, 174, 278, 324.1, 358, 264, 366, 374.

Bu-nagar or Abi Nacr, name of al- Faryabi, 382 and 7 2.

Borhamu-l-mulk. See under Bur- hanu-l-mulk,

Xiv Index.

Burhampir. See under Burhanpir.

Burhanu-l-mulk, King of Ahmad- nagar, 390, 403 and n 1, 416.

Burhannu-l-mulk,—an assumed name of a certain impostor, 334.

Burhanpir, 46, 68, 251, 257, 354, 372, 390.

Burton’s Pilgrimage to El Medinah

Cabiahis, the, 201.

Cabithi,—a poet, 189.

Cadiq Khan, See under Cadiq Ma- hammad Khan and Cadiq Khan.

Cadiq Muhammad Khan,—one of the

Muhammad

Great Amirs and commanders, 29, 43, 56, 57, 58, 110, 148, 169, 224, 290, 292, 320, 359, 369, 370, 390. See also under Muhammad (Cadiq Khan.

Cadiqah [Giddiqah ?],—another name of ‘Aishah, the wife of Muhammad, 349 and 14,

Cadr, the,—the fourth officer of the empire and the highest law officer, 22 and 74, 48, 70 and n4, 270.

Cadr Jahan,—the muft? of the em- pire, 278, 305, 3883, 389, 414, 415, 418.

Cadru-d-din Lahori,—Qizi of Bah- ronch in Gujrat, 276, 285.

Cadru-d-din Sambhali, Qazi, 291.

Qafali, Mir Sayyid,—one of the per- sonages of Bhakkar, 252.

Gafarani,—the two first months of the Muslim year, 260 n 5.

Qaf-shikan, signification of the word, 84 and n 2,

and Meccah, 1212, 129n4, 184 n 2, 139 n 2, 24675. Butriyah,—name of a Muhammadan sect, 425, Buturab, or Abi Turaib,—title of ‘Ali, son of Abi Talib, 874 and 72. Buzurg Adham Khan, son of Mahum Ankah. See under Adham Khan, 59.

Gahabah, the,—the Companions of Muhammad the Prophet, 214 and n2, 215.

Qahib-i-Qirin, or the Fortunate,— title of Taimur [Tamerlane], 87 1.

Qahib-i-Zamin, or Lord of the Age, —title of the Mahdi who shall appear at the end of the world, 295.

Cairo,—the metropolis of Egypt, 43 n3.

Cajiti, Rajah, Gujpati, a and Patna, which see.

Galabat Khin,—Vazir of Nizimu-l« Mulk, the King of Ahmadnagar, 354,

Calcutta, 225, 49 n 4.

Q@alih Dai, Mir,—a holder of Jagirs in Bengal, 333.

Cambay [Kambhayat], town of, 145, 146, 1678, 249, 256 and n2, 341, 344,

Canouj, town of, 27n1.

244 n4, for Rajah zamindar of Hajipir

See also

Circassia, 352.

Cloka [Couplet], 347 1.

Code of the Changiz Khan, the, 46 and 73, 59 n6. {n 2.

Colgong [K’halginw], town of, 244

Companions of the Prophet, 318. See under the Gahabah.

Constantinople, 175, 282.

Corah of Scripture [Qarin], 6673. See under Qarin.

Cossaks, the,—derivation of the word, 43 n 2.

Court of Persia, Kitto’s, 1n3.

Cowley, the Poet, 29671.

Croesus, King of Lydia, 66n 2.

Giibahs, the,—the divisions of Akbar’s empire, 290 n 2.

Quffah,—signification of the word, 129 and n 4.

Cafi Ahmad,—musician of Masnad-i- Gad of Dihh, 418, 419. See also under Ahmad Suifli.

Qirat, town of, 249. See also under Strat.

Cuttack,—the capital of Orissa, 198 n5, 1991.

Dagh-u-mahall,—custom and rule of, 1938, 209, 288, 289, 406.

Dahmiri, district and town of, 2, 10, 165.

Dair, village of, 174.

Dakhilis, 194.

Dak’hin, the, 167, 169, 174, 216, 253, 256, 257, 260, 276, 286, 322, 323, 825, 327, 382, 334, 354, 358, 372, 873, 384, 389, 402, 416, 424. See also under the Dakkan.

Dak’hinis, the, 372, 373.

Dakkan, the, 60, 68, 78 2, 87, 148, 152. See also under the Dak’hin.

Dak’kin, the. See under Dak’hin and Dakkan.

Damascus, 287.

Damashq Khwajah, son of Mir Cho- ban, the Wazir of Sultan Abt Sa‘id Moghil, 60.

Damtiir, name of a halting-place, 382.

Dandiqah, town of, 178.

Daniyal, Prince, son of the Emperor Akbar, 143, 144, 297, 299, 352, 391 n 2, 397, 403.

Daniyal, Shaikh,—a holy man of Ajmir, 143, 144,

Darah,— town of, 2386, 239.

Darbar Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 80, 81.

Darcana,—signification of the word, 405 1.

Darinkasari,—name of a place, 195

andn38. See Dinkasari,

Index.

Daroghah-e-fardshkhanah,—a Court office, 297.

Darsan,—explanation of the word, 405 ni.

Darsanniyah, the,—name of certain disciples of Akbar’s religion, 405 andn 1.

Daru-l-Jullal [Daru-1-Jalal ?],— name of the first Heaven, 73 7 3.

Déru-l-Qarar,—name of the seventh Heaven, 74n.

Daru-s-Sulam [Daru-s-Salam ?],— name of the second Heaven, 73 n3.

Darya Khan Abdar,—an officer of Akbar’s Court, 291.

Daryapir,—a town on the bank of the Ganges, 185, 424.

Dastan-i-Sam,—father of Rustam, the famous hero, 79 andx8. More generally called Zal.

Da’ud, son of Sulaiman Kararani or Kirarani, the Afghan, ruler of Bengal, 167, 177, 178, 180, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 220, 232, 235, 244, 245.

Da’id Qadiri Jabni-wal, Shaikh,—one of the greatest Saints of Hind, 159.

Daulat,—a servant of Muzaffar, son of Sultan Mahmud Gujrati, 344. Daulat Khan,—a servant of the Kmperor Akbar. See under Khwa-

jah Danlat.

Daulat Khan,—a ghuldm of Sa‘id Khan of Multan, 162.

Daulat Khan, son of Amin Khan Ghori,— Governor of Jinagarh or Chinagarh, 384, 392.

XVlL

Danlat Khan Afghan Lodi,—a ser- vant of Mirza Khan, the Khan Khanan, 343, 379.

Daulat, Khwajah. See under Khwa- jah Daulat.

Daulat Nazir Ghaif Shadid, Khwajah, —a servant in the Court of Akbar, 149, 232, 251.

Daulat Nazir, Khwajah. above.

Dayid of Scripture, 160, 349.

Deb Chand, Rajah of Manjholi or Manjholah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 215, 257.

Debi,—name of a brahman inter- preter of the Mahabharata, 265.

De Courteille’s Dictionnaire Turk- oriental, 48 n 4, 747 5,98 n 3,197 n2.

Defrémery, C., 4673, 48 n 4, 426.

Dehli, See under Dihli.

Dekkan, the. See under the Dakkan.

Demosthenes, 302 n 1.

Deo Das,—a soldier in the army of Jaimall, the Rajpit, 46.

Derwish Muhammad Uzbek,—a ser-

See the

vant of the Imperial Court, 34.

Descriptive Catalogue, Morely’s, 397 n 2,

De Sacy, 308 n 3, 413 4.

Deuteronomy, the Book of, 47 n 4.

Dhar,—a territory in the province of Malwah, 68 3.

Dharmpirah,—a place outside Agra for feeding poor Hindis, 334.

D’Herbelot, Biblicthéque Orientale, 253 m1, 266 “1, 401 n4.

Dholgah,— town of, 338.

Dibalptr or Dibalpur, district and town of, 4, 250, 251, 252. See un- der Dipalpar.

xviii

Index.

Dictionnaire Turk-oriental, De Cour- | Doab of Baree,—between the Ravee

teille, 48 n4, 7475, 197 n 2.

Dihli, 1, 5, 6 and mv 2 and 5, 7, 9, 10> 13, 14, 15, 19, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 38 andn4, 39, 59, 60 andn5, 87, 92, 9474, 95, 101 andn6, 103, 109, 110, 124, 127, 135, 144, 147, 151, 154, 155, 157, 158, 185, 187, 188, 212, 259, 261, 284, 300, 305, 306, 358, 374, 386 and n 1, 397, 418, 424.

Dik’hdar,—a parganna in the vicinity of Jalandhar, 34 andn5.

Dilfarib,—a poem written by Sayyid ghahi, 114.

Dinkasari,—name of a place, 195 73. See Darinkasari.

Dipalpir,—town of, 34. Dibalptr.

Dissertations, Gladwin’s, 381 73.

Disuha,—town of, 10.

Dia, Port of, 401.

Divan. See under Diwan.

Diwan-i-Hafiz, the, 225, 24 andn 3, 423.

Diwan-i-Kul,—the officer who had under his orders the twelve Diwans of the Qibahs, 290 andn2, 296, 298.

Diwan-i-Sa‘adat,— office of the clerks of district Qadrs, 22 n 4.

Diwanah. See under Tir Khan Diwa- nah.

Diwankhanah of Lahor, the, 384,

Doab, the,—between the Satlaj and the Biyah, 52, 142, 228, 304 and nnd and 7, 346,

See under

and the Garra, in the Panjab, 304 nd.

Doab of Jetch,—between the Jelum and the Chenab, in the Panjab, 304 n5.

Doab of Rachna,— between the Che- naib and the Ravee, in the Panjab, 304 7 5.

Doab of Sind-Sagar,—between the Indus and the Jelum, in the Pan. jab, 3045. See also under the Sind-Sagar.

Doda, son of Rai Surjan,—the Gover- nor of Chitor, 111.

Domni, town of,—one of the depen- dencies of Bhojpur, 18271.

Don Quixote, 30771.

Dost Muhammad, son of Tatar Khan known as Tatarcheh, governor of Dihli, 144.

Doulat. See under Daulat.

Dryden, 202.

Diab, the. See under the Doab, ,

Duaspah,—one of the divisions of Ahadi troopers, 194 and n 2.

Dilaka,— or

Dilaqah, town of—in Gujrat, 178, 256.

Dungarpir, town of, 249.

Durgawati, Rani,—ruler of the dis- trict of Gadha-Katangah, 65.

Duzdnu,—signification of the word, 254,

Dwarka, town of,—the capital of Strat, 371,

Inde.

Eastern Proverbs, Roebuck’s, 2071, 2273, 28n1.

Eden, garden of, 200.

Egypt, 43 73, 45 n 8, 397, 419.

Elias, the Prophet, 78. See also the next.

Elijah the Tishbite, 201” 4, 379. See also the above.

Elliot, Sir H., landn2, 4n3, 5n4, Zn4, 25nn2 and 8, 29 nn 2 and 5, 33 12, 3478, 35 71, 885, 46nn 1 and 4, 527n8 and 5, 55” 4, 57 nn 2 and 4, 5872, 604, 6173, 65 n8, 724, 782, 794, 80n1, 93 n2, 94n6, 95n4, 96n2, 97 71,

“)

xix

E. 1018, 102 x5, 1061, 150” 2, 155 m1, 1561, 157n1, 1611, 166 m1, 17371, 182 nn1 and 3, 18471, 195 nn 2 and 3, 196 nv 1 and 3, 240 n8, 2471, 2591, 293n1, 338 n 6, 355 n 6, 425.

Elphinstone, 5n6, 2771, 168 n 8, 321 n3, 338471, 857 n2.

England, 40” 1.

Erskine’s Babar, 65 n1.

Erskine’s Humdyiin, 5 nn 4 and 7; 54 n4, 345 n 2.

Euphorbia, 147 n 2,

Earope, 267, 299.

Exodus, Book of, 47 4, 255 8.

Fadak,—a hamlet in the vicinity of al-Madinah in Arabia, 318.

Faizi of Sarhind,—a poet, 394.

Faizi, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Mubarak of Nagor and brother of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami,— King of the poets, 75, 216, 255, 267, 273, 277, 297, 304, 319, 327, 330, 361, 363, 377, 381, 385, 386, 390, 402 and n1, 407, 410 and n 5, 420, 421.

Fakhru-d-din Mashhadi, Shah, son of Mir Qasim, a Miusawi Sayyid of Mashhad, 95 and 7 8.

Fakhru-d-din Khan, Shah,—a Zamin- |

dar of Malwah, 249.

Fakhrunnisa Bégum, daughter of Humayun, the Emperor of Hin- distan, 7273.

Farah,—a town in the territory of Sijistan, 31671.

Farhat Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 185, 244,

| Farid Bakhshi, Shaikh. See under the next.

Farid Bokhari, the Bakhshi, Shaikh, —one of the generals of Akbar, 333, 362, 366, 396, 410, 412.

Farid, Shaikh—a Muhammadan Saint, 137.

Faridin,—an ancient King of Iran, 164. See also under Afridin.

Faridin, son of Mirzi Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayiin the Em- peror of Hindistan, 359.

Faridin Khan,—maternal uncle of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayin, 91, 299, 300, 3801, 303, 357.

Farighi, Mir, brother of Shah Fath- ullah Shirazi, 111.

Farmili. See under Humayin and Shah Farmili.

Farrash-khanah, the,— description of, 402,

KX Index.

Farrukh Diwanah, — one of the Im- perial Amirs, 158.

Farrukh Khan, son of Khian-i-Kalan, —one of the Imperial Amirs, 153, 154,

Faryabi, al-,—a great Arabic Doctor, 8382 n 2.

Fath Khan, Master of the Hlephants, and General, 364,

Fath Khan Afghin Tabni or Tibati,— Governor of the fortress of Rohtas, 27, ‘79, 80,159 71. See Fath Khan Masnadi ‘Ali.

Fath Khan Barha,—one of the gener-

of Sulaiman Kararani, the ruler of Bengal, 183.

Fath Khan, Masnadi ‘Ali. See ander Fatti Khan and Fath Khan Afghan Fabni.

Fathpir, town of, 112, 118, 124, 128, 137, 138, 139, 140, 154, 163, 169, 173, 174, 189, 192, 200, 201, 218, 225, 234, 235, 243, 251, 255, 256, 261, 262, 269, 272, 274, 276, 290, 292, 294, 300, 305, 307, 310, 321, 325, 337, 339, 345, 346, 352, 355, 356, 368, 371, 387, 400. Also called Fathpir Sikri.

Fathpir Sikri, town of, 21371. See the above.

Fathpari Chishti, Shaikhu-I-Islam. See under Chishti Shaikhu-l-Islim.

Fathollah Bakhshi, Khwajagi, 323, 872.

Fathullah, Mir. See under Shah Fathullah Shirazi.

Fathullah Sharbati,— one of the Im- perial Courtiers, 361.

Fathullah of Shiraz, Mir Sayyid,— the Chief Qadr of Hindustan, 325,

als of Datd, son

326, 381. See also under Shah Fathullah and ‘Azdu-d-daulah.

Fathullah Tarin, Shaikh,—a deputy of Shaikhu-l-Islim Fathpiri, 157 and v1, 424.

Fatimah, daughter of Muhammad | the Prophet, 36 7 2, 59 7 4.

Fatimah, daughter-in-law of Shaikh Badah, Lord of Agra, 59, 60.

Fati, a ghulém of ‘Adali, the Em- peror of India,— Governor of the fortress of Chunar, 28, 62, 159 and m1. See also the next.

Fatti Khan or Fath Khan, Masnadi ‘Al, 159 andl. above.

Fawatihu-l-wilayat, the,—of Mnullé Alim of Kabul, 348 and n3.

Fazi’il Bég, the Blind, brother of Mun‘im Khan, the Khan Khanan, 54.

Fazihat, Qazi, 104 andwl. der Fazilat Skérshahi.

Fazil Muhammad Khan, son of Rashid Khin-i-Kalan, 168.

Fazilat Shérshahi, Qazi,— commonly

Same as the

See un-

called by the contemptuous name of Qazi Fazihat, 104 and n 1. Fazlah,—a name of contempt given to Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, 283. Fazili of famous poet, 210. See under Firdisi of Tis. See under Firishta. Firdisi of Tis,— the celebrated poet, 47 n4, 317. Firishta, 579, Gw1, 33n2, 49 n4, 60 n 4, 87 78, 14475, 1511. Firozabad, town of,—in the neigh- bourhood of Agra, 285.

Ferdusi. Ferishta.

Baghdad,—name of @

Index. Sr

Firozah, Hisar, 187. See also under Firizah castle.

Firozpir, parganna of,—in the neigh- bourhood of Liahor, 301.

Firizah, castle of, 89. See also under Firozah Hisar. (186. Firizah Kabili,—a learned Doctor, Fitzgerald’s Omar Khayyam, 1921.

Four Virtues, the, 312 and n 1.

Fraser, 206 n 2.

Freytag’s Proverbs of the Arabs, 333 n 4,

Fuciga-l-hikam, the,—name of a book, 266.

Fulad,— slave of Mirza Sharafu-d-din Husain, 60.

Fulad Bég Barlas, Mirza, 278, 328, 376.

Gadai ‘Ali,—a Turki soldier in Ak- bar’s army, 170.

Gadai Brahmadas,—a Brahman mu- sician who rose high in favor with Akbar and received the title first of Kab Rai and then of Rajah Birbar, 164 [see page y]. See Kab Rai and Birbar.

Gadai, Shaikh. See under Shaikh Gadai Kamb6h, son of Jamal Kambo-1.

Gadha,—the chief city of Gadha- Katangah, 65, 78 andn2, 87, 89. Also called Garha.

Gadha-Katangah, country of, 65, 76, 78 andn2, 86, 230. Also called Garha-Katangah. See also under Gondwanah.

Gadha Muktésar or Maktésar, town of, 158, 224.

Gajpati, Rajah,—a zamindar of Haji pur and Patna, 18238. Also called Gujpati and Kachiti, which see.

Ganges, the, 17, 27, 38, 76, 84, 85, 97, 100 n 8, 103, 154, 157, 158, 179, 185, 187, 220, 222, 224, 285, 290, 304, 424,

Gangoh, town of, 70.

Ganj Shakar,—a Muhammadan saint, 260.

Gantir or Kator,—district of, 304 ni.

Garden of Kalanor, in Lahore, 1.

Garha. See under Gadha.

Garha Katangah. See under Gadha Katangah.

Garhi, town and fortress of,—in Bihar, 186, 282, 235, 290, 292.

Garmsir, the,—country of, 113, 402 and n 6, 416.

Garra, the,—one of the five rivers of the Panjab, 304 5.

Gasht,— a dependency of the district of Patna, 298.

Gaur, district and town of,—ancient- ly called Lak’hnauti, 195, 213, 220, 232, 289, See also under Gour.

Gauriya Bahidur,—a Zamindar of Bengal, 333 n 6,

Genesis, Book of, 234 n 1.

George, or Jarkas,—a Rimi servant of the Imperial Court, 34273.

Gest Bakawal Begi, Mir, Governor of Narnoul and then of the fortress of Bakkar, under Akbar, 58, 138, 189.

xxil

Ghakkars, the,—a Hindi tribe, 52 and n 3, 53.

Ghamgin,—surname of Mirza Abu-l- Qasim, an Officer of the Army, 196 nl.

Ghanazfar [Ghazanfar ?] Beg,—un- cle of Husain Khan, the nephew and son-in-law of Mahdi Qasim Khan, 129.

Ghani Khan, son of Man‘im Khan, the Khan-Khanan,—at one time Governor of Kabul, 52, 54.

Ghaus, signification of the term, 200 andn1. See also under Ghous. Ghausu-s-saqafain, Shaikh ‘Abdu-l-

Qadir Jilani, 418.

Ghazal,— signification of the word, 38773.

Ghazali, Mula,—a poet of Mashhid [Mashhad ?], 94.

Ghazanfar Beg. See under Ghanaz- far Beg.

Ghazi Khin,—title of Qazi Nizam Badakhshi, 186, 218. See also under Ghazi Khan Badakhshi.

Ghazi Khan, Prince of the Chakks, the well-known tribe and the dominant one in Kashmir, 3.

Ghazi Khan Badakhshi, Commander of a Thousand, 233, 247, 249, 275, 278, 283, 328, 851. Samo as Qazi Nizam and Qazi Khan, which see; see also under Ghazi Khan.

Ghazi Khan Sir,—one of the Amirs of Sultan Sikandar, the last of the Afghan rulers of Dihli, 11, 6573.

Ghazi Khan Sir,—an Amir of the time of Humayin, 6573.

Ghazi Khan Tabrizi, Shah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 233.

Index.

Ghazi Khan Tanniri, one of the great ‘Adah, the Afghan emperor of India, 65 and 78. Ghazipir, town of, 84, 104, 179, 412. Ghazni. See under Ghaznin. Ghaznin, town of, 5 7 4, 358. Ghaznin Khin,—the Governor of Jalor, 356. Ghazzali, Imam,—a celebrated theo-

Amirs of

logical writer, 267.

Ghiyasu-d-din, Mir. See under Ghi- yasnu-d-din Naqib Khan,

Ghiyasu-d-din ‘Ali Qazwini, Mirza, 173. Ghiyasu-d-din Naqib Khan.

Ghiyasu-d-din Mangir of Shiraz, Mir, —a Doctor of Law and Theology, 325.

Ghiyasu-d-din Naqib Khan, son of Mir ‘Abdu-l-Latif, a Sayfi-Sayyid of Qazwin, 24. See Ghiyasu-d-din ‘Ali Qazwini.

Ghiyaspir,—a town on the banks of the Ganges, 185.

Ghiyar, signification of the word, 227 andn 5.

@horag’hat, town of, 194, 195.

Ghorband,—a town on the banks of the river Ghorband, 90.

Ghorband, the,—a river to the North of Kabul, 61, 90 andml.

G’hrawali,—a place one farsang dis- tant from Agra, 69.

See

Gilan,—a province and a town in Persia, on the Caspian Sea, 214, 254 and n 2, 273, 276.

Gladwin’s Dissertations, &c., 88173.

Glossary, Wilson’s, 371 7 2.

Gobind Chand, Rajah,—Governor of the fortress of T’alwarah, 38.

Index. Xxili

Gog [Yajij],— tribes of, 189, 424.

Gogandah, district of,—in Rajpitana, 144, 2396, 249. Also called Ko- kandah, which see. :

Gokaltash,— signification of the word, 49n4,

Golah,—a place in the Northern mountains of India, 130, 140, 142. See also under Kant-u-Golah.

Golkandah, State of, 390. [n 2.

Gonds, the,—a tribe of Hindis, 78

Gondwanah,—a country of Hindistan inhabited by the tribe of Gonds, 782. Also called Garha-Katan- gah or Gadha-Katangah, which see.

Gorak’hpur, town of, 105.

Gosalah Banarasi,— or

Gosalah Khan, of Banaras,—a Shaikh- zadah and disciple of Akbar’s re- ligion, 418, 419, 420.

Gour, district and town of,—in Ben- gal, 12 andn4, 184,187. See also under Gaur.

Gowadi, the,—an affluent of the Ganges, 179 andn2. Often called the Gumti, or Gumati, which also See,

Gualyar. See under Gwalyar.

Gijar Khan Kararani, Ruknn-d- Daulah,— General of Da’id Kara- rani, ruler of Bengal, 184, 185, 197, 198.

Gujpati,—a Zaminddar of the neigh- bourhood of Hajipir and Patnah, 244 andn4, Also called Gajpati and Kachiti.

Gujrat, 4, 22, 26, 28, 33, 34, 40, 48, 62, 66, 67, 105, 110, 148, 144, 145,

146 andnl, 147, 149, 151 n 2, 153, 162, 167, 178, 174, 189, 195, 202, 205, 206, 215, 216, 218 andu1, 222 251, 256, 260, 268, 282, 285, 321, 822, 328, 332 [see page xii], 337, 344, 346, 353, 355, 356, 358, 365, 366, 368, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 376, 377, 380, 384, 401.

Gujratees, the. See the next.

Gujratis, the, 168, 171, 342.

Gulbadan Bégum, daughter of Babar, the Emperor of Hindustan, 7, 216, 320, 332.

Gul Guz, Pahlawan,—the keeper of Shah Abnu-l-Ma‘ali of Kashgar in his imprisonment, 4.

Gulrikh Bégum, daughter of Kam- ran Mirza, son of Babar, and wife of Ibrahim Husain Mirza, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, 148, 158 1, 256.

Gumati, the,—or

Gimti, the,;—an affluent of the Gan- ges,824,179n2. Also called the Gowadi, which see.

Gowalpara or Gwalparah,—a depen- dency of Bengal, 1952.

Gurs [Kurusj, the,—a great tribe of Hindis in ancient times, 94n6, See also under the Kurus,

Guzérat. See under Gujrat.

Guzrat. See under Gujrat.

Gwalpara or Gwalparah,—a depen- dency of Bengal, 1957 2.

Gwalyar, [Gwalior], fort of, 24, 25 and n 2, 29, 68, 71,74, 122, 165, 195 andn2, 238, 239, 250, 285, 391,

—

XXiv

Habari, son of Majnin Khan Qaq- shal,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 424, Elsewhere called Jabari, or Jabbari, which also see.

Habib ‘Ali Khan,—one of the fol- lowers of Muhammad Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan, 25, 26.

Habib, Qazi,—a zealous Sunni of Kashmir, 128.

Habib-ullah, Haji,—an officer of the Court of Akbar, 299, 302.

Habsh, Mir,—or

Habshi, Mir,—a Shi‘ah Doctor of Law, 201, 262.

Hadi, al-, or the Guide, 259, 266.

Hadi Sadr, Mir,—a trusty friend of ‘Ali Quli Khin Uzbek, the Khan Zaman, 83.

Hadis, the Traditions of the Prophet, 207 andl.

Hifiz, of Shiraz,—the famous Per- sian poet, 2275, 248, 40, 4238, 425.

Hafiz Muhammad Amin,— a preacher of Qandahbar and one of the seven Imams, or private Chaplains, of Akbar, 250, 251, 259, 277.

Hifiz Sultan Rakhnah of Herat,— Governor of Sarhind, 393.

Hafiz Tashkandi,—a disciple of Ra- shid Mula ‘Igamu-d-din Asfarayani, 190.

Haidar Khin. See under Haidar Mu- hammad Khan.

Haidar, Mir,—a riddle writer, 248, 2738.

Haidar Muhammad Khan Akhtah- bégi,— Governor of Kabul, 6, 54.

Index.

Haidar Qisim _Kohbar,— Lientenant of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayin, 57.

Haidar Sultan Uzbek-i-Shaibani, father of ‘Ali Quli Khan Uzbek, the Khan Zaman, 847 1.

Hairati of Samarqand,—a poet, 210, 280.

Haiwatu-l-Haiwan, [Hayatu-l-Haya- wan], the,—name of a book, 207. Haji Bégum,—danughter of the bro- ther of Humayin’s mother, 808 and

ni.

Haji Bhikan Basawari, 25.

Haji Habib-ullah. See under Habib- ullah.

Haji Khian,—a Ghuld@m of ‘Adah, the Emperor of India, 25x38, See the next,

Haji Khan Alwari, 6, 26, 40. the above.

Haji Mirza Bég Kabuli,—author of an account of Little Tibet, 388.

Haji Muhammad,—an Ahadi soldier of Akbar, 303.

Haji Muhammad Khan Sistani. under Muhammad Khan Sistani. Hajipir, town and district of, 58 and nl, 177, 178, 182, 183, 184, 282, 244, 274, 290, 293, 297, 320, 345,

350, 375, 412.

Hajj, the great Pilgrimage to Mecca, 40 7 2.

Hajji, more commonly spelt Haj2. See under the latter word.

Hajr [Hajar ?]-ul-aswad, the Black Stone, of the Ka‘bah, at Mecca, 40 n 2,

See

Index.

Hakim Abu-l-Fath. See under Abn-l- Fath of Gilan, the CQadr of the Metropolis of Hind.

Hakim Hasan. See!under Hasan of Gilan,

Hakim Humam. See under Humam of Gilan.

Hakim Humayiin. See under Hu-

miyin of Gilan.

Hakim Niru-d-din Qariri, See un- der Niru-d-din of Gilan. Hakim Sanai,—a famous Persian

poet, 123 n 1.

Hakim Sur Afghan,—one of the leaders of Rina Kika’s army, 236 [see page viii], 239 andn 2.

Hakimu-l-Mulk Shamsu-d-din of Gilan,—a Doctor of philosophy and medicine and a Courtier, 254 and n 2, 270, 276, 283, 293, 300.

Hamadani, Qazi. See under ‘Abdu-l- Jabbar Hamadani.

Hamam, Hakim, 383, 388. See under Hakim Humam of Gilan.

Hamid Budaoni, grandfather of our author, 259.

Hamid Bukhari, Sayyid,—one of the great Amirs of the Sultans of Guj- rat, 145, 167, 364, 366.

Hamid Gilani Qéadiri, Skaikh—a devotee, 418.

Hamlet, Shakespere’s, 16471.

Ham-Mashiah ben David, the false Christ of the Jews, 189 n 2.

Hamzaban, governor of the fort of Surat, in Gujrat, 147, 149.

Hamzah, Amir,—an uncle of Mu- hammad, called Asad-ullah “ Lion of God” for his valour, 329, 347 and n 4,

XXV

Hamzahnamah, the,—a book in which the exploits of Hamzah, uncle of Muhammad, are celebrated, 347 n 4.

Hanafis, the,—one of the four sects of Sunni Muslims, 212, 337.

Handiyah, town of, 48 andn3. The Hindia of the maps. See also under Hindia.

Hansi, town of, 260 [see page ix].

Hansi, brother-in-law of Bayazid, son of Sulaiman Kararani, ruler of Bengal, 177.

Harat, town of, 2073, 38, 48. See also under Herat.

Harawal, town of, 67.

Hari, another name for the city of Harat, 375 and n 2.

Harpir, town of, 19574.

Harinu-r-rashid, the ‘Abbaside Kha- lifah, 288 x 1.

Hasam [Hasan ?] Khan Turkaman,— governor of the fort of Chunhar, 62.

Hasan, an infant son of the Emperor Akbar, 68,

Hasan, son of ‘Ali, son of Abi Talib, the second of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 11 7 4, 36 x 2.

Hasan ‘Askari, the eleventh of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36 2

Hasan Beg—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 2465.

Hasan Bég,—brother of Muhammad Husain Khan, the relation of Mahdi Qasim Khan, 11.

Hasan of Gilan, Hakim,—a physician of the Court, 359, 418.

Hasan Khan, brother of Fath Khan Afghan Tibati, the governor of Rohtas, 79.

Xxvl Hasan Khin, brother of Shihab Khan [Shihabu-d-dia Ahmad

Khan], governor of Dihli, 55, 91.

Hasan Khan Bachgoti,—an Afghan Chief, 18.

Khan the Treasurer,—an officer of the Court, 77 and n2.

Hasan Khan Pani,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 3861.

Hasan, Khwajah, 302. See under the

Hasan Khazanchi, or

Hasan Naqshbandi, Khwajah, son of Khwajah Bahau-d-din Naqshbandi, 72, 89, 90, 91, 302. He married the sister of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humiayiin, and be- came his absolute Prime-minister in Kabul.

Hasan [Husain ?] Quli Khan, the Khan Jahan, 188, See under Husain Quli Khan, son of Wali Bég.

Hashim Barhah, Sayyid. See under Hashim, son of Mahmiid Barhah.

Hashim Firozabadi, Sayyid,—a re- ligious teacher, 294.

Hashim Khan, brother of Shihabu-d- din Ahmad Khan, the Governor of Dihli and ‘one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 181.

Hashim Khan Nishapiri, of Jhosi and Piyaj, 297.

Hashim, Mir,—a jagir-holder of Guj- rat, 333.

Hashim Qandahari,—a Persian poet, 36, 37.

Hashim, son of Mahmid Barha, Say- yid,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 224 [see page viii], 233, 236, 237 n 4, 34:2,

Index.

Hassan. See under Hasan.

Hatim Sambhali, Miyan,—a famous Moulawi, 294,

Hatim Tai,—an Arab famous for his liberality, 67 n 4.

Hatiyah, town of, 65.

Hatiyapil (Hlephant-bridge) gate, in Agrah, 112 andn3. See also the next.

Hatyapul (Hlephant-gate), the, 219 andn2. See the above.

Hawiy,—name of an elephant of Hémun Baqqal, 8.

Hayatu-l-Hayawan, the,—name of a book, 207.

Hazar Shu‘a‘ (the thousand rays),— name of a poem, 3846.

Hazirah,—a tract of country in the Hindi Kush, 55 andv 1,

Hazirz, a person holding 1,000 bighahs of land, 353.

Hazrat ‘Al. Abi Talib.

Hazrati A‘Ja, title of Sulaiman Kara-

See under ‘Ali, son of

rani, the Afghin, ruler of Bengal, 166.

Hémun Baqqil,— makes himself mas- ter of Dihli with the title of Bik- ramajit, but is defeated and killed, 6, 7, 8, 9.

Herat, town of, 173, 296, 375 72, 393. See also under Harat,

Herklot’s Qanoon-e-Islam, 41 n 2.

Herodotus, 26 n 1, 817 n 2.

Heubach, 23671.

Hidayah (Gnidance),—name of a book on Muhammadan Law, 208 and 1,

Hijaz,— Arabia 216, 222, 320,

petraa, 32 andnl,

Index.

Hijaz Khan Badaini,—one of the Afghan Amirs and Governor of Sirhind, 37.

Hillel,—of Talmudic fame, 5575, 287 n 2.

Hind, 7, 68, 70, 78, 85 and n5, 107, 140, 144, 174, 217, 245, 248, 269, 278, 282, 315, 329, 391, 394. See also under Hindistan and India.

Hindia or Hindiah,—a town on the confines of the Dak’hin, 483, 87, 88, 372, 416, 417.

Hindi Bég Moghil,—one of Amirs of Akbar, 25,

Hindian, town of, 250 7 3.

Hindi-kash mountains, the, 90 and 78. See also the next.

Hindu Kush, the, 5n6, 5571, also the above.

Hindin, town of, 250 and 78.

Hindiis, the, 39, 62, 65n1, 94, 95, 107, 116, 159, 164, 165, 192, 208, 218, 216, 226, 239 andn3, 240, 268, 277, 295, 818, 314, 331, 347, 352, 367, 368, 369, 424, 426.

Hindustan, 6 andni, 7, 18, 22, 28, 32, 88 n4, 40, 45, 49, 54, 56, 75, 78 m2, 89, 90, 91, 151, 160, 190, 217, 253, 279, 299, 327, 34'7, 350, 354, 860, 365, 366, 383, 388, 404, 409. See also under Hind and India.

Hindustani Dictionary, Shakespeare’s, 1821.

Hindustanis,

the

See

the,— Native Musal- mans, 350. Hirah, town of,—in ‘Iraq, 231 n 2. Hiranand,—name of an elephant in the imperial army, 99. Hirapur, pass of,—in the mountains of Kashmir, 396.

XXV1l

Hirat. See under Harat and Herat.

Hisar Firozah. See under Firozah.

History of British India, Mill and Wilson’s, 240 n 3.

Hormiz, country of, 280,

Hoshang Ghori, Sultan, 65,

Hoshang-abad, fortress of, 65.

Houdal, town of, 6.

King of Malwa,

Hughes’ Notes on Muhammadanism, 3672,

Higli, district, 196 n 2.

Huma, a bird of happy omen, 45 and ni,

Humam of Gilan, Hakim, also called Hakim Humayin and Humayin Quli,—brother of Hakim Abu-l- Fath, 214, 299, 304, 328, 365, 390 [see page xiii], 396,421. At pp. 383 and 388 this name appeared as Hamam and at pp. 396 and 421 as Human.

Humayiin,—the Emperor of India and Father of Akbar, 2, 5 andnn 1, 4,7 and 8, 75, 54 and nn 2 and 3, 65738, 7273, 957 3, 308 n1.

Humayun, Erskine’s, 5nn4 and 7, 345 n 2.

Humayin Farmili, son of Shah Farmuli,—called by the title of Humayun Quli Khan, 291.

Humayin, Hakim, 214. See under Humam of Gilan.

Humaytn Quh, 214. mam of Gilan.

Humayin Qili Khan, title of Hu- maytn Farmili, son of Shah Far- mili, 291.

Husain, an infant son of the Hmperor Akbar, 68.

See under Hu-

XXvlil

Husain, son of ‘Ali, son of Abi Talib, the third of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 11 4, 362.

Husain, son of ‘Ali, son of Husain, son of ‘Ali, son of Abi Talib, 143. Husain ‘Arab Maliki, Qazi,—one of

the Qazis of Dikli, 213,

Husain Bég Shaikh ‘Umri Badakh- shi,—collector of the revenues of Kashmir, 394 and n 4, 395.

Haosain, Haji,—attendant of the monastery of Shaikh Islam Chishti, 845.

Husain Jalair, Sultan, 39. (128.

Husain Khan, governor of Kashmir,

Husain Khan, sister’s son and son-in- law of Mahdi Qasim Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, iii, 9, 11, 29, 38, 35, 38, 83, 86, 87, 88, 96, 128, 129, 180, 142, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 171, 175, 182, 187, 222, 228, 224, 226 and 4, 2271, 238, Same as Muhammad Husain Khan, which also see.

Husain Khan, a relative of Shihab Khan ([Shihabu-d-Din Ahmad Khan], 34.

Husain Khan, son of Wali Bég, 38. See under Husain Quli Khan,

‘Ibidat-Khanah, the,—a _ building constructed by Akbar in Fathpir, a suburb of Agra, 200, 208, 204, 215, 219, 262, 294.

Ibn Abi Laila,—a Mujtahid or Doctor of the Law, 211.

Index.

Husain Khang-sawar, Mir Sayyid, a Muhammadan saint buried in Ajmir, 143,

Husain of Khwarizm, Shaikh,—a great Theological Doctor, 253.

Husain Maibazi, Mir Qazi, 261.

Hnosain Marwi, Khwajah,—a poet, 124, 127, 136.

Husain Mirza, Sultan, King of Khura-

7and 2. See the next.

Husain Mirza, Sultan, son of Bahram Mirza, son of Ism@‘il Gafawi, 402. See the above.

Husain Qazwini, Qazi,—governor of the State of the Sawalik mountain- district, on the part of Akbar, 412.

Husain Quli Khan, the Khan Jahan, son of Wali Bég Zu-l-Qadr,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 83, 88, 56, 67, 58 and m2, 106, 109, 111, 137, 159, 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168, 188, 23575,

Husain, Shaikh, grandson of Khwa- jah Mu‘inu-d-din Chishti of Ajmir, 809.

Husaini, ‘Arif Qafavi, 68.

Husayn. Seo under Husain.

Husp Abdal,—name of a place, 882.

Hydaspes, the,—the river Jellum or Bahat, 1782, 3898n4,

san,

Ibn Adham,—a Muhammadan Saint, 401 and n4.

Ibn ‘Arabi, Shaikh,—a celebrated Theological Doctor, 265, 286.

lbn Batuta, Lee’s Translation of the Travels of, 907 3,

Index.

Ibn Misa Riza, the eighth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 35 and 73.

Ibn Sina, [Avecenna], 382 73.

Ibrahim Chishti, Shaikh,—of Fath- pur-Sikri, one of the Amirs of Akbar, 236, 2387, 300 [see page xi], 320, 352, 387.

Ibrahim Husain Ahadi, Khwajah, 408

Ibrahim Husain Mirza, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza,—a descendant on his father’s side from Taimir, the Fortunate, 87 andm1, 93, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 154, 156 and m1, 161-164, 166, 256.

Ibrahim Khan, son of Rajah ‘Ali Khan, of Burhanpir, 354.

Ibrahim Khan Uzbek, uncle of the Khan Zaman, ‘Ali Qui Khan Shai- bani, 44, 75, 76 and 71, 81, 82, 83.

Ibrahim, Mirza, 1538. Ibrahim Husain Mirza.

See under

Ibrahim, Mirza, son of Mirza Sulai- man, Governor of Badakhshan, 5 and n 3, 217.

Ibrahim Sarhindi. him Sirhindi,

Ibrahim Sikri Wal, Shaikh,—one of the governors of Akbar, 185.

Ibrahim Sirhindi, Haji,—one of the ‘Ulama of the Court and for some time Cadr of Gujrat, 175, 190, 191, 205, 212, 213, 214, 216, 285, 286, 322, 328,

Ibrahim Sir, 345.

Igfahan, town of, 128. See also under Ispahan.

Idar, town of, 144, 1679178, 249, 251.

Ihram, signification of the term, 41 and 71, 121 and n 2.

See under Ibra-

XX1X

Ijma@‘, signification of the term, 267 ni,

Ikhla¢, name of a Sira in the Qur’én, 23 and n6.

Ikhtiyaru-1-Mulk, the Abyssinian, — one of the Amirs of Gujrat, 145, 152, 167, 168, 169, 171, 172.

Ukhtiyarn-Il-Mulk Gnujrati, 167. See the above.

Tlahabad. See under Ilahabad.

Dlahdad of Amrohah, Malla,— Qadr of the Doab of Sindsagar, in the Panjab, 284, 304, 346, 355, 358.

Ilahdad Nabawi of Sultanpir, Mulla, —(adr of the Doab of Jetch, in the Panjab, 304.

Tlahi era of Akbar, the, 17571, 384 n4, 397 n 4,

Uahis, the,—name of a sect of Shaikhs, who called themselves ‘Disciples,’ 308.

Dhabas, town of, 124. Illahabas.

llichpir, town of, 373.

Ilahibad [Allahabad], 179, 344, 345, 346, 8351. See also under Alahabad.

Illahabas (the modern Allahabad ), 179. See also the above.

Iltimas Qazi Fathpiri, a learned Doc- tor of Akbar’s time, 309,

Ilyas Khan, the Afghin,— Governor of Karah, 297.

‘Imadu-d-din, the krori,—an atten- dant of Qnutbu-d-din mad Khan Atgah, 341 [see page xii].

See under

Muham-

Imam Riza. See under Riza.

Imaim-i-‘adil, or Just Ruler,—his authority on points of law, 278,

XXX

‘Imran, name of the father of the Virgin Mary according to the Qur’an, 59 n 4.

India, 5nn7 and 8, 6n1, 22, 24, 27 nl, 28, 542, 651, 9078, 95n 3, 102, 108 n2, 118, 207, 224, 2403, 242 n 4, 261, 266, 282, 307 n 1, 336, 852, 398, 402n6, 410, 413, 414, 419, 421 andn38. See also under Hind and Hindistan.

India, Elphinstone’s, 22 n 4.

Indian Antiquaries, Princep’s, 367 n 3.

Indus, the, 9075, 207, 217, 218, 299, 801, 302, 8045, 350, 351, 362, $79 [see page xiii].

Insdn-i-Kamil, or the Perfect Man,— an expression applied to Akbar, 266.

Inst. ling. pers., Vuller’s, 405 n 3.

Iran, Persia as called by the Per- sians, 242, 298.

‘Traq, lln4, 24, 102, 1892, 190, 222, 231 12, 248, 253, 313, 315, 327, 407.

‘Iraqi horses, 280 [see page viii].

Inshad-i-Qaz?, —name of a book, 294.

‘Isa [Jesus], 191 andn 1.

‘Isa, river of, 333. u-‘Isa.

‘Isi Khan, the Zamindar of Orisa, 292, 333 and n 38, 417.

Isi Khan Niyazi, generally known as Shnja‘at,—one of the great Amirs of the Afghans, 181.

‘Isa Tarkhan, Mirza, ruler of Tattah, 138,

Isaiah, Book of, 3114.

Ishaq Kakawi, Shaikh,—a holy and God-fearing sage, 304,

Iskandar Bég,—a relative of Husain Quah Khan, 56 and n 2, 58 and n 4.

See under Nakr-

Index.

Iskandar Khan, the Uzbek,—one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 6, 8, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 94, 104, 138, 139.

Iskandarpir, town of, 187.

Islim Chishti, Shaikh. See under Chishti, Shaikhu-l-Islam.

Islam Shah, Sir,—of the Afghan dynasty of Dihli, 251. ly called Aslim, Islim and Salim

See also

I¢fahan.

Index. XxXxl

Israel of Scripture, 262 n8.

Israelites, the, 206.

Istiqbal, explanation of the term, 339 and 71.

I‘timad Khan, chief eunuch of Aslim Shah Sur, of the Afghan dynasty of Dibli, 63, 64, 68.

I‘timad Khan, a Ghulam of Sultan Mahmid Gujrati,—governor of Gujrat under Akbar, 145, 178, 205, 251, 258, 320, 332, 337, 338 and n3, 340, 343.

I‘timad Khan, Khwéjah Sarai,—an officer of Akbar’s army, 179.

Jabalpir, 65 7 5,

Jabari, or

Jabbari, son of Majniin Khan Qaqshil, —one of the Amirs of Akbar, 291, 424, See also under Habiri.

Jacob of Scripture, 262 n 8, 353 n 3.

Jafar Bég, the Agaf Khan Bakishi, —one of the Court officers of Akbar, and nephew of Mirza Ghi- yasu-d-din ‘Ali Qazwini, the Agaf Khan Sani, 393, 4094. See also under Mirza Ja‘far and Agaf Khan Salis.

Ja‘far Qadiq, the sixth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36 2, 108 and 7 1.

Ja‘far Khan, son of Qazaq Khan,— one of the Amirs of the Panjab, 165.

Ja‘far, Mirza, 822, 828. Same as Ja‘far Bég, which see. See also under Agaf Khan Salis.

Ja‘far Sadiq, Imam. See under Ja‘far Qadiq.

Ja‘fir, See under Ja‘far.

Jafrdan, 295.

Jaganath,—a Court officer of Akbar and a Zamindar of Malwah, 249,

Jaganat’h, the Hindi god, 166.

Jagannath, town of, 177.

Jagir lands,— definition of, 23.7 4,

Jahainabad,—a parganna of the Higli district, 196 n 2.

Jahangir,— title assumed by Prince Salim, son of Akbar, on his acces- sion to the throne of Delhi, 820 n 2,390 nn 1 and 2.

Jahjar Khan, or Jahjar Khan, the Habshi [A byssinian], one of the Amirs of Gujrat, 110, 145, 151, 168, At p. 145 this name appeared as Jajhar Khan

Jahni, town of, 159.

Jai Chand, Rajah, Commandant of the fortress of Nagarkot, under Akbar, 164, 166.

Jaimal of Chitdr, 289. Same as the next, which see.

Jaimal Rai,— one of the Riis of Rana Udai Sing and governor of the fortress of Chitor, 105, 107, 239, See also the next.

Jaimall Rajpit, 46. Sameas Jaimal Rai, which see.

Jaipir or Ambér, a Rajpit State, 45, 18, 242 n 2, [mir, Jaisalmir, town of. See under Jasal- Jajhar Khan,— one of the Amirs of

Gujrat. See under Jahjar Khan the Habshi,

XXXll

Jakmal,—brother of the Rana _ of Sarohi, 337.

Jalair, name of a Chaghtai tribe, 44 nd.

Jalal Khan Qirchi or Qurchi,—one of the Amirs and privy counsellors of Akbar, 189, 204, 345.

Jalal Multani, Qazi. See under Jalaln- d-din of Multan.

Jalal Mutawakkil, Mir Sayyid,—a religious leader, 114, 121.

Jalal of T’hanésar, Shaikh,—one of the Muhammadan Saints of Hind, 322,

Jalalabad, town of, 55 and x8, 72, 90, 302, 303, 304. Known of old by the name of Jasai.

Jalalah, son of Roshanai, a Hindistani soldier who made himself a religious teacher and set up an _ heretical sect, 360, 868 7 1, 363, 401.

Jalilah Roshanaior Roushanii. See the above.

Jalalah Tariki, 368. above, the word Tariki or ‘ man of darkness,’ being used for Roshanai or ‘ bright.’

Jalali era, the, 260

Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar Pad- shah, 1,382. See under Akbar.

Jalalu-d-din of Multan, Maulana, Qazi-1-Quzat of the empire of Hind, 104, 213, 215, 278, 323.

Jalalu-d-din Sur, the Afghan, ruler of G’horag’hat, 195.

‘Jalandhar, town of, 5, 10, 18, 34 and n5, 38 n 8,

Jalésah, parganna of, 155 andl.

Jalesar, town of, 155 7 1, 308.

Jallal-abad. See under Jalalabad,

Same as the

Index.

Jallalah, the Roshanai, 401. See under Jalalah.

Jalor, town of, 574, 58, 340, 342, 356.

Jalwar, town of, 56, 872. See the above.

Jam, the,—the Hindi ruler of Sirat and Jinaigarh, 355, 870, 371, 384, 385, 392, 400. This Jam was called Satr Sal or Satarsal.

Jam Satr Sal. See the above.

Jamal Bakhtyar, Shaikh,—one of the Court officers of Akbar, 294, 297, 298, 308, 358.

Jamal Kambo-i, father of Shaikh Gada-1 Kamboh, a poet of Dihli, who became Cadr of the empire, 22.

Jamal Khan, a Ghuldm of ‘Adali, the Emperor of India, 26 and 73, 27, 39, 62.

Jamal Khin Qurchi,—one of the Court officers of Akbar, 175. See also Jalal Khan Qurchi, of which this is probably a mis-print.

Jamal Khan, son of Shaikh Mangan of Badain, 139.

Jamal, Pahlawan,— police-magistrate of Agra, 118.

Jamal, Qazi, a Hindi poet of Siva- kanpir, 119.

Jamiala-d-din, Mir,—a traditionalist, 173.

Jamalu-d-din, Sayyid, grandson of Sayyid Mahmid Barhah,—one of the Court officers of Akbar, 356,357.

Jamd‘har or Jamd‘hara, signification of the word, 144 and 73.

Jami, 35, 180, 423. See also under Maulana ‘Abdu-r-Rahmam Jami.

Index.

Jami, Imam Monlawi. See the above.

Jami‘-i-Rashidi, the,—name of an historical work, 397.

Jami‘u-l-hikayat , book, 829.

Jamil Bég, Vazir Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 290.

Jamna, the.

the,—name of a

See under the Jumna.

Jamshid,—one of the ancient Kings of Iran, 108, 199.

Jamshid Muhammad Akbar, See under Akbar.

Jan Baqi Khin,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 94.

Jan Muhammad Khan Bihbidi,—a warrior in Akbar’s Army, 290.

Jani Bég. Mirza, grandson of Muham- mad Baqi Tarkhian,— Governor of Tattah, 314, 370, 377, 886, 392, 399.

Jani, Mirza, the Governor of Tattah. See the above.

Jannat-ashyani, meaning of the ex- pression, 308 n 2.

Jannat-astani, meaning of the expres- sion, 308 n 2.

Jannatu-l-‘adan [Jannat-‘Adn ?], the, —the Garden of Eden, 747.

Jannatu-l-Firdis, the,—the Garden of Paradise, name of the sixth heaven, 74n.

Jannatu-l-Khild [Khuld], the,— the Garden of Eternity, name of the fourth heaven, 74 n.

Jannatu-l-mawa, the—name of the third heaven, 747.

Jannatu-n-Nu‘im [Na‘im], the,—the Garden of Delights, name of the fifth heaven, 74 n.

Jarikaran, village of, 61.

XXxXili

Jarkas, the Rimi,—Commander of the fortress of Baronch on the side of Muzaffar, son of Sultan Mahmid Gujrati, 342 and n38, 344.

Jasalmir, town of, 138, 355, 392.

Jaunpir. See under Jounpir.

Jazyah, or tax on Non-Moslems, abolished, 284,

Jellum, the. See the Jelam.

Jelum, the,—one of the five rivers of the Panjab, 304.75, 359 2, 898 n 4. Also called the Behat, which see.

Jeremia, the Jewish Prophet, 198 n3.

Jesus, 191 11, 206, 267 andn3.

Jetch, Ddib of, between the Jelum and the Chenab, in the Panjab, 304 nd.

Jhanni, a town in the vicinity of Lahor, 408 and n 2.

Jharkand, a country of Hindistan, 78 n 2.

Jhils, the,—a low class of Multan peasants, 161, 162.

Jhosi (and Piyag), known as Ilhabas, the modern Allahabad, 124, 297.

Jhujhar, town of, 33.

Jhusi, town of, 100 738.

Jiji Anagah, wife of Shamsu-d-din Mahammad Atgah Khan,—a nurse of Akbar, 49 n 4.

dJitira, town of, 196 n 3,

Job of Scripture, 296 71.

Jodhptr or Marwar, a Rajpit State, 34, 45 n8, 144, 153, 181, 189 and n1, 2752,

Jogipirah,—a place outside Agrah for feeding jogis, 334.

Jogi-s, the,—or Hindi devotees, 95, 369,

XXX1V

John, Epistle of St.—, 287 73.

Jonah, Book of, 2221.

Jones, Sir W., 47 7 4.

Josa, the,—a river, 289. See also the Jusah.

Joseph, the Patriarch, 124, 3538.

Joshua, Book of, 75 » 1.

Joudhpir. See under Jodhpir.

Joudpir. See under Jodhpir.

Jouhar, explanation of the word, 107.

Jounagarh. See under Jinagarh.

Jounpir, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 27 and n8, 44, 54, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82n 4, 84, 85, 86, 89, 94, 96, 103, 104, 138, 189, 177, 179, 180, 185, 245, 273, 284, 285, 290, 297, 298, 309, 384, 386.

Jousa, town of, 181.

Jiijak Begum. See under Mah Jijak Bégum,

Index.

Jumlatu-l-mulk, or manager-in-gen- eral,—an official title, 409 n 2.

Jumlatu-l-mulk, title of Muzaffar Khan ‘Ali Turbati, one of the Amirs of Akbar, 174.

Jumna, the, 6, 29, 75, 114, 119, 128, 135, 154, 179, 285.

Janagarh,—the capital of Surat, 150, 152, 256, 355, 384, 392, 400 and n2, 401. See also under Chinagarh.

Junaid, a Muhammadan Saint, 209.

Junaid, uncle’s son of Daiid, son of Snlaimin Kararani, the Afghan, ruler of Bengal, 195, 245.

Jupiter, 87 n1.

Jisah, the,—ariver, 104. See also the Sosa.

Jusai, the old name of Jalalabad, 55 n3.

Juvenal, 20 n 2.

Kab Rai, or Prince of Poets, title of Gadai Brahmadas, or Rajah Birbar, 164 and n4. Brahmadas and Birbar.

See under Gadai

Ka‘bah,—the square stone building in the Masjidu-l-Hardm, at Makkah, 40 and n 2, 41, 118, 216, 344, 417.

Ka‘bah-i-Murddat, or sanctum of de- sires, 266.

Kabi Rajah. See under Kab Rai.

Kabul, 5 and xn4 and 7, 12, 34, 38, 52, 58, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 71, 72, 89, 90 and m1, 91, 92, 103, 217 and m8, 290, 301, 302, 303, 305, 307, 309, 320, 348, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 364, 366, 367, 370,

381, 382, 383, 388, 392 [see page xiii], 408, 409.

Kabulees, the. See the next.

Kabulis, the, 61, 409.

Kach’h, province of, 355, 399.

Kachi horses, 371.

Kachiti, district of, 292 andn 1, 293. See, however, the next.

Kachiti, Rajah,—a zamindar of Haji- pir and Patna, 182and73. Also called Gajpati and Gujpati, which see,

Kafirs, the,—or infidels, a name of reproach given by Muhammadans to the Non-Muslims, 46 n 2.

Kafur, 288.

Index.

Kahérs, signification of the word, 111 and 7 2.

Kaianians, the,—an old Persian dy- nasty, 268 and 2.

Kaiqabad,—an ancient king of Iran, 164.

Kaiqabad, son of Mirzé Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayin, son of Babar, 359.

Kaisin,—a tract of country belonging to the province of Malwah, 78 » 2.

Kajak Khin Khwajah,—one of the generals of Akbar, 1971.

Kajh-kot, Manzil of,—called also the Sarat of Kot K’hachwah, 301 and 23.

Kakar ‘Ali Khin,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 82, 157, 424.

Kakarin, fort of, 105.

Kalin Bég, Khwajah, 37. See also the next.

Kalan Bég Nagqshbandi, Khwajah, grandson of Khwajah Ahbrar,—a devotee and religious teacher, 366 [see page xii].

Kalandar, signification of the term, 162 and » 2, 187.

Kalanor, a dependency of Lahore, 1 and 8, 301,

Kalanor, garden of,—where Akbar ascended the throne, 1 and 72,

Kalinjar, fortress of, 124, 369.

Kalkal-g’ hati,—name of a place, 199.

Kalla Pahar,—a distinguished Afghan general, 274,

Kalpi, district and town of, 6, 44, 97, 118, 119, 165 [see page v], 289 [see page x].

Kalyan Mal, Rai,— Rajah of Bikanir, 137,

XXXV

Kalyan Rai Baqqil,—an inhabitant of Cambay, 249.

Kamal Biyabani, Shaikh,—an impos- tor of Akbar’s reign who claimed to work miracles, 309, 878 [see page xiii].

Kamal Khan, son of Shaikh Mangan of Badain, 139,

Kamal Khan, the G’hakkar,-—one of the Amirs of the Panjab and governor of the country of the Ghakkars, 3, 18 andn3, 52, 72, 93, 109.

Kamalai Qadr,—an Officer of the Imperial Court, 421.

Kamalai Shirazi,—servant of Shah Fath Ullah Shirazi, the Qadr-in- chief of Hindistan, 354 and n 3.

Kamaon, mountains of, 864. See also the next.

Kamain,—a Hindi State in the Sawalik hills, 377, See also the above.

Kambhayat [Cambay], 167 and 78. See also under Cambay.

Kambo. See under Shahbaz Khan Shahra-llah Kambo,

Kami, nom de plume of Mir ‘Ala- u-d-doulah Qazwini, author of a Biography of the Poets, 108 n 2.

Kamran Mirza, son of Babar and brother of Humiaytn, 571, 54, 148, 158 m1, 256,

country of, 166 and 75.

generally called Kamrip,

Kamri, More which also see.

Kamrip, country of,—in Assam, 166 nm 5,192. See the above.

Kangar or Kangar,—the zamindar of the province of Kach’h, 399.

XXXVI

Kangarh, town of, 402.

Kangrah,—or

Kangrah, fort of,—in the district of Nagarkot, 159, 165,

Kanjak Khwajah,— one of the gene- rals of Akbar, 197 and 1,

Kanonj, town of, 27 and 1, 76. Also

written Qannouj and Canonj, which |

see.

Kant,—a place in the Northern mountains of India, 130, 140, 142. See also the next.

Kant-u-Golah, parganna of,—the Jagiy of Husain Khan, Mahdi Qasim Khani, 154, 156, 163, 182, 188, 222. and Kant.

Kanir Phillour,—a place in the con-

See also under

—one

XXXVI

Khan Khianan, application of the title, 33 n1, 34 7 1, 38.

Khan Bairam Khan Turkoman, prime- minister of Akbar, 7 and 783, 8, 9, 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 89, 40, 41, 42.

Khan and Muhammad

Khanan, the,—Muhammad

See also under

| K’haramanda, district of, 8.

Kharwaha, the,—a sort of sailors used to the river, 178.

Khatib, Khwajah,—of Bokhara, one of the Court officers, 278.

| K’hatouli,—name of a place, 153.

Khavind. See under Khawind.

Khawaf, a district and town in Khu- rasan, 290 1.

Khawand

Mahmud, Khwajah,—of

Ajmir, father of Sultan Khwajah,

the Qadr, 246 and n3.

Khawind, Khwajah, son of Khwa- jah Yaha [Yahya?], son of Khwa- jah Ahrar, the Saint of Ajmir, 57.

Khidmat-rd,—title of the chief of the Khidmatiyyah, 301 n 2.

Khidmatiyyah,—foot-guards on duty in the environs of the palace, 301 n 2. :

Khirad-afza, the,—name of a book, 265, 2742, 389, 426. See also under Namah-e-Khirad-afza.

Khizar Khan, 10. Khan Khwajah.

Khizr Khan Hazarah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 5 and 76,

See under Khizr

Index.

Khizr Khan Khwajah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar and husband of Gulbadan Bégum, the Emperor’s aunt, 7, 10.

Khizr Khan Sarwani,—killed for blaspheming the Prophet, 262.

Khizrabad Sadhorah,—name of a place, 261. [rasan.

Khorasan, 190. See also under Khu-

Khowailed (Khuwailid], father of Khadijah, the first wife of Muham- mad, 59 n 4.

Khudawand of the Dak’hin,—a heretic married to the sister of Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, 384.

Khudawand Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, in the Dak’hin, 354, 372.

Khudawand Khan, Wazir of Gujrat, 147, 150.

Khurasan, 22, 3578, 6425, 87 n2, 290 n1.

Khurd-Kabul,—a place at seven cosses from Kabul, 802.

Khurram Bégum, known as Wali Ni‘mat Bégum,—wife of Mirza Sulaiman, Governor of Badakhshin who was sixth in descent from Taimir, 61 6.

Khushhal Bég, Mirza,—one of the Qurchis of the palace, 18, 101.

Khishkhabar Khan,—a_ state-mes- senger, 91, 92, 94.

Khusrau, Mir, a great poet of Dihli, 101 andn6, 102. See also under Khusri.

Khusrau, Sultan, son of the Prince Sultan Salim, son of Akbar, 368. Khusron, an ancient King of Iran,

85, 108,

See also under

Moulawi, Jami, 85. See under Jami and ‘Abdu-r-rahman Jami.

Mou-maidanah,—name of a hunting- ground, 105,

Mow, town of,—in Malwa, 68 n 3, See also under Mon.

Muayyid Bég, brother of ‘Abdn-r- rahman Bég, son of Muayyad Bég, 17.

Mou‘azzu-l-mulk. See under Mu‘izzu- l-mulk.

Mubarak, al-, title of the month of Ramzan, 44 n 2,

Mubarak Khan Afghan, the assassin of Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan, 40.

Mubarak, Mulla,—anti-Islimic writer of Akbar’s time, 316.

Mubarak of Nagor, Shaikh,—father of Shaikh Abn-l-Fazl ‘Allami and Shaikh Paizi, 26, 176, 200, 201, 202, 207 and n 8, 273 and nn 4, 5 and 6, 278, 280, 322, 402 and n 1.

Mubarik. See under Mubarak.

Mugahib Bég, son of Khwajah Kalan Bég Naqshbandi, the grandson of Khwajah Ahrar, 19.

Mugtafa Katib of Lahor, Mnulla,— editor, in conjunction with our author, of the Tarikh-i-Alfi, 407.

Mnudariya,—a hill district in Malwa, ix, 249 [see page ix].

Muflis, Mirza,—a master of religious philosophy and anthor of the Zafsir- t- Hafiz, 190 [see page vi].

Muhammad, the Prophet, 1 and n 3, 23 76, 28 n2, 85n4, 36 n2, 59 n4, 203 14, 2142, 227 n2, 231 244, 266, 281, 316, 324, 847 n4, 374, 378.

Muhammad, the Judge of Amrahah, Mir Sayyid, 224, 226 n2. See also under the Mir ‘Adl,

Muhammad Akbar Padshah, der Akbar.

Muhammad ‘Ali, the treasurer,—one of the chief officers of the Conrt, 859, 365.

Muhammad ‘Ali Diwanah,—onoe of the officers of Mirzi Muhammad

See un-

Hakim, son of Hnmayin, the gov- ernor of Kabnl, 302, Muhammad Amin. d-din. Muhammad Amin Diyani,—or

See under Aminu-

Muhammad Amin Diwanah,— one of the Amirs of Akbar, 32, 76, 82, 95 and n 4,

Muhammad Amin Khatib,—a Court attendant, 42.

Muhammad Amin, Mir,—one of the confidential servants of the Court, 390.

Muhammad Bairam Khan Turkoman, —prime-minister of Akbar, 73 4land738. Seealsounder Bairam Khan the Khan Khanan,

hi Indez.

Muhammad Baqi Khan, son of Mahum Ankah, the nurse of Akbar, 49 n 4, 351. See also under Baqi Khin.

Muhammad Baqi Tarkhan, son of Muhammad ‘Isa, the ruler of Sindh, —a direct descendant of Chingiz Khan, 93 and 1, 370.

Muhammad Baqir, the fifth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36n 2.

Muhammad Bokhari of Dihli, Shaikh, —one of the Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 151, 152, 174, 359.

Muhammad Qadiq Khan,—one of the Great Amirs and commanders, 66, 320, 876, 401. See also under Qadiq Muhammad Khan.

Muhammad Qalih of Hirat, Khwajagi, grandson of Khwajah ‘Abd-ullah Marwarid, the Waazr,— one of the Qadrs of Akbar, 48, 340.

Muhammad Ghous, one of the great Shaikhs of India, 28, 62, 122.

Muhammad Haidar Mu‘ammai, Mir, —a writer of Akbar’s time, 407.

Muhammad, Haji, an Afadi soldier of Akbar, 303.

Muhammad Hakim, Mirza, son of Humiayin, son of Babar,—ruler of Kabul, 54, 56, 57, 58 and m1, 61 and nn3and 4,71, 72, 87, 89, 90 91 and n 2, 92, 93, 94, 186, 207 and n 8, 289, 299, 300, 302, 308, 321, 350, 855, 357, 358, 359, 360.

Muhammad Hashim, son of Muham- mad Qasim Khin, Mir bahr, the commandant of Kabul, 409.

Muhammad Humiayiin Padshah Ghazi, Hazrat, 2, See under Humayun.

Muhammad Hnusain,—a holder of jagirs in Gujrat, 333.

Muhammad Husain Khan, 11, 140. Same as Husain Khan, the son-in- law of Mahdi Qasim Khan, which also see.

Muhammad Husain, Khwajagi,— brother of Muhammad Qasim Khan Mir bahkr, and one of the Amirs of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humiyin, 303.

Muhammad Husain Mirza, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, one of the descendants of Taimir, the Great, 87 and m1, 93, 145, 151, 152, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172.

Muhammad Husain, Shaikh,—one of the old Amirs of Akbar, 385.

Muhammad ‘Isa, Mirza, ruler of Sindh,—a direct descendant of Chingiz Khan, 93 andn 1.

Muhammad Ja‘far, son of the mater- nal aunt of Mirza Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, 389.

Muhammad Khin,—alteration of such names in the reign of Akbar, 324. Muhammad Khan Atkah, brother of Atkah Khin,—one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 52, 72 n 2, 92, 109

n4, 143.

Muhammad Khan, Malik, son of Mahdi Qasim Khan, one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 38.

Muhammad Khan Qandahari, Shah,— commandant of the fort of Kotah Balayah on the part of Akbar, 105, 108.

Muhammad Khan Shirwani, Pir,—one of the great Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 2,6 and 73, 9, 12, 16, 19, 20, 21, 22, 33, 84, 42, 43, 46, 47, 101,

Index.

Muhammad Khan Sistani, Haji,—one of the Amirs of Akbar and vice- gerent of the Khan Khanan, 22, 31, 39, 40, 77, 105.

Muhammad Khan Uzbek, Pir, Gov- ernor of Balkh, 90, 217. Muhammad Khudabandah, Shih Tahmiasp, Sultan,—king of

Persia, 248.

Muhammad Ma‘cim Bakkari, Mir,— one of the renowned Amirs of Akbar, 386. See also the next.

Muhammad Ma‘gim Bakri [Bakkari?] Mir, 252. See the above.

Muhammad Ma‘ciim, son of Hashim Khan, the brother of Shihabu-d-din Ahmad Khan of Dihli, 181.

Muhammad Ma‘gim Jounpiri, = Goy-

son of

See under Ma‘gim Khan Farankhidi.

ernor of Jounpir, 291.

Muhammad Ma‘ciim of Kabul,—foster- brother of Mirzi Hakim and goy- ernor of Bihar for Akbar, 91, 277, 284, 289, 290, 291, 292, 299 and n3, 809, 320, 832, 333, 338. See also under Ma‘gim Khan and Ma‘gim Kokah.

Muhammad Ma‘ciim Khin Farankhidi or Faranjidi, son of Mu‘inu-d-din Ahmad Khan,—one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 80 and n2, 284, 290, 292. See also under Ma‘gim Khan Farankhidi.

Muhammad Ma‘gim, Mir,— one of the officers of the Imperial Army, 338.

Muhammad Ma‘gim, Mulla,—Qazi of Bihar, 285,

Muhammad Makki, Mir Sayyid,—a learned Doctor and Qur’an reader, 15.

liii Muhammad Mir ‘Adil, governor of Bakkar, 214, 252. Muhammad Munshi, Mir,—holder of the fief of Sarit, in the Dodab, 52. Muhammad Muqim, Mirza,—one of

Sayyid,—

the Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 252.

Muhammad Murad Khan,— governor of the fort of Ujjain on tho part of Akbar, 110.

Muhammad Naqi, the tenth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 32 n 2,

Muhammad Qasim,—ambassador of ‘Ali Khan, governor of Kashmir, to the Court of Akbar, 276.

Muhammad Qasim Khin, the High Admiral, 51. See the next.

Muhammad Qisim Khan, Mir bahr,— Commander-in-chief by land and sea and governor of Kabul on the part of Akbar, 51, 303, 364, 365, 376, 380, 383, 393, 408, 409.

Muhammad Qasim Kohbar,—vakil of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayin, 57, 61.

Muhammad Quli Khan Barlas,—one of the great Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 5, 12, 55, 72, 96, 104, 105, 169, 170, 195, 196.

Muhammad Quli Khan Toqyai, or Toqbai,—one of the Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 195 and n 1, 199.

Muhammad Qulij Khan,—comman- dant of Kabul Akbar, 409,

Muhammad Rafi‘ Badakhshi, Khwa- jah,— one of the Generals of Akbar, 236. See also under Rafi‘ Badakh- shi,

on the part of

liv Index.

Muhammad Sa‘id Shaibani, Bahadur Khan, son of Haidar Sultan Uzbek- i-Shaibani, 18 n2, 84 nl. Seo also under Bahadur Khan.

Muhammad Shah Sir ‘Adil, the Em- peror of India, commonly known as ‘Adali, 251. See also under ‘Adali.

Muhammad, Shaikh, son of Maluk Shih Badaini, brother of the author, 130, 132.

Muhammad Sharif, Mirza, son of Mir ‘Abdu-l-Latif Qazwini, of the Sayfi Sayyids of Qazwin, 235,

Muhammad Sharif, son of Nizimu-d- din Ahmad, author of the Tabaqat- i-Akbari, 339, 363.

Muhammad, Sultan, Governor of Bakkar, 188, 423, See under Mak- mud, Sultan of Bakkar.

Muhammad Sultan Mirza, son of Wais Mirza, one of the descendants of Taimir, the Great, 87 andn1, 105, 110.

Muhammad Tahir Khan Mir faraghat, —one of the Amirs of Akbar and commandant of Dihli, 188.

Muhammad Taqi, the ninth of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36 » 2.

Muhammad Uzbek, Derwish,—a ser- vant of the Imperial Court, 34.

Muhammad Wifa, the treasurer,— one of the Court officers, 357.

Muhammad Yahya Naqshbandi, Khwa- jah,—one of the descendants of Khwajah Ahrar of Ajmir, 225, 275.

Muhammad Yar Harawal,—brother’s son of Sikandar Khan, the Uzbek, 82 and n2.

Muhammad of Yazd, Mulla,– a zeal- ous §hi‘i, 214, 267, 271, 284, 285, 297.

Muhammad Yisuf Khan, son of Atkah Khan, §hamsnu-d-din Mu- hammad, the A‘zam Khan, 86.

Muhammad Zahid of Balkh, Maulana, —nephew of the great Shaikh Husain of Khwarizm, 253.

Muhammad Zamin Mirza, son of Shah Rukh Mirza of Badakhshan, 366, 408, 409,

Muhammadabad, a dependency of Mon, 84.

Muhassan Razwi, Mir,—one of the confidential servants of the Court, 174.

Mubib ‘Ali Khan, son of Mir Khali- fah,—one of the Amirs and Gener- als of Akbar, 188, 179, 284, 290, 320.

Muhiu-d-din Shaikh, 200.

Muhia-d-din, son

‘Abdu-l-Qadir Jilani,

of al-Badaoni, author of the Muntakhabu-t-Tawa- rikh, 276.

Mu‘in,

preacher, 285.

Mnillana,—a celebrated

Mu’in, Shaikh, grandson of Mullana Mu‘in, the celebrated preacher, 285,

Mu‘inu-d-din Ahmad Khan Faran- khidi, Governor of Sambhal,—one of the Amirsand Generals of Ak- bar, 48, 157, 158, 195, 284.

Mnu‘inu-d-din Qhishti Sigizi, Khwajah, —one of the greatest Muham- madan Saints of India, buried in Ajmir, 45, 108, 111 5, 148, 168 n 2 188, 203 and n 2, 233 and n 4, 243

Index. lv

n8, 246 and n 2, 262 n1, 280, 320. Bee also under Khwajah Ajmiri. Mu‘inu-d-din Khin Farankhidi. See under Mu‘inu-d-din Ahmad Khan

Farankhidi.

Mu‘inu-d-din, Khwajah, son of Khwa- jah Khawind,—one of the des- cendants of Khwajah Ahrar, 57.

Mu‘izzu-l-mulk Mashhadi, Mir,—one of the Misawi Sayyids of Mashhad, descendants of Imam Misa ar-Riza, 80 and 738, 81, 82, 83, 84, 284, 285, 297.

Mujahid Khan, nephew of Muhib ‘Ali Khan,—one of the Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 138, 238, 249.

Mu‘jamu-l-buldan, the,—of Yaqit, 388.

Mujdi of Sarhind, Mulla,— Receiver- General of revenues, 274.

Mulana Nizamu-d-din,—an inhabitant of Sirat, 148.

Mulana Qasim Arsalan. See under Qasim Arsalan.

Maulana Sa‘id, of Transoxiana,—Doctor of Law, 45.

Mulana Shiri, Mulla Shiri.

Mulathan, district of, 425.

the Poet. See under

Malla ‘Abd-ullah Sultanpiri. See under ‘Abd-ullah Sultanpiri. Mulla Alim of Kabul. See under

Alim of Kabul.

Malla ‘Ashqi Khan,—Vakil of Qazi Cadru-d-din of Lahor, 276.

Mulla Ghazali, a poet of Mashhad, 94,

Mulla Isma‘il ‘Ata-i-Mu‘amma-i,— ; disciple of f§haikh Muhammad

Ghous, 62.

Mulla Mubarak,—anti-Islimic writer of Akbar’s time, 316.

Mulla Mujdi of Sarhind,— Receiver- General of revenues, 274.

Mulla Sheri,—a poet, 204. See also the next.

Mulla Shiri, the Hindi poet, 58, 112, 239, 304, 319, 380, 346, 362. Sce also the above.

Mulla Taib of Kit/hal,— Diwan of the province of Bihar and Hajipir, 274.

Molla Talib I¢fahini,—author of an account of Little Tibet, 388.

Mulla Taqi of Shustar,—one of the followers of Akbar’s new religion, 418,

Mulla ‘Urfi of Shiraz, a celebrated poet, 387.

Multan, 138, 161, 162, 163, 168, 212, 213, 223, 258, 278, 286, 399, 402, 417, 425.

Mulikshah, Shaikh, father of the author ‘Abd-ul-Qadir al-Badioni, 26, 51, 259.

Munawwar, Shaikh,—one of the Ulama of Lahor and Qadr of Malwah, 285.

Mungir, fortress of, 291.

Mun‘im Khan, Governor of Kabul and Ghazni, successor of Bairam Khan as Khin Ikhaindn, 5 and n4, 34, 38, 39, 49 and n 4, 51, 54, 55 and n 4, 76,78, 80, 87, 92 n 5, 188, 174,177, 190, 194, 198 and n2, 220, 221, 232, 247. Seealso under the Khan Khanan Mun‘im Khan.

Munir, Mir,—one of the confidential servants of the court, 390.

Munkir and Nakir, the judges of the dead, 414 and » 1.

and

eit Index.

Muntakhabu-t-Tawarikh, the,—of al- Budaoni, 62.

Muqarrab Khan, a Chief of the Amirs of the Dakkan, 68, 87, 88. Muqbil Khan,—one of Akbar’s

courtiers, 122.

Muqim of I¢fahan, Mirza,— Akbar’s Wakil at the court of Husain Khin, Governor of Kashmir, 128.

Muqim Khan, called by the title of Shuja‘at Khan,— one of the Amirs of Akbar and sister’s son to Tardi Bég Khan, 38, 66. See also under Shuja‘at Khan.

Murad, Prince Sultan, second son of Akbar, 136, 267, 301, 302 and n2, 362, 381, 390, 391 and n2, 401, 416.

Murtaza Sharifi, or Murtaza Sharif Shirazi, Mir,—of the family of the celebrated Mir Sayyid Sharif Jur- jani, 85, 101, 102.

Murtaza, Mir,—one of the Amirs of the Dak‘hin, 354, 372.

Murtazi Nizimu-l-mulk, governor of the Dak‘hin, 334. See also under Nizamnu-l-Mulk.

Misa [Moses,] of Scripture, 190 and n3.

Misi of Garmsir, Sayyid, son of Sayyid Mikri,—one of the chief Sayyids of Kalpi, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 121.

Misi Gilani Qadiri, Shaikh, son of the sainted Shaikh Hamid of Uchh, 418.

Misa Kazim, the seventh of the twelve Imams of the Shi‘ahs, 36 12. Masa Khan Fuladi, Governor of

Patan, in Gujrat, 40.

Misa Qasim.

zim, of which it appears to be a

See under Misa Ka-

mis-print.

Misawi Sayyids of Mashhad, the, —descendants of ‘Ali Misa Riza, the Sth Imam of the Shi‘ahs, 80 n 3.

Musharraf Bég,—a servant of Shah Mancir, the diwdén of the empire, 300 and n 2.

Mustafa, another name of Muham- mad the Prophet, 35 n 4, 324,

Mus‘id. See under Mas‘ud.

Mutlab Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 297.

Muttahi Afghin Kasi, Shaikh,—one of the renowned Shaikhs of the Panjab, 294,

Muwatta, the,—a book of jurispru- dence by the celebrated Imam Malik, 212.

Muzaffar ‘Ali Diwanah, Khwajah, 34. Probably the same as Khwajah Muzaffar ‘Ali Turbati.

Muzaffar ‘Ali Turbati, Khwajah,— becomes Minister of Finance with the title of Khan, 64. See also under Muzaffar Khan, ‘Al Turbati.

Muzaffar Husain Mirza, son of Ibra- him Husain Mirza,— one of the descendants of Taimtr and husband of Sultan Khanum, the eldest daughter of Akbar, 148, 256, 257 and 1, 260, 274. 3

Muzaffar Husain, Mirza, son of Sultan Husain Mirza, son of Bahram Mirza, son of Isma‘l Qafawi,— commandant of Qandahar and the Garmsir, 222, 402, 416, 417 n 1.

Muzaffar Khan, Governor of Bengal,

Index:

Same as Muzaffar Khan ‘Ali Turbati, which see.

Muzaffar Khan, ‘Ali Diwanah, 34, Probably the same as Muzaffar Khan ‘Ali Turbati.

Muzaffar Khan, ‘Ali Tnrbati, of the tribe of Turbat, in Khurasin,— one of the great Amirs of Akbar who was made Minister of Finance, then Prime Minister and afterwards Governor of Bengal, 64, 70, 78, 84, 89, 92, 94, 96, 104, 111, 153, 174, 185, 244, 245, 247, 275, 277) 288, 289, 290, 325.

Nabatheans, the, 253 and m1. Nagibin, town of,—in Syria, 328, Nacir, also written Nasir, which see. Nagir, Governor of the fortress of wife’s brother of Mahmud

Baronch and Muzaffar, son of Sultan Gujrati, 342, 344.

Nacir-i-Khusrou,—a Persian poet, 295.

Nacirn-1-Mulk, title of Pir Muham- mad Khan Shirwani, 33.

Nadarbar, town of, 257, 373.

Nadot, town of, 344, 370.

Nafahatu-l-uns, the,—a biography of Muhammadan saints by Manlana ‘Abdur-Rahman Jami, 270.

Nagar-chin, city of, 68, 70, 86, 91.

Nagarkot, city of, 4, 159, 161, 164, 165, 369.

Nagor, town of, 26, 32, 33, 34, 40, 57 and nn 2 and 4, 109, 137, 148, 147, 153, 176, 200, 241 n 2, 322.

lvii

Muzaffar Khan, Rajah, 247 » 2 (read Rajah Todar Mall), 248 (dele Rajah. See Muzaffar Khan ‘Ali Turbati).

Mazaffar Moghil,—one of the Amirs of Akbar’s army, 195.

Muzaffar, son of Sultan Mahmid Gujrati, 145, 837, 338, 339, 340, 841, 342, 344, 355, 865, 370 and n 4, 371, 399, 426.

Muzill, al-, or the Tempter,—

a title of Iblis or the

devil,

Nahid Bégum, wifo of Muhib ‘Al Khan, son of Mir Khalifah, 188. Nahju-l-balaghat, the,—a book of

Traditions, 64,

Nahr-u-‘Isa, the,—the river Maha- nadi of Orisa, so called after the name of the Zamindar of the place, 833 and n 4.

Nahr-ullazh, the river of God,—in a proverbial saying, 333 and n 4.

Nahr-u-Ma‘qil, the,—name of a river near Basrah, 333 n 4.

Nahrwalah, town of,—at 5 cosses from Ahmadabad, 339. Also called Patan, which see,

Nahtnir, parganna of, a dependency of Sambhal, 93. 4

Najatu-r-rashid, the,—a work by al-Badaoni on legal questions, 212 and 11.

Najd,—Province of Arabia, 32

nil,

Mviii

Nakhodeh,—a town in Persia near the lake of Urumiyah, 243 6.

Nakhidi Shawls, 243 and n 6.

Nalohah, a town in the territory of Dhar in Malwah, on the route from Mow to Mandi, 68 and 73.

Nal-u-Daman,—their story written in a Masnawi by Shaikh Faizi, King of the Poets, 410.

Namah-e-Khirad-afza, the,—name of a book, 186. See also under Khirad-afza.

Namaki, surname of Mirza Abnu-l- |

Qasim ‘Tamkir, an officer of the army, as given in Elliot, 196 n1. Namakin, surname of Mirza Abu-l- Qasim Tamkir as given in Bloch- mann, 1961.

Na‘man, King of Hirah, 231 and n 2.

Nandanah, town of, 260.

Napoleon, the Emperor of the French, 241 13.

Naqarah-Khainah, the,—a gallery where kettle-drums beaten at certain hours, 219 and

in ‘Iraq,

sort of are

n3.

Naqib Khan, a surname of Mir Ghiyasu-d-din, son of Mir ‘Abda-1- Latif, a Sayfi Sayyid of Qazwin, 24, 45, 179, 207, 212, 233, 328, 330, 411, 413, 426.

Naqshbandi, Khwajah Bahau-d-din, —a Muhammadan saint, 72.

Naqshbandi, Khwajah Hasan. under Hasan Naqshbandi.

Narain Das, Rajah of Idar, 249, 251, 252.

Narbadah, the,—=a river, 46 and 76, 47, 110.

See

Index.

Narhan, one of the fords of the river Ganges, 77, 78, 80, 85. Narhan, the,—a river, 77. above.

Nirnoul, fortress of, 56, 58, 108, 153, 188, 259.

Narnil, town of, 259 [see page ix]. See also the above.

Narsingh,—name of an elephant in the imperial army, 99.

Narwar, town and district of, 66, 74, 75, 391.

Nasir, also written Nagir, which seo.

See the

Nasiru-d-din Muhammad Humayiin Padshah, father of Akbar, 2 n4. See under Humayin.

Nasirn-l-Mulk, title of Mulla Pir Muhammad Khan GShirwani, 22, See also under Naciru-l-Mulk.

Naurang Khan, son of Qutbu-d-din Muhammad Khan Atkah, 341. also under Naurang Khan.

Nawari,—a zaminddr of Rajpiplah, 341.

Nayabat Khan, son of Hashim Khan Nishapiri,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 284. See also under Niya- bat Khan.

Nazamabad, Parganna of, one of the

See

dependencies of Jounpir, 85.

Nazar, Bahadur,—one of the Amirs and generals of Akbar, 99 and n 1, 105, 196.

Nazar Bey Uzbek, Governor of Balkh, 362, 363.

Nazarbar, town of, 341.

Neurnberg, Rey. W. H. Lowe’s Me- moir book of, 2367 1, 240 1.

Nicgabu-g-gibyan, the,—a vocabulary in rhyme by Abu Nagr of Farah, 316.

Index.

Nilab, the,—one of the affluents of the river Sind (Indus), 72, 90, 301 n6.

Nile, the, 202.

Nimaspah,—one of the divisions of Ahadi troopers, in the army of Akbar, 194 and n 2.

Ni‘mat Rusuli [ Rasili?], Mir Sayyid, 24.

Nim Kahar, fortress of, 76.

Nimrod, 202 and 73.

Nisapir, town of,—in Khurasan, 49 nod.

Niyabat Khan, son of Hashim Khan Nishapiri,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 297, 298, 807. See also under Nayabat Khan.

Nizam Agha,—a trusty friend of ‘Ali Quli Khan Uzbek the Khan Zaman, 83.

Nizam Badakhshi, Qazi,—afterwards known by the titles of Qazi Khan and Ghazi Khin, 5, 185, 186, 218. See also under Qazi Khan and Ghazi Khan Badakhshi,

Nizam, Mir,—sister’s husband to Mirza Shahrukh, son of Ibrahim Mirza, 276.

Nizam Narnouli, Shaikh,—one of the greatest Shaikhs of India, 108, 259 [see page ix ].

Nizamabad, Pargannah of, one of the dependencies of Jounpir, 85.

Nizimi,—Mirza Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, author of the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, 363, 403.

Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, Khwajah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar and author of the Tabaqat-i-Nizami, known also as the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, 102,

lix

302, 305, 309, 328, 382, 338, 840, 342, 343, 344, 346, 353, 355, 356, 863, 371, 873, 374, 380, 384, 389, 893, 411 andn1, 412. Known also simply by the title of Nizami, which see. [above.

Nizamu-d-din Ahmad Mirza. See the

Nizimu-d-din Ambit’hi-Wal, Shaikh, —a Muhammadan saint of Hind, 167.

Nizamu-d-din, Mir, 397, See under Nizimu-d-din Ahmad. ’

Nizamnu-d-din, Mulana,—an inhabi- tant of the fort of Sarat, 148.

Nizamu-l-Mulk, ruler of the state of Ahmadnagar, in the Dak’hin, 354. See also under Murtazi Nizamu-l- Mulk.

Noah of Scripture, 255, 274.

Notes on Muhammadanism, Hughes’, 36 n 2,

Nonrahi, a village in the parganna of Jalésah, 155.

Nourang Khan, son of Qnutbu-d-din Muhammad Khan Atgah, 167, 173. See also under Naurang Khan,

Nouroz-i-Jalalz, the vernal equinox,— beginning of the year of the Zlahz or era of Akbar, 17571, 268, 348.

Nousari, town of,—in Gujrat, 268.

Nouveau Journal Asiatique, 467 3, 48 n 4.

Nouroz-i-Jalali, i-Jalali,

Nowvroz-i-Sultani, the new year’s day of the Ilahi era, 348 and n 4, 353.

Nar Muhammad Khan-i- Kalan, brother of the Atkah Khan 169. See also under Khan Kalan and Muhammad Khan Atkah,

See under Nouroz-

Niru-d-din husband of Humiayin’s sister and

Muhammad, Mirza,— father of Salimah Sultan Bégum, 18, 216.

Niru-d-din Qarari, of Gilin, Hakim,

| | —brother of Hakim Aba-l-Fath |

Index.

and Hakim Humayin, 214, 290. Qarari is his poetical name.

Nuzhatu-l-arwah, the,—name of a

theological work, 265 [see page

ix].

oO.

Old Man of Verona, Cowley’s 296 71.

Olynthiac, Demosthenes’, 302 71,

Omaiades, the,—Khalifs of the House of Umayyah, in Hgypt, 397.

Omar, son of al-Khattab, second of the four early Khalifahs, the im- mediate successors of Muhammad, 86 n 2.

Omar Khayyam, Fitzgerald’s Trans- lation of, 1921.

Oorcha,—the town of Undchah as spelt in our maps, 391 7 4.

Orisi. See the next.

Orissa, province of, 77, 177, 187, 194, 198 andn5, 292, 383 and nn3 and 4, 399 [see page xiii], 400.

Osmianpir, town of, 337, 338.

Othman, son of ‘Affan, third of the |

four early Khalifahs, the imme- diate successors of Muhammad, 36 n 2,

Oude, Anglicé for Oudh, 7577.

Ondh, province of, 801, 75 and n 7, 96, 104, 105, 129, 182, 297, 298, 334, 347, 351.

Oudh, a village in the parganna of Jalésah, 155.

Oudipir, district of, 247. See also under Udipir.

Oudyi,—name of an elephant in the Khin Zamin’s army, 99. Ouseley’s Anwar-i-Sohaili,

369 v1.

Onseley’s Lives of the Persian Poets,

38 n 4, 423.

59 5,

Pahar Khan Khaco-i-Khail, generally known as Sayyid ‘Arif,—one of the officials of Akbar, 292,

Pahir Khin Sarwini, 124 [see page iv].

Paharah Mall, Rajah, Governor of the Rajpat State of Ambér, 45. See also under Bihari Mall.

Pahari,—namo given to Prince Sultan

Murad, second son of Akbar, be- cause he was born in the mountain district, 391 and 4.

Pahlawin Gnl-Guz,—the keeper of Shah Abn-l-Ma‘li of Kashghar in his imprisonment, 4.

Pahlawan Jamal,—police-magistrate of Agra, 118.

Pairag,—a place on the left bank of

Index. - lxi

tho Ganges opposite to which Akbar built the town of Alahabis, 100 and n 2.

Pakhali,—a town on the confines of Kashmir, 898, See also the next. Pak’hh, town of, 382.

above.

See also

lxiv

Qasim Khin, Mir Bahr,—one of the great Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 860, 365. mad Qasim Khan Mir bahr.

Qasim Khan Monuji,—a Poet, 324.

Qisim, Mir, a Misawi Sayyid of Mashhad, 95 n 83.

Qatbu-d-din. See under Qutbu-d-din,

Qatli Afghan Nohaini or Lobhiani, Governor of Orisa, 333 and 76, 334, 399 and n2.

Qawwal,—signification of the word, 59 n 2.

Qayim Khan, son of Muqim Khan who had the title of Shaja‘at Khan, 292,

Qazi, office of, 22 n 4, 270,

Qizi Abu-1-Ma‘ali, son-in-law of the Prince of Bukhara,—a Doctor of Law, 45.

Qazi ‘Ali, Mir Bakhshi,— Paymaster of the Court, 233 8, 800, 302, 821.

Qazi Fazihat,—a term of contempt

See also

Sharaf Bég, —a servant of Shah Man- gir, the dtwan of the empire, 300 and n 2,

Sharafu-d-Din Abn ‘Abd-ullah Mu- hammad,—author of the Qagidah- e-bordah, in praise of the Prophet, 397 n 1.

Sharafu-d-Din Husain, Mirza,—son of Khwajah Mu‘inu-d-Din, the great grandson of Khwajah Ahrar, 46, 56 and n 2, 57, 58 and m 4, 60, 105, 151, 174, 187, 290, 291.

Sharafu-sh-shams, day of, 414. See under Sharaf-i-aftab and Sharafu- sh-Sharaf,

Sharafu-sh-sharaf, the day on which the sun enters the nineteenth degree of Aries, 319. Also called the day of Sharaf-i-aftab and Sha- rafu-sh-Shams, which see.

Sharfuddin. See under Sharafa-d- Din.

Sharhi-Waqayah,—the name of a book 45.

Sharif of Amul, an apostate from Tslam, 252, 253, 254, 295.

Sharif Jurjini, Mir Sayyid,—a cele- brated Doctor and saint of Islam, 86.

Sharif Khan Atgah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar and Governor of Malwah, 275, 293, 341. the next,

See also

Index.

Sharif Muhammad Khin Atgah, 249. See aslo under Sharif Khin Atgah.

Sharif Sarmadi,—registrar of out- posts, 345.

Sharifs of Makkah, the, 295, 412.

Shaykh. See under Shaikh.

Sheba, Queen of, 12 n 8.

Shebhdtim, the sons of Jacob as the heads-of-tribes of Israel, 262 73. Shebhet, a Hebrew word signifying

‘a tribe,’ 262 7 3.

Sheopoor,—a town 120 miles S. W. of Agra, 295. See also under Supar.

Shér Bég Tawachi,—one of the offi- cers of the Court, 179, 260.

Shér Khan, son of ‘Adali, Afghan dynasty of Dihl, 44.

Shér Khan Fualadi, sometime governor of Patan, in Gujrat, 144 and m5, 151, 152, 168, 171, 339, 340 n1.

Shér Khan, son of I’timad Khan, the governor of Gujrat under Akbar, 338, 340 and n 1.

Shér Khan, another name of Lashkar Khan Bakhshi, 174. See Lashkar Khan Mir Bakhshi.

Sher

of the

the Afghan,—

under

Muhammad Diwanah,—the adopted son of Bairam Khan, the Khan Khanan, 34.

Shér Shah,—of the Afghan dynasty of Dihli, 10, 27, 193. under Shir Shah,

Shér-gadh,—or

Sher-Gadha, a dependency of Jahni, 83, 159, 160.

Sher-garh,—another name of Qan-

See also

nouj, 96, 186. See under Qannouj. Sheri. See under Mulla Shiri, the Hindu poet.

Ixxvii

Shethpar, 192 [see page vi].

Shi‘ahs, the,—one of the two great divisions of Muslims, the sect of ‘All-ibn-Abi-Talib, 36 n 2, 8078, 81x 2, 206 n 2, 212, 295, 313, 318, 337, 376.

Shibli, a Muhammadan Saint, 209.

Shihab Khan,—one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 84, 52, 55, 91, 249, 384. See also under Shihabnu- d-din Ahmad Khan, the governor of Dihli and Malwah,

Shihab Khan Turkomin—of the parganna of Bhdjpir, 95.

Shihabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, Governor of Dihli and then of Malwah and one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 80, 31, 338, 181, 251, 257, 308, 337, 338 and n 8, 340, 354, 358, 372. See also under Shihab Khan and Shihabu-d-din Khanand also under the next.

Shihabu-d-din Ahmad Khan, a Sayyid of Nisapur, and relative of Mahum Ankah, 49 andm5, 105, 110, 178. Same as the above.

Shihabu-d- din Guroh-pahandah Quzaq,—one of the imperial horse. men, 236.

Shihabu-d-din Khan, 348, 386. Same as Shihabu-d-din Ahmad Khan and Shihab Khan, which see.

Shihabu-d-din Sahartrdi, Shaikh,—a celebrated Doctor of Islam, 212.

Shi‘itic Persia, 280.

Shikastah, 421. [801 and »1.

Shikkdar,—signification of the term,

Shir Shah,—of the Afghan dynasty of Dihli, 77, 79. See also under Sher Shah,

Ixxvili

Shiraz, town of,—in Persia, 295, 325, 370, 381, 387.

Shiri, See under Mulla Shiri, the Hindu poet.

Shirwan, town of,—in the Persian province of Azarbijan, 248.

Shnja‘ Khan Afghan, name of Suziwal Khan in the Tabaqat-i-Akbari, 29 v8. See under Suzawal Khan.

Shnja‘at, another name of ‘Isa Khan Niyazi, one of the great Amirs of the Afghans, 181.

Shuja‘at Khan, title of Muqim Khan, sister’s son of T’ardi Bég Khan, 66 See the next.

Shuja‘at _Khin,—one of the Amirs and Generals of Akbar, 38, 66, 78, 79, 146, 168, 292. See the above.

Shujawal, name of Suzawal Khan in |

29 n 3. Suzdwal Khan.

Shukr, Qazi of Mat’hura, and son of Mirza Maflis, author of the Tufsii Hafiz, 191.

Shukr-talao,—a great tank in the

Blochmann, See under

city of Nagor, 137 and m1.

Shikiin, son of Qarachah Khan, one of the Amirs of Humayin, father of Akbar, 57.

Shustar, town of,—in the Persian province of Khizistan, 418.

Sialkot, town of, 358, 359. See also under Sealcot.

Sihnah, town of, 386.

Sihwan, fort of,—in the district of Tattah, 370.

Sijdah, a prostration to Akbar as the head of religion, 266.

Sijistén, province of,—in Khurasan, 31671. See also under Sistan.

Index.

Sikandar, Sultaén,—the last of the Afghan rulers of Dihli, 2, 4, 7, 10, 11, 12, 96.

Sikandar, [Alexander the Great], 178 and 2.

Sikandar Bég, a relative of Husain Qili Khan. See under Iskandar Bég.

Sikandar Khan, father of ‘Abd-ullah Khan, the chief of the Uzbeks in Transoxiana, 365.

Sikandar Khan Uzbek. See under Iskandar Khan the Uzbek, of the great Amirs of Akbar.

Sikandrah-rao, town of, 30.

Sikra, 41, Perhaps we should read Sikri, which see.

town of,

| Sikri, town of,—residence of Shaikhu-

1-Islim Chishti, 112, 189, 286, 237. See also under Fathpir-Sikri.

Sikri, hill of,—on the top of which Akbar built the town of Fathpir, 112.

Sildoz, name of a Chaghtai clan, 43 ni.

Stimiyd, signification of the term, 334 n 4,

Stmurgh,—a fabulous bird said to dwell in the mountain of Qéaf, 272 n 3.

Sind or Sindh, district of, 93, 1388, 327, 386.

Sind, the, 90and75. Seealso under the Indus,

Sind-sagar, Doab of,—between the Indus and the Jelum, in the Panjab, 301, 304 and m 5.

Singh B’hatta, Rai,—father-in-law of Prince Salim, eldest son of Akbar, 364.

Index. [xxix

Singh Darbari. See under Rai Singh Darbari, Amir and General of Akbar.

Singh-asan Battisii—a collection of tales about Rajah Bikramajit of Malwah, 186.

Sipri, town of, 29 and n 4.

Sirhind, town and district of, 7, 34 n 8, 37, 92, 159, 190, 214, 274, 801, 322, 334, 393, 394, 403.

Siri, town of, 29 n 4

Sistan, province of,—in Khurasan, 81. Same as Sijistén, which also see,

Sita,—wife of Ram Chand [ Rama], Rajah of Oudh, 347.

Siva,—god of the Hindis, also called Mahdeya, 2047 2, 335 7 1.

Sivakanpir, one of the dependencies of Kalpi, 119.

Sivaratri, or night of Siva, 33571. See the next.

Sivrat, (Sanscrit Sivardiri, or night of Siva], a Hindi festival, 335 and nil.

Siwahnah, town of, 294. See also under Siwanah.

Siwalik, Mountains of, 2, 10, 38 and nm, 85, 129, 298, 307, 377, 412.

Siwanah, town of,—in Rajpitana, 189 andn1l. See also under Siwahnah.

Siyah, the,—the river Sai or Sye, which falls into the Gumti near Jounpir, 82 and 7 4.

Siyah Yamin,—one of the dancing- girls of the Court, 356.

Sohail,—commandant of Gwalyar and a ghulam of ‘Adali the Emperor of India, 25 n 2.

Sohrab, the son of Rustam, tho fa-

mous hero of ancient Iran, 567, 303.

Sohrab Bég Turkman,—one of the officers of Akbar’s army, 172.

Solomon of Scripture, 160, 199.

Spaniards, the, 307 7 1.

Sprenger’s Catalogue of MSS. in library of King of Oudh, 807 1,108 n 2,112 1, 280 n 2.

Sridhar Hindi Bengali, 18471, Sar- hor Hindi Bengali, q. v., as called in the Tabaqat-i-Akbarz.

Srmagar,—the capital of Kashmir, 365, 381 2.

Sthanegwara,—the Sanskrit name of the town of ‘T’hanésar, in tho neighbourhood of Dihli, 94 7 4.

Subhin Quli, one of the imperial Amirs. See under Turk Subhan Qali.

Sufli, or base, a title of contempt given to Ahmad the Qafi, 420 and ni.

Sulaiman Kararani, Karani or Kar- zani, the Afghan, Governor of Ben- gal, 77 and n1, 79 and n 2, 80, 159 m1, 166, 176, 177, 184, 203.

Sulaiman Mankli, the Afghan,— jagir-dar of the district of Ghora- g’hat and one of the Amirs of Daud Kararani, ruler of Bengal, 194, 195.

Sulaiman Mirza. See under Mirza Sulaiman, Governor of Badakh- shan, ,

Sulaiman Sultan, the Hmperor of Turkey,—his attempt to conquer Gujrat, 149.

Sultan Abu Sa‘id Moghil,—of the House of Hulakiu, 31, 60.

lxxx

Sultan Adam G’hakkar. See under Adam G@’hakkur.

Sultan-i-‘adil, or just ruler,—his rank higher than that of a Mujtahid, 279, [tan, 91.

Sultan ‘Ali,—a scribe from Hindis-

Sultan ‘Ali Wazir Khan, Khwajah,— one of the officers of Turdi Beg Khan, commandant of Dihliy, 5, 7.

Sultan Bahadur,~-a usurper of the sovereignty of Bengal, 18.

Sultan of Constantinople, the, 282.

Sultan Haji of Thanesar,—translator in part of the Mahabharata into Persian, 330.

Sultan Hoshang Ghori, Malwa, 65.

Sultan Husain Jalair,—one of the officers of Akbar’s army, 389.

Sultan Husain Mirzi, See under Husain Mirza,

Sultan Khanum, eldest daughter of Akbar and wife of Mirza Muzaffar

Jauhart (q. v.),

King of

Husain Maggér 274 n 3.

Sultan Khusrau, son of the Prince Sultan Salim, eldest son of Akbar, 368.

Sultan Khwajah, son of Khwajah Khawand Mahmid, or Dost,—one of the Qadrs of the empire, 246, 249, 275, 277, 300, 351.

Sultan Mahmud, Governor of Bakkar, See under Mahmud.

Sultan Mahmid of Gujrat. See under Mahmud of Gujrat. See

Sultan Muhammad of Bakkar. under Muhammad, Governor of Bakkar. ‘he correct name of this Sultan is Mahmid (q. v.).

Inde.

See under Muhammad Sultan Mirza, son of Wais Mirza.

Sultan Muhammad, nephew of Pir Muhammad Khan, 129, For Mu- hammad read Mahmud. See pageiv.

Sultan Muhammad Mirza.

Sultan Murad, Prince, second son of Akbar. Sultan Salim.

See under Murad. See under Salim, son

of Akbar, Sultan Zainu-l-‘abidin, King of Kashmir. See under Zainu-l- ‘abidin.

Sultanpir, town of,—at twenty-five cosses from Lahor, 89, 257, 304, 341, 403.

Sundar,—name of one of the ele- phants of Akbar, from Sanscrit Sundara, beautiful, 98 and n 1.

Sunnis,—one of the two great divi- sions of the Muslims, 318, 337.

Sipar,—the town of Sheopoor, 120 miles S. W. of Agra, 29 and n 5, 105.

Strat, province and town of, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 167, 177, 222, 249 mn 8, 256, 339, 870, 371, 384, 399, 400 n 2, 401.

Suratha, the Rajah of, 145. same as Sarat (q. v.).

Suratu-l-baqarah, the,—the 2nd Sirah or chapter of the Qur’an, 215 n 2,

It is the

Saratw-l-ikhlag, the,—the exii chapter of the Qur’an, 23, 48 n 1, 407.

Stratu-s salwan, the,—meaning of the expression, 48 7 1.

Surjan Hada, Rai,—a relation of Rana Udai Singh of Ghitor, 25, 26 and n 2, 29, 111, Sarjan Rai.

See also under

Index. Ixxxi

Surkhab,—name of a place in the province of Kabul, 302, 303.

Sutlej, the. See under the Satlaj.

Suzawal Khan, father of Baz Bahadur, 29 and 73, 42 and 4. Called Shuja‘ Khan Afghan in the Tabaqat- i-Akbari and Shujiwal by Bloch- mann.

Swat, in the country of the Afghan, 401. See also under Sawad and Sawad-u-Bajor.

Sye, or Sai, the,—the river Siyah, which falls into the Gumti near Jounpur, 82” 4,

Syria, 189 2.

Tabaqat-i-Akbari, the,—of Mirza Nizimu-d-Din Ahmad, 4 3, 25 n3, 26 n2, 29 nn 3 and 4, 33 2, 34 n2, 38 n3, 4073, 44n 6, 46 nn 1 and 4, 542, 55 nn 3 and 4, 56 n2, 57 n4, 58 n4, 65 3, 72 n4, 79 nn 4and 5, 80 n1, 96 n2, 97 n1, 1025, 106 n1, 107 n8, 1571, 1611, 1661, 182nn1 and 3, 18471, 1935, 2567 2, 259 n1, 800n2, 38376, 363, 41171, 425. Also called the ‘Tarikh-i- Nizami, which also see. See also the next.

Tabaqat-i-Akbari Shahi, the, 403. Same as the above. (827.

Tabara’is, the,—a class of religionists,

Tabarkindh, fortress of, 34 andn 3. The same as Sirhind (g. v).

Tabriz, town of,—in Persia, 248.

Tafsir-i-Akbar?, the,—a commentary on the Ayatu-l-Kwrst by Shaikh Abu-l-Fazl ‘Allami, 201.

Tafsir-i-Hafiz,—a commentary on the Qur’an by Mirza Mufiis, 190.

Ta Hda,—title of the 20th chapter of the Qur’an, considered and often used as a name of Muhammad, 35

and 7 4,

Tahir Mahammad Sultan,—chamber- lain of Pir Muhammad Khan (q. v), 20.

Tahmiasp, Shah, son of Shah Isma‘il, founder of the Safawi dynasty of Persia. See under Shah Tahmasp of Persia.

Taib, of Kit’hal, Mulla,—Diwan of the province of Bihar and Hajipir, 274. See also under Tib.

Taimir. See under Timur.

Taju-d-din, Shaikh, son of Shaikh Zakariya of Ajodhan,—called by the title of Taju-l-‘Arifin, 265.

Taju-l-‘arifin, the,—or Crown of the Qifis, 265. Title of the above.

Taka, name for rupee, 49n2. It is the word Yankah as used in Bengal,

Takhallue—Nom de plume of poets, 309 n 1, 417.

Takht-i-Sulaimin,—a mountain near Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, 881.

Taklif, doctrine of, 317.

Takwin, doctrine of, 317.

Talib Igfahani, Mulla,—authow of an account of Little Tibet, 388

Talmudim, the, 287 n 2.

Ixxxii

Talmudim Babl, Synh., 22221,

Talwandi, town of,—on the river Biyah, 159, 161 » 1.

Talwarah,—a place in the mountains of Kushmal, on the banks of the river Biyah, 38.

Tamanu‘, signification of the word, 21 and n 2.

Tamghd, or inland tolls, abolished, 284,

Tamkin, surname of Mirza Abu-l- Qasim, an officer of Akbar’s army, 196 and n 1 [see page vi].

Tandah,—the capital of Bengal under the Kararinis, situate opposite to Gaur, 186, 187, 194 [see page vil], 195, 200, 220, 232, 235, 290, 332.

Takahs,—or

Tankas,—a monetary denomination, 29 m1, 37, 49 and n 2.

Tapti, the,—the river of Surat, in Gujrat, 147 n6.

Taqi of Shustar, Mulla,—a follower of Akbar’s new religion, 418.

Tardi Bég Khan, Commandant of Dibli, and one of the Amirs of Humiyiin, the father of Akbar, 5, 6 and n2, 7 and 75, 38.

Tarikh-i-Alfi, the,—or History of a thousand years, an historical work written by command of Akbar, 25 n2, 46 n 1, 310 and v 38, 406.

Tarikh-i-llahi, the,—or Divine era, the era instituted by Akbar, 316.

Tarikh-i-Nizami, the,—of Nizamu-d-din Ahmad, 102 and 75. 247 v1, 305, 874. Called generally the Tabaqat-i-Akbari (q. v.).

Tarjumanu-l-asrar, the,—a term ap- plied to Hafiz, the celebrated Persian poet, 423,

Mirza

Index.

Tarkhin Diwanah,—one of the Amirs of Akbar’s reign, 169, 170, 291, 320.

Tarkibband, signification of the term, 38l and 73,

Tarmah Beg,—one of the leaders of Akbar’s army, 292 [see page x]. Tarsin Muhammad Khan,—one of the magnates of Akbar’s reign, 31.

Same as the next two (q.v.).

Tarson Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 241 2. Same as the above and the next (q.v.).

Tarsin Muhammad Khan,—governor of Patan, 218, 282, 290, 295, 297, 298. See also the above two.

Tatar Khan, Governor of Dihli under Akbar, 95, 144,

Tatar langnage,—the branch of, 48 7 4.

Tatarcheh, name of Tatar Khan, Gov- ernor of Dihli, or of his son Dost Mubammad, 144,

Tat’ha, town of, 327, 328. See also the next and under Thathah.

Tattah, town of, 188, 314, 352, 870. See also the above and under Tha- thah.

Tattu Masnadi ‘Ali, one of the Amirs of the Panjab, 165. Probab- ly a misprint for Fatti Masnadi

Ohaghatai

‘Ali, which see.

Tauhid-i-[lahz, Divine Monotheism,— name of the new religious system of Akbar, 335.

Taurat,a Hebrew word, used to de- signate the Code of Chingiz Khan, the Moghul emperor, 46 7 3.

Taurat, the,—name by which the Pentateuch is designated in the Qur’an, 46 n 3.

Inde.

Tawdéchi, signification of the word, 74 n 5.

Tawaf, one of the ceremonies of the Hajj, or Pilgrimage, the encompass-

ing of the Ka‘bah, 40 n 2.

Tawaisi, Qazi, one of the camp-Qazis of Akbar, 104.

Tayib Khan, son of Muhammad Tahir Khan, Mir fardghat, the Comman- dant of Dihli,—one of the Amirs of Akbar’s army, 188 [see page vi].

Tazkiratu-l-auliyd, the,—a biography of Muhammadan saints, 270,

T’hanésar,—or

Thanessar, [Sanscrit Sthanegwara], a town about 100 miles from Dihhy, where there is a temple of Maha- deo, 94 and n 4, 228, 322, 330, 358.

Thathah, town of, 399, 406. See also under Tat’ha and Tattah.

Thibet, country of, 335. under Tibet.

Thirlwall’s Hist., 178 n 2.

Pathan Kings of Duithi,

See also

Thomas, 402 n 8.

Tib, Mulla, 289. Same as Mulla Taib of Kit’hal, the Diwan of the pro- vince of Bihar and Hajipir, which also see.

Tibet, country of, 129, 276, 388. See also under Thibet.

Timiir, the Mughul conqueror, called by the title of Qahib-i-Qiran, 1.e., Lord of conjunction, viz., of Inpiter and Venus, the two _ beneficent planets, 10 7 3, 61 » 5, 87 and n 1,

» 254, 276.

Timur Qahibqiran, Amir, 276. under the preceding name.

Timar Khin Badakhshi,—one of the

See

Ixxxili Amirs of the imperial army, 249, 252. Tir Khan attendants of Mirza Sharafu-d-din

Diwanah,—one of the

Husain (gq. v.), 57. Tirhut, district of, 307. Tirmizis Shamd@il, a collection of

Traditions regarding the figure

and looks of the Prophet, 318. Todah, town of,—the birth-place of

the author, 168, 262 [see page ix],

243, 258. See the next.

Todah Bihyin,—or

Todah Tark ‘Ali,—a town about 10 cosses §. W. of Rantambhor, 25 and 7 4. See the above.

Todar Mal,—the Hindi minister of Akbar, 64, 65. Rajah Todar Mal.

Toghlaq Abad;—an ancient fortress in the environs of Dihli, 6.

Tolak. See under Tulak,

Togan, or Elder brother, 7. [195 n1.

Toqbai,—name of a Chagtai tribe,

Translation of ‘Ali Hazin, Balfour’s, 85 x3. See also under ‘Ali Hazin,

Transoxiana, 14 and n 2, 45, 185, 190, 278, 365, 366.

Tughan, Mir,—an Ahad? in the ser- vice of Akbar, 367.

the vicinity of

See also under

Tughlaq-abad,—in Dihli, 6. Tukriya, a nickname given by the common people to Husain Khan, sister’s son of Mahdi Qasim Khan, for haying, when governor of Lahor, the sew on their garments a patch of stuff (Tukrd@) to distinguish them

from Muslims, 227.

ordered Hindis to

Ixxxiv

Tulabnah, town of, 166 n4. under Tulambah.

See

Tulak,—a servant of Bahadur Khan, Muhammad Sa‘id Shaibani (gq. v.), and governor of Dibialpir, 4.

Tulak Khian,—one of the Amirs of Malwah, 341. as the next.

Tulak Khin Qichin,—one of the old Amirs of Akbar, 54 and 2,

Probably the same

157, 424. He is called Qichin in the Tabaqit-i-Akbari. See also the next.

Tulak Khan Qurchi, 3. Same as

Tulak Khan Qichin (q. v.)

Tulambah, town of, 161 and n 1, 166 and 74. Sometimes called Tulab- nah.

Tumantogh,—or

Tumantoq, signification of the word, 846, 354,

Index.

Tiran, country of,—the land of the Turks, 298.

Turbat,—name of a tribe in Khura- san, 64 n 5.

Turk Subhan Quli,—one of the im- perial Amirs, 158, 169, 232, 249.

Turkey, 149.

Turkistan, 318.

Turkmans, the, 172, 375.

Turkomans, the. See the above.

Turks, the, 39, 47 m4, 248.

Tis, town of,—in Persia, 35 n 3, 317.

Tusani, title of Rai Manohar, son of Rai Lonkaran, Governor of Sam- bhar, 259.

Tuti-ndmah, the,—a famous collec- tion of tales, 186. [23 n 4,

Tuyzl lands, the,—not hereditary, but conferred for a specified time,

Tizuk-i-Jahangivt or the Memoirs of Jahangir, 390 n 2, 3914, 398 n 3.

Uchh, town of, 418 and n 1.

Udaipir, district and town of,—in Rajpitand, 106, 233 n1. See also the next and under Udipir.

Udaipir Komalmair, district of, 105. See also the above and under Udipir.

Udai Singh, Rana of Ghitor. See under Udi Singh and Rar Udi Singh.

Udaya,—the Hindi form of the name Udi, 48 n 2.

Udi,—name of persons, the Hindi Udaya, 48 7 2.

Cdipir or Méwar, a Rajpit State, 45 n8, 48, 249, 275 n2. See also

under Udaiptr and Udaipir Ko- malmair.

Udi Singh, Rai,—Rana of Chitor, 26 m2, See also under Rai Udi Singh.

Ujain.

Ujayn. See under Ujjain.

Ujjain, district and town of, 43 and n 8, 68, 105, 110, 158, 250, 3891. See the next.

Ujjayini, “victorious,”’ the name of Ujjain in Sanskrit, 43 n 3. See the above.

Uljah, signification of the word, 47,71.

Ulagh Beg-i-Gurgan, Mirza,—a most powerfal king of the House of Timir, 276.

See under Ujjain.

4.Cry

Index..

Ulugh Khan, the Abyssinian,— one of the Amirs of Gujrat, 145, 292.

Ulugh Mirza, son of Muhammad Sultan Mirza,—one of the descen- dants of the second son of the great Taimir, 87 n 1, 93, 105.

Ulur, Lake,—a lake between two mountains in Kashmir, called also Zain-lanka, 398 78.

‘Uman, Sea of,—the sea between India and Africa, 421 and n 3.

‘Umar Shaikh Mirza, second son of Timtr, 87 n 1.

Umm Kulsiim, daughter of ‘Ali, son of Abi Talib, 328.

Ixxxv

Ummaiya, sons of,—the Damascus dynasty of Caliphs, 248,

Ummid ‘ Ali,—one of the servants of Mirza Sulaiman of Badakhshan and administrator of the affairs of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayin, 62.

Undchah, town of, 391 and n4. Spelt in our maps Oorgha. [poet, 387.

‘Urfi of Shiraz, Mulla,—a celebrated

Uriah, of Scripture, 349, [n6.

Urumiyeh, Lake of,—in Persia, 243

Uymagqs, the,—a Turkish tribe, 355.

Uzbeks, the, 75, 83, 303, 355, 366, 367, 409, 416,

Vadi, from the Sanscrit Vadya,— meaning of the word, 3l5n1.

Vakil or Prime-minister, office of,— the first of the four officers of the empire, 29, 34, 70 n 4.

Vazir, office of,—the second of the four officers of the empire, 70 n 4. See alse the next two words,

Vazir-i-kul, 290 n 2.

Vazir-i-Mutlaq,—one of the High Officers of the 290 1 2. Same as the Diwdn-i-kul, or Head of the twelve of the

empire,

Diwans empire.

Vazir Khan, brother of Acaf Khan, Khwajah ‘Abdu-l-Majid of Harat, 78, 86, 94nd m2. See also under Wazir Khan,

Vazir Khan, title of Isma%l Quli Khan, son of Wali Bég Zu-l-Qadr, (q. v.), of the great Amirs of Akbar, 297, 298.

Vazir Khan Jamil Bég,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 290.

Vazir Khan, title of Malik Sani Kabihi, vaztr of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, son of Humiayin, ruler of Kabul, 300.

Vedas, the, 215 m1.

Venus,—one of the Sa‘dain or two beneficent planets, the other being Jupiter, 87 n 1.

Vibhishana, brother of Ravan, the

ruler of lLanka,—joins Rama against his brother, 847 n 3. Vikrama-ditya,—Sanscrit form of

the name Bikramiajit, (g. v.), 184 n2. 7 Vira-vara, or best warrior, 16476. See under Birbar Rajah. Vrihaspati Mana,—the common luni- solar year of the Hindus, 367 8. Viiller’s Lewicon Persico-Latinum, 196 n 4, 311 n 4, 898 n 5, 405 n 8, 423,

Ixxxvi

Index.

Ww.

Wahdat ‘Ali, brother of Jallalah the Rogshanai, (q. v.), 401.

Wais Mirza, son of Mirza Biiqra, son of Mirza Mangiir,—a descendant of the second son of the great Taimir, 87 n 1.

Wajihu-d-din, Shaikh,—a learned and profound sage, 385.

Wajihu-l-mulk,—one of the Amirs of Gujrat, 145,

Wajrail, district of,—in the Sawalik Monntains, 129.

Wali Bég Atkah, 35. See under Shah Wali Bég Atkah.

Wali Bég the Turkoman,—one of the officers of Bairam Khan, the Khan

_ Khanan, 4. See the next.

Wali Bég Zu-l-Qadr,—one of the partisans of Bairam Khin, the Khan Khanan, 33, 35, 388. See the above.

Wali Na‘mat Bégum,—or

Wali Ni‘mat Bégum, wife of Mirza

Sulaiman, ruler of Badakhshan, 61 and 7 6, 89, 90, 217, 425,

Wasi‘, or wide, 60 nl. Seo under ‘Abdu-l- Wasi‘.

Wazir Khan, brother of Agaf Khan, Khwajah ‘Abdu-l-Majid of Harat, —one of the great Amirs of Akbar, 86, 89 and 72, 169, 170, 171, 173, 296. See also under Vazir Khan and the next.

Wazir Khin, Governor of Gujrat, 256. Same as the above.

Wazirpir Mandalgarh, town of, 105. Called simply Mandalgarh or Man- dal Garh, which also see.

William, the Conqueror,—his falling down on landing in England, 40 ni.

Wilson and Mill, History of British India, 240 n 3.

Wilson’s Glossary of Indian Yerms, 871 n 2.

Yadgar Kal, nephew of Mirza Yusuf Khan Razwi, governor of Kashmir, —makes himself Sultan of Kashmir for a short while, 394, 395, 396.

Yaha [Yahya], Khwajah, son of the celebrated saint the Khwajah Ahrar, 57.

Yahyapir,—a place in the environs of Sounpir where the waters of the Ganges and the Gowadi meet, 179.

Yak, [Bos Grunniens], the Khita-i bull, 377.

Yakaspah,—one of the divisions of the Ahadi troopers, 194 and 2. Yaklana, used incorrectly for the district of Baglana, 151 n 1.

Ya‘qib Qirfi or Qarfi of Kashmir, Shaikh,—a great writer and antho- rity on religious matters, 127, 139, 266, 407, 417. Qarfi is his takhal- lug or poetical name.

Ya‘qib of Kashmir, Mir,—Wakil of Husain Khan, governor of Kash- mir, 128,

Index,

Ya‘qiib, Dihli Fazilat Shershahi,—for ten years Qazi of the realm and then district Qizi of Gaur, 104, 212, 213, 285.

Ya‘qiib, son of Yasuf Khan Kashmiri, Governor of Kashmir before its conquest by Akbar, 365, 380.

Yar,—title of Yar Muhammad, son of Cadiq Khan, 391.

Yar Muhammad, alteration of such

Qazi,—an inhabitant of and son-in-law of Qazi

names in the reign of Akbar, 324.

Yar Muhammad, son of Qadiq Khan, —one of the attendants of Prince Sultan Murad, the second son of Akbar, 391.

Ya Sin,—title of the 36th chapter of the Qur’an, considered and often used as aname of Muhammad, 35 and n 4.

Yathrab [Yathrib],—old name of Madinatu-n-Nabi, ¢.e., Medina, in Hijaz, 324, [267.

Yazd, town of,—in Persia, 214, 230,

Yazidi,—nickname of Mulla Muham- mad of Yazd, (q. v.), 214. [82 1.

Yemen, country of, [Arabia felix],

Yule, Colonel,—his edition of Marco Polo, 405 n 2.

Zafr Khan, Commandant of Patnah and Bihar, 235. Probably we should read Muzaffar Khan, cf p. 244 1, 19 and note 3.

Zain Khan Kokah,—one of the great Amirs and generals of Akbar, sometime governor of Kabul, 345,

Ixxxvii

Yisuf, the Patriarch, 132.

Yusuf Khan, Kashmiri, Governor of Kashmir before its conquest by Akbar, 363, 364, 365.

Yusuf Khan Mashhadi, Mirza, 96 and m1. See under the next.

Yusuf Khan Mirza, son of Mir Ahmad- i-Razawi,—one of the great Amirs of Akbar and Governor of Kashmir after its conquest fromYisuf Khan Kashmiri, 96 andz1, 165, 178, 185, 376, 380, 394, 395, 396, 398. His name has also appeared as Mirza Yisuf Khan Mashhadi and Mirza Yasuf Khan Razawi.

Yusuf Khan Razawi of Mashhad, Mirza, 376, 394. above name,

Yisuf Muhammad Khan, son of Shamsu-d-din Atkah Khan,—one of the Amirs of Akbar, 34, 77.

Yisuf Zai,—chief of the Yisufzai Afghans, 376. a

Yisufzai Afghans, the,—the Afghans of Sawad and Bijor, 383. the next.

Yusufzais, the,—an Afghan tribe, 369.

See under the

See also